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rty of Hitler, 

the National Socialist German Workers' Party 


its General Conceptions 
by GOTTFRIED FEDER 

translated by E.T. S. Dugdale 


M4AV 






























































he Programme 

of the N.S.D.A.P. 

and its General Conceptions 

by 

Gottfried Feder 

translated by E.T.S. Dugdale 



Published by Frz. Eher Nachf., G.m.b.H., Munich 2 NO 























All rignts reserved, especially 
that of translation. 


Printed by J. G. WeiB’sche Bucbdruckerei, Munich 


Historical Account of the Rise of the 
N.S.D.A.P. with a Biographical Survey of the 

Career of Adolf Hitler 

Adolf Hitler was bom on April 20 th, 1889, at Braunau on the Inn, 
a village of the old Bavaria. 

His father was the orphaned child of a poor peasant and worked his 
way up to being a Customs Official. His mother came from a German 
peasant family. When he was 13 years old he lost his father, and four 
years later his mother. Adolf Hitler was then a scholar at the Real- 
s c h u 1 e at Linz on the Danube, after leaving the National School. It had 
been his father’s wish that he should become an official, but his own desire 
was to be an artist. His mother’s death obliged him without further delay 
to earn his own living. 

At IT years old Hitler went to Vienna, where he aimed to become an 
architect. He earned a living by his own efforts, first as a builder’s la¬ 
bourer, mixing the mortar, then as an architect’s draughtsman. At 18 years 
old he was already taking an interest in politics; he became anti-Marxist, 
but so far took no leading part. From his earliest youth Hitler had been 
passionately Nationalist, and his hope was to combine the social ex¬ 
periences of his working period with his nationalist convictions. For several 
years he lived in Vienna in extreme poverty. 

In 1912 he migrated to Munich, where he was a student. He had 
never known youthful enjoyments, but ever since the day when he left 
home with 50 kronen in his pocket, labour and privation had been his lot. 

In February, 1914, he succeeded in getting free from the obligation 
to serve in the Austrian Army. Six months later war broke out. He 
immediately volunteered for service in the German Army, and obtained, 
by a direct appeal to King Ludwig of Bavaria, permission to enter a 
Bavarian regiment as a volunteer for the war. On October 10 th, 1914, 
the new regiment marched forth. 

On December 2nd, 1914, the 25-years old volunteer was awarded 
the Iron Cross, 2nd Class. 

In recognition of his bravery in the ataack on the ‘Bayernwald’ and 
in the other engagements near Wytschaete, he was ordered to take on 
duty as a despatch-carrier, which demanded especial courage and reliabi¬ 
lity, for reports had often to be carried across open ground under heavy 
fire. This quickly made his name known throughout the regiment beyond 
the narrow circle of his comrades. 

On October 7 th, 1916, he was wounded by a shell splinter. In March, 
1917, he returned to his regiment. He received several other distinctions, 


3 
















■ 


including a Regiments-Diplom for special bravery in the fights 
near Fontaines, and finally the Iron Cross, Class I. 9 gm 

On October 1^ th, 1918 he was severely injured alonq with manu 

th^utiL 1 for^h r TTr by th , e 1 Mustard Gas w hich the British were 
then using for the first time, and he .was temporarily blinded Whilst he 

was in hospital the Revolution broke out. 

On this Hitler resolved to become a politician. In 1919 he joined with 
a small party consisting of 6 men and on it he founded the National 
ociahst German Workers’ Party. He drew up in outline the Programme 
of the new movement, and settled its character and aims. 9 

The Nucleus: Seven Men. 

hp t l n JX embe ^ Adolf Hitler made his first speech to seven men- 

Q20 97 n , f S n d J Ud ‘ e t nCeS ° f “• 25 ’ in December 111; in JanuZ 
1920, 270, and shortly afterwards 400. On November 14 th, 1920 he spoke 

at a mass-meeting of 1700. He now organised the propaganda of the 
f a ° t “" 9 . W n e u„f te . r a year's work numbered 64 members. A gear 

i„ m l 92 ° — * d , alread 9 reached 3000. Hitler’s propagandist activitu 
m Munich was such that he was finally addressing mass-raeetinqs three 

‘XcXV Zt’Z d r ffl0 f f a as he carned on a course of TnstruXon He 
attacked first and foremost the folly of Versailles and denipri tho 

MHMhat Treaty th ® C . entre Part 9. etc - that it’was possible to 

rulhl that Treaty He pilloried the slogan of these Parties — “Give uo 

fhaf a a fter S ' a a r n m VhL 0t f erS ^ alS0 disarm ’’ He spoke on ‘he assumption 
arm if g ‘ Ve " " P bp us the rest would continue to 

~ 1 f nat ™ th thGir °wn money, then with the millions wrung from 

od the m s Pn H nnd a r me f d T* " ati0 c n - Whilst °PP° s * n 9 the propaganda 

that th the S ^mr wn„M ? tre m faV a " r ? f Si9 " ing the Treat y- he Propheded 
tnat the Kuiir would be occupied, whatever we signed. 

1921. 

. Thls year was marked by the foundation of the first local groups 
at Rosenheim and Landshut. Hitler organised the first body of men to 
protect the Party and began his fight against the Separatist movement 

CircusTn'Munkh. eadGr addressed a meetin 9 of over 5000 in the 

ho1n He meedn 9 s ^at fulfilment of the Treaty would not 

nrlcn aS f th - G S,P ‘ D ‘> CGntre a * d Volkspartei asserted, to build up German 

bound Gr fn 1 L Pea f C i e f and quiet ’ b , Ut that the result of that fooIish pohey was 
bound to be inflation on a large scale, involving immense injury to 

German industry. Hitler’s assertion that the black-red Government was 

‘b^p n ^rpd°r dC ^A ah0n ff 1Se the State RaiIwa y s was declared to be a 
bare-faced he An attempt at a revolt within the Party was defeated. 

powers r3fted the n6W Constitution of the Par tyf which gave him dictatorial 

c o;?, c o ial Democr 3cy, which was unable to continue to ignore the name 
Hitler, now attempted to get rid of its bug-bear by methods of 
terrorism. There were sanguinary collisions at the meetings, in which our 
leader s iron nerves maintained the upper hand. An invincible body-guard 

4 




»•. formed in the course of them, which thenceforward was named the 
Morin Detachment’. 

1922. 

Whilst the conquest of Munich was proceeding, the movement was 
i < giiming to spread throughout the rest of Bavaria. Hitler rejected all 
• \ pi lures, by way of compromise, to join up with other Parties. He; 

.uluallii destroyed all similar ‘nationalist’ party formations, and made 
tin- National Socialist movement supreme over them. 

In October, 1922, Hitler marched at the head of 800 men to Coburg, 
nnd in twice 24 hours for the first time utterly crushed the Red Terror 
in Hint town. 

Adolf Hitler declared then publicly that we were rushing headlong 
in Hip direction of inflation, which he had foreseen as the result of the 
l><>1 m i| of the black-red coalition. He became known as the most dangerous 
mid best hated enemy of the system. Social Democracy and the Centre 
b.n Hi teased defending themselves by argument, and adopted a policy of 
defamation. 

1923. 

In January, 1923, the first great Party Conference was held, and the 
lirst banners of the Party were consecrated. The Storm Detachment was 
formally incorporated. 

The Party propaganda was exhaustively studied and improved, and 
1 he permanent principles of the organisation were settled and established. 
Adherents gathered round Hitler in large numbers, the majority of whom 
are to-day his stedfast partners in the struggle. The attacks on him were 
meanwhile pursued with increasing determination; he found himself in 
prison for the first time on the charge of disturbing the meetings of his 
adversaries; he was constantly fined. Nevertheless he never for one moment 
ceased fighting against the system. 

During the summer of 1923 Adolf Hitler proceeded to break down the 
Red Terror in the majority af the towns in Bavaria; Ratisbon, Hof, Bayreuth, 
Nurenberg, Fiirth, Ingolstadt, Wurzburg, Schweinfurt, — often at the cost of 
bloodshed in street fights, in which he defeated the Social-democratic and 
Communist terrorist bands. 

His struggle against the incompetent Government of the Reich was 
accompanied by bitter accusations. He prophecied the ill-success of 
the Government’s feeble resistance in the matter of the Ruhr, and con¬ 
stantly attacked the stupid policy of an understanding with France, and 
that of fulfilment. He never failed to point out the necessity of an under¬ 
standing with England and Italy. 

