ROTHSCHILD influence in the United States of America is of very long standing, but there is no reason to believe the story that the Jew Haym Solomon who helped to finance the War of Independence was an agent of the family, as he died in 1785, before Amschel Rothschild became an international financier. In 1837 the Rothschilds sent an agent of theirs to establish offices in New York. This was a Jew called Schoenberg, whose name was changed to August Belmont, and who professed Christianity. This Jew had had experience both in the Frankfort and the Naples branches of the Rothschild connection. From 1844 to 1850, Belmont was, through Solomon Rothschild’s influence, made the Austrian Consul-General at New York; he then resigned as a protest against Austria’s treatment of the Hungarian revolutionary, Kossuth. (It is noted here that Kossuth was a friend of Lord Palmerston). In 1853, Belmont became U.S.A. representative to the Netherlands, living at the Hague for several years. After that, in 1860, he became Chairman of the Democratic National Committee. Altogether it is clear that Belmont had a tremendous power in the United States. He became enormously rich and married the daughter of Commodore Matthew Perry who “opened up” Japan to the western nations. Meanwhile, the Rothschilds “established offices in the Southern States of the U.S.A. for the purchase of wool, which they shipped to France, where they marketed it . . . . They bought up whole tobacco harvests for supplying the tobacco requirements of the various States. Their own ships carried the enormous cargoes between the United States and France.” (A, Vol. II., p. 387). Thus, when the Civil War (1861-5) broke out between North and South, the Rothschilds of Europe were obviously very deeply involved on both sides. It is important to remember here that they were never in good odour with Napoleon III., who borrowed not from them but from other Jews. Napoleon III. had very definite plans as to the future of America, and the Rothschilds evidently had a somewhat similar scheme. The distrust of Napoleon III. for the Rothschilds, however, made it impossible for them openly to support him in his efforts with money. Napoleon III.’s idea was to establish a new Empire by acquiring Mexico and some of the Southern United States, and he wanted Britain to come in with him to compel the North to abandon the blockade of the Southern ports. The South (the Confederates), hard-pressed, were trying to secure Napoleon III.’s intervention in their favour, which they hoped to get by offering him some territory, viz.: Louisiana and Texas. The Confederate Government had the Jew Judah P. Benjamin as their Secretary of State, and the Jewish Encyclopædia (B, Vol. III., p. 30) removes all doubt as to what was going on, for it says:
That Benjamin had, before the Civil War, actually conversed with Napoleon at Biarritz on this very subject of a French Dominion in America is revealed in Clew’s Fifty Years in Wall Street (Z.3, p. 62). Aided by Jewish loans, through the Credit Mobilier and backed by the Pereira firm, Napoleon’s nominee, Maximilian of Austria, landed in Mexico in 1864 to become its short-lived Emperor. But the plot failed. Britain would not play her part. The man who prevented it was Tsar Alexander II. of Russia! He sent his fleet, such as it was, across the ocean and put it at Abraham Lincoln’s disposal, so that the British and French knew that if they attempted to carry out the scheme of Napoleon III., they would find themselves engaged in hostilities with Russia. This bit of secret history has never been allowed to become public property. At the time, the Tsar himself did not advertise it because, immediately afterwards, he was forced by the European situation to make friends with Napoleon III. That the Russian fleet was in American waters at the time, under the command of the Tsar’s brother, and was “invited” by Secretary Seward, and that this prevented France and Britain from carrying out their plans is confirmed by Clews (Z.3, p. 59). Clews regarded the presence of the Russian fleet as a lucky incident, but the British and French Government obviously considered it was deliberate. Now what did the Rothschilds want? Their desires may be estimated fairly accurately by quoting the opinion given by Disraeli on the future of America when the Civil War was over:—“It will be an America of armies, of diplomacy, of rival States and manoeuvering Cabinets, of frequent turbulence, and probably of frequent wars.” (Annual Register, 1863, N.S. cv. 21). Disraeli was Lionel Rothschild’s mouth-piece. The Rothschilds wished to reproduce in America the chaotic conditions obtaining in Europe whereby they ruled all States; a united America would be too powerful for them; it must be split, and now was the time to do it, but it was awkward that Napoleon III. would not work with them! What were they to do? There was only one answer. Support both sides and prevent a win outright for either side, and so force apart the North and the South, with the possibility of the North becoming annexed to Canada. In practice, this meant helping the weak South more than the strong North. That was what the British Government actually did; in spite of much liberal sentiment in sympathy with the North, British