In November, 1925, Adolf Hitler made his attempt to overthrow the 
system. The rising failed, and Hitler was arrested. 

1924. 

The great Trial took place in Munich in March, 1924. Though found 
guilty on the facts, our leader achieved overwhelming moral justification. 
Hitler’s defence influenced the Court to such an extent, and his assumption 
of sole and exclusive responsibility was so convincing, that the speech 
of the counsel indicting him turned into a remarkable testimony to his 


5 









honourable motives. The Judge however condemned him to a period of 

The. National Socialist Party suffered by the loss of its leader. Its 
adversaries were convinced that the movement was done for and took 
courage to sign the infamous Dawes Pact, thus deliberately starting the 
system of the plundering of Germany which was brought to a head in the 
Young Plan. What a triumph for the Social Democrats and the Centre! 
ine objective of the enslavement of Germany was apparently achieved! 

In vain Hitler tried through his associates, who were at liberty to 
put up a fight against the Dawes Pact. In vain he made them declare in 
public that the assurances of the Centre Party, the S.P.D. and the 
Volkspartei, that the foreign loans under the Plan would increase national 
prosperity, that unemployment would cease, that wages would be raised 
and taxes reduced, that agriculture would be saved, were merely a de¬ 
ception of the nation. In vain he made them point out that the Dawes Pact 
was bound to increase poverty, since the interest on the loans would 

C f iP P f £ M^ dUStry ’ whllst the loans themselves merely served the purpose 
o ruifiLing the financial obligations under the Plan; bankruptcy and 
unemployment would increase, wages would sink, prices and taxation 
would rise still further, and the farmers would be faced with utter 
ruin and be forced to part with all they possessed. 

On December 20th Hitler quitted the fortress. 

1925. 

By February 27 th, 1925, Adolf Hitler’s call for the re-birth of the 
Party went forth, and he made his first speech after his imprisonment be¬ 
fore an audience of 4000 persons. 

National Socialist movement had been broken up after the events 

° f T 9th ’ and a11 its P r °Perty and money had been confiscated; 

so that Adolf Hitler now started with nothing in hand to rebuild the Party 
from its foundations. Vorwarts and Germania in Berlin made fun of 
his efforts and mocked at the “fool whom imprisonment had made mad”. 
Nevertheless the reconstruction of the Party proceeded with great rapidity 
under Hitler s leadership. The old leaders gathered faithfully round him once 
more. Hitler stimulated the Party press into fresh activity. 

By December, 1925, the Party numbered 27,000 members. 

The Centre and the Social Democrats in alarm decreed that the leader 
should not speak in public for two years. 

1926. 

June of this year saw the first Conference of the Party since Hitler’s 
imprisonment. 

The bourgeois world were still convinced that the policy of fulfilment 
would save Germany and that the Dawes Pact would revive industry. The 
Marxists weie convinced that their domination was unshakable. 

President von Hindenburg separated from his supporters and marched 
off with the Centre and S.P.D. 

The Party carried on the struggle; by the end of the year it 
numbered 49,000 members. 


1027, 

Hie order forbidding Hiller In .peak in public was withdrawn, since 
II was found impossible to enforce II. lie addressed numbers of mass meet 
bur. ihich month saw the Party more and more firmly consolidated. 

Developments all round proved with greater and greater force that 
I Idler had been right. The Dawes Pact was unmasked, and its con 
yuences were terrific. The Social Democrats and Centre Party attempt 
id to save what might be saved by means of lies and abuse. 

In August Hitler summoned a Party Conference at Nurenberg, which 
proved a great success. By the end of the year the Party numbered 
/.\000 members. 

1928. 

Adolf Hitler led his Party in an intensified assault on the existing 
11 l < iit. National Socialism was now the inexorable enemy of the de 
.i myers of Germany within and without. Hitler directed his attack espe 
(Killy against the senseless ruining of the farmers and middle classes, lie 
pmphecied the catastrophe which would fall upon the home markets. 
He declared at hundreds of meetings again and again that the policy 
of fulfilment was lunacy, and that its consequences would mean death mid 
ruin to German industry. The Social Democrats and Centre mocked mid 
jeered in their attempt to get their revenge. Their lies and abuse were 
directed at Hitler personally. 

By the end of the year the membership numbered 108,000, and 12 
members of the Party sat in the Reichstag. 

1929. 

Adolf Hitler continued his fight with the existing system willi 
untiring energy. The Press of the Party was perfected, the Storm De ¬ 
tachment increased, the SS formations strengthened, and the propa¬ 
ganda intensified. The doctrines of National Socialism began to penetrate 
deeply into the national consciousness. 

On August 4 th the second Party Conference took place at Nurenberg 
on a tremendous scale. Hitler attacked the black-red system with ever in¬ 
creasing energy and stood forth without a rival as the most powerful 
leader against all that was meant by ‘Democraty’. All attempts to oust 
him from the leadership of the Party were crushed. 

By the end of the year the Party numbered 178,000 members. 

1930. 

The struggle against the Young Plan was in full swing. Hindenburg 
defended it with energy, asserting that by it Germany would be saved, 
that German industry would revive, that unemployment would be stemmed, 
that the farmers would breathe again, and that it would be possible to 
lighten taxation. 

Adolf Hitler described such views as unreal and fatal; he prophecied 
the contrary. His Party proceeded to enlighten the nation amidst severe 
fighting. The opponents replied with a stream of lies. 


6 


7 














I he Elections to the Reichstag took place on September 14 th, 1930. 
The Party polled 6 V 2 million votes, and 107 members were elected Its 
internal organisation was stronger than ever. A few minor attempts at 
revolt, promoted from outside, were promptly crushed by Hitler and 
those who would not submit unconditionally were expelled. 

The Centre Party, which had now delivered itself into the hands of 
the S.P.D. for good or ill, began to excite the Church against Hitler. 
Bishops and Priests, belonging to the Centre Party, started a fanatical 
attack against the National Socialist movement, excommunicated its 
adherents, and even refused them Christian burial. Hitler held unshakably 
to his conviction that the Centre spelt ruin for Germany, and continued 
ms fight against it with even greater determination than before He 

sternly rejected any attempt to extort some modification of his opinions 
from him. 

By the end of the year the Party numbered 389,000 members. 


1931. 

i he fight against the Young Plan continued. The consequences fore¬ 
seen by Hitler became a reality. 

The Government began to administrate by means of emergency mea- 
sures thinking thus to save industry. Sharp disputes followed, in which 
Adolf Hitler again pointed out the fatal consequences of that policy. In 
a few months — a few weeks even — he was proved right. 


Meanwhile numbers of National Socialist newspapers had starded into 
life and the central publishing office of the Party had gradually grown 
to be a vast enterprise. The organisation had become highly efficient, and 
the Storm Detachment had in course of time reached a hiqh stage of 
development. 


Our opponents wallowed in lies, and were allowing orders for qoods to 
be placed in France. 

By the end of the year 1931 the membership of the Hitler Party 
attained to 806,000, a month later to 862,000, and again a month later to I 
920,000. On the day of the Election there were something like a million 
members, and untold millions of supporters at the Polls. 

The man who was once a poor worker and later a soldier at the 
front has thus in barely thirteen years built op the greatest political 
organisation which Germany has ever seen. The sole resources against 
this man which his oppenents can employ are lies and defamation. And be 
has always won so far in spite of all the lies, and this time he has come 
near to being elected President of the Reich. 

Has anyone in the whole history of Germany ever accomplished a 
similar achievement in twelve years, in face of opposition from Party, 

high finance, Capital, Press, public opinion, bureaucracy, lies, terrorism and 
persecution? 

This was no sheltered child; from his earliest years he has been a 
man in the highest sense of the word, relying solely on his own strength. 


8 


Preface 

Al Weimar in 1926 the Council of Hie Party decided to publish a series 

• •f pamphlets, dealing in a concise form with the fundamental questions 
ofieri lug every aspect of political life in Germany. Our intention was, and 
II, l<> present a consistent and complete picture of the attitude of National 
'.<•< mlism towards the various tasks of our public life, and of the means by 
' hit'll it hopes to remove its errors arid defects. 

Our task is therefore to examine exhaustively how it stands, then 
i<* enquire scientifically whence it originated, and finally, with 

• unlive inspiration, to answer the fateful question, what then? The 
inqli aim of these pamphlets is to indicate new methods for the life of the 
’►tali', for finance and economics; to set on high a ‘rocher de bronze’ 
in the midst of the chaos, to form a stock of clear knowledge by close 
•indy. \n that out of it all may emerge a united political will. 

Al Ihc great Meeting on August 31st, 1927, Adolf Hitler declared 
emphatically: “Questions of Programme do not affect the Council 
<■1 Administration; the Programme is fixed, and I shall never suffer 
Hiunges in the principles of the movement, as laid down in its Programme.” 
With this decisive pronouncement on the part of our Leader I associate 
myself whole-heartedly, for nothing is more dangerous to the life and 
striking force of a movement such as ours, than that, as time goes on, its 
fixed Programme should be subjected to negative criticism. 

No man who feels that he cannot go the whole way with us in the 
Jewish question, in our fight against high finance, the Dawes Pact and the 
pauperising policy, or in any other questions contained in our Programme, 
or is inclined to barter the liberty of the German nation through the League 
of Nations, the Locarno Pact, by compromise and cowardice, need apply to 
us; his place is outside the N.S.D.A.P. We utterly reject the ‘superior pri¬ 
vate knowledge’ which such as he are so ready to air in platform oratory 
and journalistic out-pourings. 

A man who agrees fundamentally with our principles may perhaps 
1 mve scruples about a few minor details, for we cannot expect evergone to agree 
absolutely on all questions, especially in an aggressive political movement. 

It is, however, a different matter when political enemies make mince 
meat of some one Point by odious misrepresentation quite beside the point, 
as has indeed happened. In such a case an official commentary is necessary. 
(See p. 19: Point 17.) 

We refuse to vary our Programme for reasons of expediency, as other 
Parties do, to suit so-called altered conditions. We intend to make condi¬ 
tions suit our Programme, by mastering them. 

I have been commissioned by Adolf Hitler to issue this series of 
pamphlets, which are to form the official literature of the Party. 

1 have included the official Manifesto of the Party of March 6 th, 1930; 
also my reply to ten questions (p. 14 et seq.) set us by the Deutsche 
T a <j eszeitun g, the leading organ of the Reichslandbund. That news¬ 
paper accepted my replies. 

This is the best and most effective way to dispose of all the lies about 
our ill-disposition towards ownership and inheritance of landed property 
in Germany. 


9 








1. Official Party Manifesto on the Position ol 
the N.S.D.A.P. with regard to the farming 1 

population and Agriculture 1 

Munich, March 6, 1930. 

1* Importance of the Farming Class and of Agriculture 

for Germany. 

The German nation derive a considerable portion of their food frottl 
importation of foreign food-stuffs. Before the world War we managed tol 
pay for these imports with our industrial exports, our trade, and ouiJ 
deposits of capital abroad, ihe outcome of the war put an end to this! 
possibility. 

To-day we are paying for our imported food mostly with the help ofl 
foreign loans, which drive the German nation deeper and deeper in debt! 
to the international financiers who provide credits. If things go on as they! 
are, the German poeple will become more and more impoverished. 

The only possibility of escaping from this thraldom lies in the ability I 
of Germany to produce essential food stuffs at home. Increased production I 
by German agriculture is therefore a question of life and death for the I 
German nation. ! 

Moreover a country population, economically sound and highly pro-1 
ductive, is essential for our industry, which will in future have more and ] 
more to look for openings in the home market. 

We also regard the country population as the bearer of the inheritance I 
of health, the source of the nation’s youth, and as the back-bone of its I 
armed strength. } 

Maintenance of an efficient agricultural class, increasing in numbers 
as the general population increases, is an essential plank in the National 
Socialist platform, because our movement considers the welfare of all our 
people in the generations to come. 

2. The present-day State’s neglect of the Farming class 

and of Agriculture. 

Agricultural production, which in itself is capable of being augmented, 
is being handicapped, because the increasing indebtedness of the farmers 
prevents their purchasing the necessities of cultivation, and because the 
fact that farming does not pay removes the inducement to increase pro¬ 
duction. 

The reasons why farming fails to give a sufficient return for the labour 
are to be sought: 


I in I lie existing fiscal policy, which lays undue burdens on agri- 

.. I bis is due to Party considerations, and because the Jewish world 

it.. market • which really controls parliamentary democracy in Ger- 

m,my wishes to destroy German agriculture, since this would place the 

..mu Million, and especially the working class, at its mercy; 

■ m ihe competition of foreign agriculturists, who work under more 

i , .. iMr conditions, and who are not hold in check by a policy of 

Iii n|, , lion for German agriculture; 

in the extravagant profits made by the large wholesale middlemen, 

< i," ilii ii'ii themselves in between producer and consumer. 

•I in tin* oppressive rates the farmer has to pay for electric power and 

m iilli ml manures to concerns mainly run by Jews. 

I lm high taxation cannot be met out of the poor return for labour on 

Hu ImiiI I he farmer is forced to run into debt and to pay usurious in- 

Irn'M Ini' loans. He sinks deeper and deeper under this tyranny, and in 
iin* mil forfeits all that he possesses to the Jew money-lender. 

I he German farming class is being expropriated. 

>. In the Reich, as we hope to see it, the rights of Land 
.hall he respected and there shall be an Agricultural 

Policy for Germany. 

There can be no hope of any sweeping improvement in the conditions 
nl poverty of the country population, or of a revival of agriculture, as 
long as the German Government is in fact controlled by the international 
m<mry magnates, helped by the parliamentary-democratic system of go- 
vemment; for these desire to destroy Germany’s strength, which is based 
on the land. 

In the new and very different German State, to which we aspire, 
llie farmers and agriculture will receive the consideration which is due 
lo them owing to the fact that they are a main support of a truly 
national German State. 

From this emerge the following requirements: 

1. The land of Germany, aquired and defended by the German nation, 
must be at the service of the German nation, as an home and as a means 
uf livelihood. Those who occupy the land must adminster it in this sense. 

2. Only members of the German nation may possess land. 

3. Land legally acquired by them shall be regarded as inheritable 
property. To the right to hold property, however, is attached the obli¬ 
gation to use it in the national interest. Special Courts shall be appointed 
lo oversee this obligation; these shall consist of representatives from all 
departments of the land-holding class, and one representative of the State. 

4. German land may not become an object of financial speculation, 
(cf. Point 17. p. 19), nor may it provide an unearned income for its 
owner. It may only be acquired by him who is prepared to cultivate it 
himself. Therefore the State has a right of preemption on every sale of 
land. 


10 


11 








It is forbidden to pledge land to private lenders. The necessary lo^ 
for cultivation on easy terms will be granted to farmers either by assi 
dations recognised by the State, or by the State itself. 

5. Dues will be paid to the State for the use of land according to tf 
extent and quality of the property. This tax on land will obviate 
further taxation of landed property. 

6. No hard and fast rule can be laid down as to the amount of cult 
vation. From the point of view of our population policy we require larg 
numbers of small and middle-sized farms. Farming on a large seal 
however, has a very essential part to play, and, if it preserves a healt 
relation towards the smaller businesses, it is justifiable. 

7. A law of inheritance will be required to prevent sub-division 
property and an accumulation of debt upon it. 

8. The State shall have the right of appropriating land, suitable com 
pensation being granted: 

(a) when not owned by a member of the nation; 


Mm M'ltlemciil of prices for agricultural produce must be freed from 
jiMihri peculation, and a stop must be put to exploitation of the agri- 
ull hi ill Interest by the large middlemen, the transfer of whose business 
■ i * p I cultural associations must be encouraged by the State. 

it shall be the task of such professional organisations to reduce the 

..au| expenses of farmers and increase porduction. (Provision of imple- 

iih hi . manures, seed, breeding stock on favourable conditions, impro- 
| • in* til ., war against vermin, free advice, chemical research, etc.) The 
dnli- .hall provide full assistance to the organisations in carrying out 
iii'ii 1 task. In particular the State must insist on a considerable reduction 
in I la- cost to farmers of artificial manures and electric power. 

> ihc organisations must also establish the class of farm labourers as 
|n>mi'l l . of the farming community by contracts which are just in the 
|n< i■ 1 1 * use. Supervision and arbitration in these matters will be the func- 
n hi nl the State. It must be made possible for good labourers to rise to 
in -.i.iius of farm-owners. The much called-for improvement in living con- 


(b) when — by a judgment of the Land Courts — it is held that itJ 1 ' 1 " 111 ’ :mc * wages of farm labourers will ensue as soon as the general 


owner, by bad farming, is not acting in the national interest; 

(c) for the purpose of settling independent farmers on it, when th 
owner is not cultivating it himself; 

(d) when it is required for special State purposes in the national intere 

(e. g., communications, national defence). . r .__ ___ __ _ v _ _ ? 