policy veered round in favour of the South, and the Confederacy was recognised by it and assisted directly by allowing ships to be built, fitted and even manned for it in British ports; so much so, that, as is well known, Britain had subsequently to pay damages for the activities of the Alabama and Florida on the high seas. August Belmont in New York supported the North “with the greatest vigour.” “His most valuable service, perhaps, was a constant correspondence with influential friends in Europe, the Rothschilds and others, in which he set forcibly the Northern side in the great conflict.” (Z.4, Vol. II., p. 170). The Encyclopædia Britannica (R, Vol. III., p. 710) also says that he energetically supported the Union and exerted his influence on financiers in England and France in support of the North. Lionel Rothschild thought that the North would win, says Roth (L). Meanwhile, the other Rothschilds invested heavily in the bonds of the South and so ultimately of course incurred heavy losses. (B, Vol. X., p. 496). The Rothschilds, I repeat, backed both sides, their material interests being on both sides, and their political interests requiring a long war and a stalemate, which could only be produced by giving more help to the South than to the North. Had August Belmont any contacts with Judah P. Benjamin, the Jew who was first Attorney-General, then Secretary for War, and finally Secretary of the Confederate Government? I find he had. Belmont’s wife, a Gentile, had an uncle John Slidell (1793-1871), a partner in the law firm of Slidell, Benjamin & Conrad, in Louisiana, and of which Judah P. Benjamin was also a partner! This can hardly be a coincidence; it was obviously Cohen-cadence! Further, Slidell was one of the two commissaries that the Confederacy sent to France to purchase munitions and arrange for supplies, shipping and other help for the South. Slidell was on familiar terms with Napoleon III. (Z.3, p.p. 60-68), and approved of Napoleon’s Mexican Adventure. (Z.4). His daughter married Baron Frederick Emil D’Erlanger, head of the Jew banking firm in Paris, whose father, Baron Raphael Erlanger of Frankfort had been confidential representative of the Rothschilds. The Erlanger firm financed the Confederates (Confederate States of America, by J. C. Schwab, p. 102, New York, 1901) and I have no doubt were assisted by their patrons the Rothschilds, who could do nothing openly because of Napoleon III.’s hearty distrust of them. The Erlangers were also agents for the Credit Mobilier, Rothschilds’ rivals. Abraham Lincoln tried to introduce State Loans to free the people of America from the clutches of the bankers. We need not be surprised therefore that August Belmont “strongly opposed the nomination and election of Lincoln.” (Z.4, Vol. II.). Lincoln financed the Civil War on state credit, and for that he was murdered in 1865 by the Jewish actor Booth. This Booth was neither a Southerner nor ever owned a slave (A New American History, by W. E. Woodward, 1938, p. 475). An attempt to murder Seward was made the same evening; Seward was the man who gave the invitation to the Russian fleet. An attempt against the Tsar himself was made in Paris in the following year and in 1881 he was blown to pieces by a bomb. Lincoln, Seward and the Tsar were the three people who had chiefly prevented the Jewish partition of the United States! President Garfield, who held the same views about the true nature of national credit as Lincoln did, was also duly assassinated. “Lionel Rothschild had a large share in the successful funding of the United States National Debt.” (B, Vol. X., p. 501). This would be the Funding Act, 1866, after the Civil War, which retired a large number of greenbacks (State Credit Notes) although the process was suspended within two years. In 1893, Pierpont Morgan, Belmont and the Rothschilds supplied the U.S.A. Government with three-and-a-half million ozs. of gold in exchange for bonds carrying four per cent. interest and at a price far below the current market price of such securities. This transaction was very unpopular in the States, and with good reason, for the relief offered to the country’s finances was only of ten months’ duration after which the situation was worse than ever. Then, however, the U.S.A. Government floated a loan selling its bonds to the public, with gratifying results. (A History of the American People, by S. E. Forman, 1922, p. 647). August Belmont, the Rothschild representative, became Grand Sachem of the Tammany Society which ran Tammany Hall, the centre of boss rule and corruption in New York; this position was extremely useful to the House considering the amount of Rothschild money that was invested in New York. Tammany Hall is a sort of Gentile front for the Jewish Kehilla, or Jewish secret government. August Belmont died in 1890. His sons, Perry and August, were both prominent in the corrupt politics of the country. Perry Belmont was Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, 1885-9, and Minister Plenipotentiary to Spain, 1888-9, and held other important posts. The second August Belmont had a son, Morgan Belmont, and through him a grandson, John Mason Belmont; he carried on the firm for the Rothschilds until his death and now Morgan represents the family in it. |