Land acquired illegally (according to German law) may be confiscateJngh schools for agriculture, with very favourable terms for youths with 


I inning situation improves. When these conditions take a turn for the 
m I irr. it will be no longer necessary to employ foreign labour on the land, 
in id this custom will in future be forbidden. 

'1. The national importance of the farming class requires that the State 
[.hall promote technical education in agriculture. (Juvenile institutions. 


without compensation. 

9. It is the duty of the State to colonise land which has become avail-! 
able, by a scheme based on high considerations of a policy of population. 
The land shall be allotted to settlers as a hereditary possession under 
conditions which shall make a livelihood possible. Settlers shall be selected 
by examination as to their civic and professional suitability. Special favour 
shall be shown to sons of farmers who have not the right to inherit (see § 7)J 
Colonisation of the eastern frontiers is of extreme importance. In thi 


iilnit but no means.) 

Professional organisations cannot provide all the 
f.slslance required by the farming class; only the 
olilical movement of the N. S. D. A. P. for German liberty 

can do this. 

The country population are poor because the whole German nation is 


case the mere establishment of farms will not be sufficient but it' will bel. . 11 is an Grror to ima 9 ine that one sin 9 le class of workers can es- 

necessary to set up market towns in connection with the new branlcht ,,p<! . sharing tke ? 0r f UneS of * e German c ™munitu as a whole, - «"<* 

of industry. This is the only way to provide an opening for makinci the! tTlme to make ' ealousies between town folk and country folk, who 
-—r-- —s— - y ixuiiid together for good or ill. 


and 

are 


smaller farms a paying proposition. 


It will be the duty of Germany’s foreign policy to provide large I Economic assistance under the present political system cannot produce 
spaces for the nourishment and settlement of the growing population ofl' Permanent improvement, for political slavery is at the root our people’s 
Germany. ' mm — "mjk 

T The farming class must be raised economically and 

educationally. 

1. The present poverty of the land population must be at once 
relieved by remissions of taxation and other emergency measures. Further 
indebtedness must be stemmed by reducing the rate of interest on loans 


to that of the pre-war period by law, and by summary action agaimst tv ill have to be fought out from the point of view not of a single profes- 


extortion. 


2. It must be the State’s policy to see to it that farming be made 
to pay. German agriculture must be protected by tariffs, State regulation 
of imports, and a scheme of national training. 


loverty, and political methods alone can remove that. 

The old political Parties, which were, and are, responsible for the 
uitional enslavement, cannot be the leaders on the road to freedom. 

There are important economic tasks awaiting professional organisations 
ii our future State; even now they can do much preparatory work in that 
In (‘dion; but for the political struggle of liberation, which is to lay the 
omulation of a new economic order, they are not suitable; for that struggle 


don, but from that of the whole nation. 

The movement which will carry through the political struggle for 
liberation to the end is the N.S.D.A.P. 

(signed) Adolf Hitler. 


12 


13 











The Policy of the N.S.D.A.P. on Ownershi 

of Landed Property 

A Reply: by Gottfried Feder. 

The Deutsche Tageszeitung (No. 47) of January 25th, 191 
published a number of questions put to us by the leaders of the Brandei 
burg Landbund. Their main object was to obtain a definition of the attituc 
of the N.S.D.A.P. towards private ownership of land, inheritance, raising 
credits, tariffs, price regulation, profit-sharing, and towards questions 
general social-political and election-tactical interest. 

I. 

In order to allay anxiety with regard to any later arbitrary inter 
pretation of Point 17 of the Party Programme (see p. 19), the fir 
question was put in the following words: 

“Is the N.S.D.A.P. prepared to give a quarantee that it will not s 
its face against ownership of land.” 

Answer. National Socialism recognises private ownership as a pri 
ciple, and places it under State protection. (See p. 30 II. 8.) 

It will seek to maintain a healthy combination of all businesse 
small and great, in the economic life of the nation. (See p. 30 II. 12.) 

The spirit of the whole Programme proves clearly that Nation* 
Socialism, being a convinced and consistent opponent of Marxism, utterl 
rejects its ruinous central doctrine of general confiscation, and considers 
permanent agricultural class to be the best and surest foundation for th 
national State. 

But being also a determined opponent of the great capitalists whos 
aim it is to mobilise for themselves all agricultural values, and to oust th 
farmers by means of taxation and interest on loans, National Socialis. 
demands State protection of the farmers against aggression by the bi 
business interests. 

We need a strong, healthy class of farmers, free from the thraldo 
of interest and the tyranny of taxation. 

II. 

The second question was addressed to me personally, as having be. 
appointed by Hitler ‘final arbiter of all questions touching the Programme 

“What is the attitude of National Socialism towards inheritance c 
property, and succession duties?” 

Answer. Since it is the mainstay of the national idea, continuity o 
ownership, i. e. inheritance of the land which a man’s forefathers reclaime 
and cultivated, is a natural consequence. National Socialism therefore re 
cognises the principle of inheritance, as it does that of ownership of lane 

If property goes to distant relatives the National Socialist State wil 
levy a special tax, but in the case of nearer relationship this will be assesse 
at the rate prevailing at the moment. 


14 


hi. 

I In . question was set owing to anxiety — quite unfounded —regarding 
lit |mi?. Able consequences of prohibiting loans from private capitalists 
m Hi. security of the land. 

Answer. A State, which desires to make agricultural property free 
in.m debt, and to rescue the farmers from the claws of professional finan- 
Wi*ri. so many farmers having been, as it is, driven from their homes 
Li ihr Jews —, a State, which desires to break down the money monopoly 
Li capitalism and to abolish the thraldom of interest, is not likely to 
illilmld the necessary credits nor to charge extortionate interest; on 
in contrary, National Socialism intends to assist agriculture to the utmost. 

IV. 

"Breaking down the thraldom of interest.” Abolition of unearned in- 
..iii*'.. "What is the attitude of the National Socialist Party towards 
1 111 >it. 1 1 saved or inherited?” 

Answer. Has any farmer to-day an ‘unearned income’ out of demands 
lor interest, or can any landowner live on money saved from his rents? 

This means that there is anxiety among certain land-owners who still 
Live a little capital left, or else there is intentional mis-comprehension 
»r ignorance of that most essential demand of the National Socialist 
Programme. 

N. B. We mean literally “breaking down the thraldom of interest”. 
Mo one will describe small amounts of interest from savings or a mortgage 
ii a government loan, as the thraldom of interest. What we mean by 
l is when deliberate inflation has robbed us of all our savings, and the 
,u mcr Inis to pay interest on fresh mortgages and short term credits at 
ah-, which ruin him. 

Those who favour of sticking to the present system of capitalism are 
iqainsl the true interests of the farmers, and in favour of allowing the 
I>.mks and their agents to batten on agriculture. 

For the rest I would refer readers to my pamphlets entitled D e r 
l, In at auf nationaler und sozialer Grundlage, and Das 
I'rogramm d e r N.S.D.A.P. 

I V * 

Our policy as regards taxation states clearly and consistently: To 
free the consumer from the burden of indirect taxation, and the producer 
[irom taxes which cramp his business. 

“Does the Party intend to remove import duties?” 

Answer. The Landbund ought to be aware that the National 
Socialist vote in the Reichstag went absolutely in favour of protective 
duties on agricultural produce, in accotdance with its principle — Pro¬ 
tection of the nation’s work in town and country. 

VI. 

The question of Profit-sharing. 

It is impossible here to deal with this wide and difficult subject. In my 
weekly journal. Die F1 a m m e, I have described our attitude in detail in 
n number of articles. 

15 


mmmmm 











- r r 




The article in the Deutsche Tageszeitung is misleading, sii„ 
it removes from their context the sentences which it quotes. I personal 
consider that profit-sharing in the general sense of the capitalist ar. 
Marxist schools of ideas is not the correct solution. On this subject ol 
P rogramme refers to workers in factories, and there is no point in attempt 
ing to clear up the question in a pamphlet dealing with agriculture. 

VII. 

Extension of Old Age Insurance Benefits. 

“How is it proposed to raise the funds for this purpose?” 

Answer. There is provision now for Old Age Insurance, but it is 
many cases insufficient, and is regarded as pauperisation. Once the burdc 
of taxation is removed, and those who are now unemployed but able tq 
work are restored to the economic sphere, there will be sufficient means fc 
providing ample Old Age benefits for those who are past work. 

VIII, IX, X. 

These are merely questions to do with Party tactics, and not with an 
principle. 

Being in opposition against a coalition which has brought unhappin^.. 
to Germany, we have naturally now and again to vote with the Communis 
(although a whole world divides us from them), just as the Germa 
National and the Christian National Farmers do. We allow no one to dictat 
to us where we get our adherents from, but we turn to all — worker 
bourgeois and farmers — who have a good German heart in their bodi 
and are men of good will, and desire to see an end of Parliamen 
mis-government and the wretched policy of fulfilment (of the Peao» 
Treaties). We do not consider that ‘social communication’ with other Par¬ 
ties is a proper method of freeing the German nation from Marxism anc 
Parliamentarianism, for that leads to political bargaining. Nothing bui 
dictatorial action and determined exercise of power can pull Germanu oul 
of the mud. 

The nation wants not fine words, but forcefulness; not bargaining, bu 
solid work for our poor, down-trodden nation. 


i 11 


< altitude towards the permanent official class is surely a worthy 
»i«> Wt should not be such whole-hearted admirers of the great King 
if I'm . 1.1 if we were against this class. What the Army was abroad, a 
mm, in* or Tiiptible official class is for the State at home. Honour and duty 
iiit ii nun* again become essential qualities in our officials. The kind of 
Itli Inis, who are at the beck and call of the Reds and the Blacks, will 
ii'n,i-i" ar in the coming State; such Party wire-pullers have no use 
hi liminur and duty. 

i In- suggestion that the National Socialists are against the officials and 
nirml to reduce their pay and do away with pensions, is of the nature 
,l ii political lie, which has been circulated by the Press of our opponents. 

On the contrary, we desire to grant to all members of the nation who 
him served Germany faithfully all their lives long, a pension of honour 
lu ll will relieve them of cares in their old age. It is only thus that 
1 " ill nv.istance will be freed from the stigma of ‘pauperisation’. 

We must also refer to the extension of the pension idea to the indepen- 
li’iil hades and hand-workers. There is no need to worry about how we 
in lo raise funds for the purpose. When we cease paying thousands of 
Millions abroad each year, and still more to our own banking houses, a 
action of those sums will suffice to pay for Old Age Pensions. 


Assistance and Insurance. 


A full and clear account of the foregoing is given in No. 19 of th< 
National Socialist collection — Unser taglich Brot: Basic Ques¬ 
tions of German Agriculture; by Hermann Schneider, Eckert 
dorf, Kreis Namslau, regarding the whole policy of National Socialism witl 
respect to agriculture. It contains well conceived proposals for re-establish¬ 
ing the suffering farming class of Germany. 

No. 16, by Dr. Buchner, contains an excellent essay on the meaning 
and spirit of our economic policy. 

No. 12, by Colonel Hierl, describes our policy of national defence. 

We shall conclude with a few remarks on certain questions which 
our political enemies misrepresent spitefully and untruthfully in the hope 
of doing us an injury. 


vr 


II >1 


Unemployment 

II is not, in itself, the affair of the State to support with State funds 
n< n who are able to work. Our attitude towards the present system of 
l i-.i'.lunco for those who cannot earn a living has never altered; we have 
ilwnys pressed in Parliament for better conditions for the workless. This 
do, not because we think it a right state of things, but because a 
ernrnent like the present one, whose idiotic foreign and domestic policy 
carried labour, food production and all commerce to the edge of the 
. .. i; in duty bound to let its policy go by the board. 

/\ State which is unable to reinstate in the economic world millions of 
him who can work, deserves to be swept away; so if it fails financially 
In meet the problem of assistance to unemployment, we merely shrug our 
[boulders. 

The various attacks on the system of the dole, even if justified when 
In i) refer to cases of abuse of this social assistance, fail to turn us 
1*1111 the principle we believe in. Granted that, amongst nearly 3,000,000 
nu iiiployed there may be 2 or 300,000 notorious scrimshankers who would 
rmlily return to work if the dole were removed — we must not forget 
lml there remain at least 2 V 2 million good workers, employes, engineers, 
(•clinicians, foremen, clerks, etc. seeking desperately for work and unable 
In IiikI it. It is owing to the failure of our thoroughly unsound State 
Imlii'ii that it is impossible to make any change in the miserable unemployed 
lulc. 

A I I ;icks on Religion and the Clergy. 

We cannot declare too often that the N.S.D.A.P. is not dreaming of 
1 n.ichmg the Christian religion and its worthy servants. 

II is the corrupting policy of the Centre and the Bavarian People’s 
Marly which we attack; these lose no opportunity of crying “Church in 


16 


17 










Danger” except when they are making common cause with the atheis 

cal, God-denying Social Democracy. 

It is because we have so high and holy an ideal of man’s relation 
wards his God that we hate to see religion besmirched with the dirt 

political conflict. 


2. The 25 Points 


.. All citizens of the State shall be equal as regards rights and duties 
»' " must be the fi fod d u UtU The IndtduYTay Tot 

....unity and be for the general good. 

We demand therefore: 

II Abolition of incomes unearned by work. 

Abolition of the Thraldom of interest 

... view 0 f the enormous sacrifice of life and property demanded 

;; r ;.,ded i0 as b a U S ag^Te°natt^^ ruthless 

.. . of all war gains. 

,3 We demand nationalisation of all businesses which have been up 
II, e present formed into companies (Trusts). „ , 

_ we demand that the profits from wholesale trade shall 

The Programme of the German Workers’ Party is limited as to period^ | 1J|rt>( i ou ^ 
irsorWc bovo nn intpntion once the aims announced in it have been 


The National Socialist German Workers’ Party at a great massmeed 
on February 25th, 1920, in the Hofbrauhous-Festsaal in Munich announcl 
their Programme to the world. 

In section 2 of the Constitution of our Party this Programme 
declared to be inalterable. 


The Programme 


ine programme ui me ueimau vn«nmu ~ ■ , 

The leaders have no intention, once the aims announced, in it have-beet W e UKUiailu - ■ 

achieved, of setting up fresh ones, merely in order to increase the disl creation and maintenancc of a healthy middle class, 

content of the masses artificially, and so ensure the continued existence communalisat io n of wholesale hf^mP/cSerahon sZ 


15. We demand extensive development of provision for old age. 


the Party! Immediate U aders and that extrme consideration shall 

1. We demand the union of all Germans to form a Great Germany °r ,sl ; :i a cb ® ap u r ‘ * n purveyors to the State, district authorities and 
the basis of the right of the self-determination enjoyed by nations. • j£< 

2. We demand equality of rights for the German People in its dealing! 

_ _ j _rirvann TropfiDQ nf VprsHillQS 311(31 I / Wg Clem 


, /. We demand land-reform suitable to our national requirements 

S” . ~~ )■•••••»'!« and prevention 

* We ^a^l^t^ry ^ies) ^ the nourishment of J&. .„„„ in _ 


1, we aemanu equamy ui uyuw ~-- z - ... ~ 

with other nations, and abolition of the Peace Treaties of Versailles an 

St. Germain. 


sLm’SzrjmS: src-L.-*.** «. r .. a sjs^smx. — 


We demand ruthless J—on usurers', 


DUl UlUSe ui. uci iiiciii uluuu i - , ,. 

nation. No jew, therefore, may be a member of the nation. 

• I • _ . _ C ^ OIaIa tvinii litrn ir 


nation, ivo jew, iiituKiuiK, mciy ^ -7 . .*■ 

5 Anyone who is not a citizen of the State may live in Germany onm.uv. „ T aw which serves the materialistic 

as a guest and must be regarded as being subject to foreign laws ■ 19 . W e demand that the Roman Law, 1 ^ ^ ^ Gemany 

fi The riaht of votinq on the State’s government and legislation tl wo rl<l order, shall be replaced by 9 y , : ndllc;tr ; ous German 

U„' ritWon n f the State alone. We demand therefore the! with the aim of opening to every capab _the 


to be enjoyedby the citizen of the State alone. We demand tnereiore uu j 2 ().°With the aim of opening to every 

all official appointments, of whatever kind, whether in the Reich, in thJ )tll . poss ibilitg of higher education . f national system 

country, or in the smaller localities, shall be granted to citizens of th<J must consider a borough ^-construction must be 

Mol education. The curriculum _ nrnrHrftl life. Comprehension 


State alone. . 

We oppose the corrupting custom of Parliament of filling po 
merely with a view to party considerations, and without reference tC 

character or capability. , , , 

7 We demand that the State shall make it its first duty to promote 
the industry and livelihood of citizens of the State. If it not possible td 
nourish the entire population of the State, foreign nationals (non-citizens 
of the State) must be excluded from the Reich. 1 

8 . All non-German immigration must be prevented. We demand that 
all non-Germans, who entered Germany subsequent to August 2nd, 
shall be required forthwith to depart from the Reich. 


>1 education. The curriculum nractical life Comprehension 

.rough into line with the requirements of practical me. bomp 

„ -i igfu 109 s Adolf Hitler made the following declaration: 

' 'I'fneSmTo ^.0 the Ms, interpretation on the part ot our opponents ot 

l-ohd 17 of the Programme of the N.b.U.n.t'. orooertu, it is obvious that 

Since life N.S.D.fl.P. admits ^rfmoensation’ merely refers to possible legal po- 
lliv expression ‘confiscation Wlth( ^^^XaaUu acquired or not administered in accor- 
vvr. to confiscate, if necessary, ^ ^ accordance with national welfare. It is 

r/, JH; | IkC hrst instarfee against the Jewish companies which speculate in land. 
/Wunldi, April 13th, 1928. (signed) Adolf Hitler. 


18 













of the State idea (State sociology) must be the school objective, beginm 
with the first dawn of intelligence in the pupil. We demand developn 
of the gifted children of poor parents, whatever their class or occupat 
at the expence of the State. 

21. The State must see to raising the standard of health in the nat 
by protecting mothers and infants, prohibiting child labour, increas 
bodily efficiency by obligatory gymnastics and sports laid down by h, 

and by extensive support of clubs engaged in the bodily development 
the young. 1 

22 . We demand abolition of a paid army and formation of a natioi 


it it 


• H discussion at the General Meeting of members on May 22nd, 
ii i (••.olved that “This Programme is unalterable”. This does 
in 11 every word must stand unchanged, nor that anything 
cpen or develop the Programme is to be prohibited, but it 
ibsolute decision and unswerying clarity that the principles 
IHuliii'i ideas contained in it may not be tampered with. 

In ic i .m be no bending or twisting from considerations of expediency, 
'Men Interference with very important — and for the present-day 
11 infills in politics, society and economics, very unwelcome — 
lie Programme, no deviation of sentiment. 


in 


in 


II Miller prints its two main points in leaded type: 

The Common Interest before Self — 
the spirit of the Programme. 

Abolition of the Thraldom of Interest — 
the core of National Socialism. 

()uce these two points are achieved, it means a victory of the ap- 
• "lulling universalist ordering of society in the ‘true State’ over the 
m m ill-day separation of State, nation and economics under the corrup- 
iitl Influence of the individualist theory of society as now constructed, 
uiianuauy m ur inriuencing uerman newspapers and that the penalt * mm State of to-day, oppressing the working classes and protecting 
for contravention of the law shall be suppression of any such newspapei 1,1 l ,ilillGd 9 ains of bankers and Stock Exchange speculators, is the arena 
and immediate deportation of the non-German concerned in it H H 1,1 reckless private enrichment and for the lowest political profiteering; 

It must be forbidden to publish papers which do not conduce to th< " v ‘ 1 ' 1 ° " ,ought f t0 “ S P“P le . provides no high moral bond of 

national welfare. We demand legal prosecution of all tendencies in a P ower . of money most ruthless of a powers, holds absolute 

and Uterature of a kind likely to disintegrate our life as a naUon a J '""T " ,,d f™ 25 “H-upting, destroying influence on State nation. 
-<•. a ... p c a uauuu, <u« 0 ( -ic||j' m 0 rals, drama, literature, and on all matters of morality, less 


army 

23. We demand legal warfare against conscious political lying ar 
its dissemination in the Press. In order to facilitate creation of a Germ! 
national Press we demand: 

(a) that all editors of newspapers and their assistants, employing th 
German language, must be members of the nation; 

(b) that special permission from the State shall be necessary befor 

non-German newspapers may appear. These are not necessarily printed i 
the German language; 

(c) that non-Germans shall be prohibited by law from participatic 
financially in or influencing German newspapers, and that the penalt 


the suppression of institutions which militate against the requirement 
above-mentioned. 

24. We demand liberty for all religions denominations in the State 
so far as they are not a danger to it and do not militate against the mora 
feelings of the German race. 

The Party, as such, stands for positive Christianity, but does not bin 
itself in the matter of creed to any particular confession. It combats th 


imI to estimate. 

I here must of course be no wavering, no drawing back in this giant 
haggle; it is either victory or defeat. 

The somewhat varied view of the same basic principle, which I gave 
ii uni book, D er d e u t s ch e St a a t a u f n a ti o n a ler u n d s o z i a 1 er 
i i u ii (11 a g e, (F. Eher Nachf.) is not an alteration, but a series of 
.Is which belong together, collected and arranged according to various 


Jewish-materialist spirit within us and without us, and is convinced thaiMT T ’ De !° n! i togetner, collected ana arrange 
our nation can only achieve permanent health from within on the prlndpl J economic ’ fmancial - cultural - as P ects of llfe - 

II those views of mine (see p. 22) could be looked on as varying from 

I he Common Interest before Self. ,, opposed to the 25 Points, Hitler would never have described my book 

. I n 11 is brief preface as the “catechism of our movement”. Anyone is free 

25. that all the fore-going may be realised we demand the creatiuii <» choose either of the views according to his taste, but if he compares 

strong central power of the State. Unquestioned authority of the licni together he will not find them mutually contradictory, 

politically centralised Parliament over the entire Reich and its organisation; . . » p , T . . • a a 

and formation of Chambers for classes and occupations for the ournost 1,1 ordcr to insurG for thG futurG absoIute agreement in our demands 
of carrying out the general laws promulgated by the Reich in the various 1 t,v i ,nsscd in our Programme, and to guard the movement against the 

States of the confederation. " •!"•< 1c. likely to injure any movement, — the ‘suggestions for improvement 

lAQ < 0 r» l . iIIitciI by professional and amateur critics, grumblers and know-alls, 

tn (sarrifirp thmr r ^ swe . ar to go straight forward — if necessary i\,| ( ,n Hitler, at a conference of all district organisers held at Bamberg on 

vs 111 securing fulfilment of the foregoing Points. Vbmary 14th, 1926, formally appointed Gottfried Feder to be the final 

Munich, February 24th, 1920. inlqe ol all questions connected with the Programme. 


20 


21 














3. The Basic Ideas 

It is our intention in this pamphlet to expose the essential princiL 
of the National Socialist conception of the State as briefly and simply] 
possible. We shall in a later one deal in more detail with the socialogij 
theoretic and spiritual aspects of that conception. 

We shall also not attempt to describe the various other polit 
aspirations nor those who represent them in the different parties a| 
associations — this is a task by itself —, but we set down here merely 
essential points of our demands. 

The world arose out of chaos, order out of disorder, organisatil 
out of wild confusion. 

To-day chaos is rampart in the world, — confusion, struggle, hatrt 
oppression, robbery, cruelty, self-seeking. Brother is estranged fr< 
brother. Members of the same nation attack each other, stab a man . 
death simply because he wears a Swastika Cross. They all suffer under tl 
same burdens, the same privations; yet who ever during these last montl 
has heard of Marxist workers attacking or killing their employers, or the 
party leaders, or any of the bankers and Stock Exchange blood-suckej 
or any of the wholesale profiteers? The sole sacrifice to chaos is tl 
good, simple worker. The Marxists have lost their heads and are crowdii 


Hum 
oiilpUl 
'hi CIU 
he 


departed from business, which is all in the hands of 
lies. The producers have surrendered to high finance, 
•my. The employers in the factories and offices, deep in 

.. content with the barest pittance, for all the profits of 

iihe pockets of the impersonal money power in the form of 
l*H'*l mid dividends. 

I hi, people in control are totally unable to stem the chaos. Crushed 

.. I>i| taxation and interest payment, menaced from below by the 

, 1111 > 1 111 < i *. of I lie submerged workers, they have bound themselves blindly 
,, .pile controlled by capitalism, whilst the exploiters of the present 
m* sillier them to remain in power merely as slavedrivers over the 
,,, 11 , i 1111 masses. Their fury is directed not against the lunacy of 
in simii. hul against the wearers of the Hooked Cross. They forget that; 
} mid we alone saw the tragedy of German economics approaching, 
,,-Heed and showed how, if taken in time, Germany by her own strength 
uid 11 .lore the balance. 

Associations under every kind of name, reasonable in their basic ideas 
hopeless in the present chaos of public life, are seeking how to produce 
dcr. II is all in vain, for they are not in touch with the nation as a 
mil social whole. All are merely intent on snatching small advantages 
i their own caste; bare of any political or economic principle, they 
>l;i to each political party in turn. They bow to the existing system 


yuuu, simple woraer. i ne marxists nave lost their neads and are crowdirfliT |, i l() e ‘ RI1 poiiuuu pcuuy m mm. 
to join up with the plunderers of their own class, whilst they turn savagelf 1,1 kow-tow to the so-called supreme authority, 
against those who stand ready to rescue it. " ..... 

The Nationalist and other Parties are in the Government, or 


Then cost the German nation untold sums in payments to numberless 
,imii'.udirectors and wire-pullers, but no one of them does the least 
fighting to get into it with those who have destroyed their national ideal 1 " m1 •'dhilioii — a criminal measure — robbed all classes, the thrifty, 
and lose thereby both honour and character. The defence association" 1,11,11 nl associations, artizans of their savings. Some new tax, straigit 


and lose thereby both honour and character. The defence association" 1,11,11 ()f associations, artizans of their savings. Some new tax, straig i 
are striving to penetrate ‘into the State’ — the State of Severing an mm ll,r 9 rGen table > destroys the hopes based on years or worK. /in 
Grzesinsky, — pacifists, internationalists and Jews, with whom they belien' iv, " 1,; " ,( ‘ ( J ained after numberless meetings, discussions, deputations 

M , i| U . Government, is usually annulled by to a rise in the cost of living, 


Grzesinsky, — pacifists, internationalists and Jews, with whom they belie 
they can run the government. 

They have gone off their heads! The so-called Rechtskrei 
fail to see that eagles and snakes, wolves and lambs, mankind and t 
cholera bacillus, cannot join in co-operation. They are putting forth 


rise or a fall in prices. 

Chaos and lunacy! How can a farmer live under such persecution? 
[low can the worker buy with prices rising all the time? What good 

their strength to give an appearance of ‘order’ to disorder, political chaol' 11 ,() n ! ise the pay ° f °? f ^fnoTin^tl^ir^crcduUt^ talpfrom 
political effeteness. But they set their faces against the National Socialists"'' ^ } v T g continues to nse. They loo AL A 


political effeteness. But they set their faces against the National Socialist, 
those ‘fanatics’, being filled with crazy fears that the latter might deprivi 
them of some of their former privileges and positions, — forgetting tha 
they lost all through the very people from whom they now demand 
share in the political loaves and fishes. 

The industrials, great or small, have but one end in view — profits 
only one longing — credits —, only one protest — against taxation; they 

fear and respect only one thing. — the banks; they shrug their shoulders 

over the National Socialist demand for breaking down the thraldom o 

interest. 

Their one desire is to ‘make debts’. The vast tribute extracted fronL , 

loans by the banks, without trouble or labour, they regard as perfecth H should be stated here that we regard as Order neither the apparent 

in order. They found parties of economy and vote for the Dawes Laws • <li r of a policed State, nor the robbery of finance hallowed by custom 

which are the main cause of the heavy taxation. ind - 5A1 ‘“' J u “ 1 "’" nf cnnrhcatos. trusts, and other 


m gate the State which has caused all the impoverishment and suppres- 
nn> Which is not the ‘Father of the Nation’, but the tyrant and tax- 
itlirtor of the money despotism. 

So they turn again and again to the old Parties, say they dont care 
.1 politics and belong to no Party, and at the same time let the 
nvlelicd Party squabbles go on as before. 

The great task which National Socialism has set before it is a 
tin initiation to restore form, to despel the chaos, to set the world , 
/ IN /, has departed from the old dispensations , in order again , and to 
mini that order — in the highest Platonic sense. 

II should be stated here that we regard as ‘Order’ neither the apparent 
, of a policed State, nor the robbery of finance hallowed by custom 
permitted by law, nor the conspiracies of syndicates, trusts, and other 


22 


23 














organised measures of national betrayal, however well they ‘func 
Even a band of robbers has ‘order’, prisons have their ‘regulati 
But in the nation, taken as an organic whole, every aspect of our pi 
life shows pain, bondage, suppression, insincerity, and presents a chi 
picture of a struggle of all against all. 

Government against people, Party against Party, at the same 
concluding most unnatural alliances, employer against employe, mere... 
against producer and consumer, landlord against tenant, labourer agai 
farmer, officials against the public, worker against ‘bourgeoisie’, Chi 
against State, each blindly hitting out at his particular adversary 
thinking only of his own selfish interests, his advancement and 
money-bags. No one reflects that the other has a right to live, or tt 
pursuit of his own selfish ends means that someone else has to pay for' 
No one thinks of his neighbour’s welfare, or of his higher duties to 1. 
community. A breathless pursuit after personal gain. Elbow your neigi 
bour to get on, tramp on his body if you will get anything by it — wl 
care? That is modern business. 

Let us not deceive ourselves. We are in the midst of a great wo: 
change, and it is natural that simple souls, poor wandering spirits, see 
way out of the chaos, seek relief in suicide, or think the world is cornu] 
to an end and join in the race after the golden calf and rush blindly in 
the whirlpool. “Enjoy while you can — after us the deluge.” 

So terrible a blow to the morale of a nation is only possi 
and explicable when the whole intellectual foundation of society 
shaken or else false, — and in fact we see that Marxism, Capitalism, a 
the leaders of our public life all worship the same god — Individuali 
Personal interest is the sole incentive, — obtaining advantages for on 
own narrow class in life. 

Later on a further contribution to this series will appear, devoted 
a careful socialogical study of the construction of society. 

Here I shall only attempt shortly to show a comparative picture 
the difference between the organic errors in the State and politi 
economy of to-day and the essence of a National Socialist State. T 
present day doctrine is: Society is the sum of the individuals — t 
State at its best a convenient aggregation of individuals or associatio 

We may compare this doctrine of the construction of society to 
he a p of stones. The only real thing about it is the individual piec 
of stone. Its shape is a matter of chance; whether a stone is on to y 
underneath is indifferent. The result is neither more nor less than a hea 
of stones. 

By the same simile, the State which answers to our Nation 
Socialist doctrine of society and philosophy of the State is the h o u s 
Speaking mechanically, the house also consists of so many individual brict 
— sand, cement, joists, windows, doors, floors, etc. But any one can se 
that a house, a room, is a higher entity, something new and peculiar 
complete in itself, more than a mere sum total of bricks heaped togethe 
Any one can understand that a house does not come into being by pilin 
a number of single parts in a heap, but only by assembling these pa 
according to a deliberate plan. 


I in 


ii 


nil 

flSI 

ft I 


Ii 


' ' 


MfO’ 

ill i I 


11 nil 


illi a nation. Not until chaos has been organically, by, a 
ii. brought into order and gives place to form, not until a 
I. iwis been assembled out of the mass of parts, can the true 
. i )ii!y then will the component parts assume a purposeful 
i pann, formerly Rector of Vienna University, has explained 
i in Ills book, Der wall re Staat, and in his Gesell- 
hit lire the socialogical bases of the present day individualistic 
n|.pu\cd to the high ideal of universal order in a State founded on 
principles. 

National Socialists coined the phrase, which all men can com- 


I mini 


11«I 


In in I 


The Community before the Individual. 

U ii only by serving the general interest as a member of the national 
in Mini ii I ii that the individual awakes to a higher life, each one in his 
i n plu< c. Only so will each one attain to the genuine Socialism, the 
inninn.il feeling, the true life, win consciousness of security, and realise 
nl < miIij under the domination of this idea can an organic, national 
eminent arise from the present day system of robbery, and be of 
"Hi in the community, and to each member of the community. 

In <l;iy the individual is a helpless victim of the forces fighting for 
* m.r.lcry; his associations are powerless to help him. It is not clearly 
ih i d who is the real enemy — the idle profiteer and exploiter. 

In .pile of the Marxist cry against capitalism, the pious pronoun- 
iii in l ■. of I he Centre, the complaints of the business world about the 
i ii of luxation and interest, no one realises the world enemy, the 
inn* t- which overshadows the world, and its representative, the Jewish 

M1111111*. 

\ll • I.rises have felt the lash of interest; the tax collector bears heavy 
i I'vri ii section of the population, — but who dares oppose the power 
bunk and Stock Exchange? Capital proclaims its character by growing, 
ni i i n| to all experience elsewhere on earth, as it were outside itself 
mill pains or labour, by means of interest and dividends, and by waxing 
11 it and more powerful each minute. The devilish principle of lies has 
•.led the decency of creative labour. 

lUrok down the thraldom of interest is our war-cry. 

I know that this demand, which underlies every other, is not pro- 
i h| understood in its full vast significance even in our own ranks. Very 
\ <>l our speakers, for instance, dare to attack this basic question,though 

• I of them feel how important it is; for one of our Party slogans is 

• ilil capital and the Stock Exchange”. But what the ‘thraldom of 
in-.1 ’ really is, how it bears on the life of the nation and the indi- 
ii.il. liow ‘finance’ has enslaved the population, and what the right 
I pi iclical methods are which must be adopted to break it, and what 

results of breaking it would be for the whole population — is suf- 
i ni Ip dear to very few to enable them to explain it in ther own words. 

In his great work, MEIN KAMPF, (Vol I, pp. 224—225) Adolf Hitler 
. indicated the vast importance of this question as follows: “As I 
rind to Gottfried Feder’s first lecture on breaking down the thraldom 
Inlcrcst in June, 1919, I knew at once that this was a theoretic truth 










immensely important for the future of the German nation ... The 
against international capital and finance has become the chief po 
the Programme for the German nation's straggle for independence 
liberty.” 

All serious National Socialists share this conviction, for the so! 
of this question implies solution of the Jewish question, — and much 
than that. 

Anti-semitism is in a way the foundation of the feeling underlying’ 
whole movement. Every National Socialist is an anti-semite, but every 
Semite need not be a National Socialist. Anti-semitism is negative; 
anti-semite recognises the carrier of the national plague-germ, but 
knowledge usually turns into hatred of the individual Jew and the succes! 
the Jews in the life of business. Then in the best event ainti-semi 
rises up to help in driving the Jew out of our State and 1 economic 
The anti-semite does not worry his head about How and What next. 

If, even after the Jew was driven out, there still remained 
principle of present-day Jewish domination — self-interest before gene 
interest — and the Jewish banking and credit system, there would still 
enough bastard Jews, or even ‘normal Germans’ of mixed race as rea 
to step into the Jews’ shoes and rage against their own race as are 
Jews to-day, and we should perhaps see plenty of ‘anti-semites’ sitt 
where the Jews once sat, 

Now National Socialism with its main demand. Breaking down 
Thraldom of Interest, is essentially constructive. It bites deeper, and 
consequences are far more all-embracing. 

In my essay, Das Herzstiick unseres Programms, (Nat 
Jahrbuch, 1927) I pointed to the peculiar position that demand gives us a 
all other Parties and associations. In all our other demands we find si 
and parallel aspirations in the Parties of the Right and Left. No o| 
Party but ourselves can show any counterpart of this one demand. 

We all know that neither the Left, with their false cry of “Do’ 
with Capitalism”, nor the Right with their phrases about the Fatherla 
are capable of starting a new world epoch, for neither the Marxists 
the reactionaries could alter anything in the nature of our economy 
would only destroy as the Communists in Russia do. They are incapabl 
construction — like the Communists in Russia. 

What do we mean by Thraldom of Interest? 

The condition of peoples under the money domination of the fin? 
of the world Jewry. 


Hp§t>U .ill u-iin must earn their bread by mental or bodily work, whilst 
|m|h<mii. • In .mail proportion, without labour or trouble, pocket huge 
i|| {mi "i ihclr dividends, speculations and bank shares. We do not 
Fl»| llul Huillij savers and small capitalists — though they too awe, 
Nff.j, Ilf 11 winnings to a false system —, but all their lives long many 
in . imi hi .> iiiioiirit of their little interest was taken from them in the form 
[*• ifn, that we can easily afford to repay them in their old age 
IH uf Hf H lull earnings, which were taken away. I shall have more 
tmi nl m nit this later on. 

<m i i Hi* industrial, who has labouriously built up his business, and 
III n in course of time into a company. He is no longer a free agent, 
(if n in satisfy the greedy board of directors and his shareholders as 
- 'll 1 In docs not wish to be squeezed out. 

Bh mic .ill nations that cover their deficits by means of loans. 

Tim llmddom spells ruin for any nation that hands over to the money 
'•I iif bankers, its sovereign rights at home, the control of its 
him of its railways, and of taxation and customs, as Germany has 
ic by accepting the Dawes Law. 

( ivnllve labour is under the same thraldom, if it thinks of money 
•ic all else. To-day money, the ‘servant of business’, has become the 
Ici, iii fact, the brutal tyrant of labour. 

i liNildom of interest is the real expression for the antagonisms, 
Hial versus Labour, blood versus money, creative work versus ex- 
II nl I < >ii . 

Ilf necessity of breaking this thraldom is of such vast importance 
Mm Million and our race, that on it alone depends our nation’s hope 
i bill ii i up from its shame and slavery; in fact, the hope of recovering 
iplucw, prosperity and civilisation throughout the world. 

1 1 /*. the pivot on which everything turns; it is far more than a mere 
, r of financial policy. Whilst its principles and consequences bite 

■ mto political and economic life, it is a leading question for 
nunc study, and thus affects every single individual and demands a 

■ ion from each one: — Service to the nation or unlimited private en- 
nt< nt. H means a solution of the Social Question.” 

\ll ’world-questions’ are capable of being described in one word, which 
. like a flame out of chaos; at the same time countless prophets and 
le. cannot exhaust all the questions which arise out of that word. 

We cun say no more at present on this vast basic principle of National 
mb ni. I have already thrown light on every essential side of the 


The land-owner is under this thraldom, who has to raise loans Mem in my pamphlets: Das Manifest zur Brechung der 


finance his farming operations, — loans at such high interest as almc i 
to eat up the results of his labour —, or who is forced to make debts a 
to drag the mortgages after him like so much weight of lead. , 

So is the worker, producing in shops and factories for a pittam 
whilst the shareholder draws dividends and bonuses which he has n 
worked for. 


Itnechtschaft — Munich 1926 (now out of print); Der 
» i I bankrott. Die Rettung — Jos. C. Huber, Diessen, 1919; 
kiunmende Steuerstreik — Diessen, 1921; and Der Deut- 
Staat auf nationaler und sozialer Grundlage — 
her Nachf., Munich, (all obtainable through the library of our Party 
Munich, Thierschstr. 11). 


So is the earning middle class, whose work goes almost entira inicuslve study is required to master the details of this problem, for 
to pay the interest on bank overdrafts. 4| practical economics of the last 50 years have followed the capitalistic 


26 


27 













idea so closely, that all who have grown up with it need a coi 
change of orientation in order to get free from it. j 

A pamphlet on the subject is soon to appear, which will ai 
rmtionahst^tate 131811311011 0 ° ^ highIy im P ortant task of the 

. In ad(k tion to the two quite novel basic principles of our Proa 
given above, we must mention certain others in connection wl 
general policy of the State. 

The principle underlying our policy of the State is shortly as f 
The German Reich is the home of the Germans. 

It is the great principle for our whole foreign policy, and in 
rmany s political liberation, all the requirements of our racial polic 
the conditions of membership of the State. P 

nnm? r iT° miC prindpIe is: Th e duty of the national e 
nomy is to provide the necessities of life and no 
secure the highest possible profits for capital. 

nf M T f hiS ? r l ndpl , e of cconomic Policy embraces a fundamental att 
of National Socialism towards private property, and with regard tc 

various forms of business, from the very small to the very grea 
Syndicates, Trusts — and also to the great moral questions which 
be a living force m business, if the ‘national economics’ are not to 

profit ! 09 mere GXpl0itati0ri of the nation and to being run simply 

Our principle as regards finance is as follows: 

Finance shall exist for the benefit of the State; the fin 
magnates shall not form a State within the State . 

This principle involves a seismic change. It concerns the ore 
measures which will have to be taken to break the Thraldom of Interei 

- nationalisation of finance, control of the system of credit and 
banking system. 

Every one of these tasks is of the greatest importance from the 
of view of our Programme. They involve all tax legislation, wit 
ultimate - and seemingly impossible - aim of a State without tax 

Our principle as regards social subjects is as follows: 

The general welfare is the highestlaw ofall. 

This principle of ours is in direct opposition to present dau prac 
according to which every class, every profession, tries to 
advantages for its own particular group in social policy without re< 
to the general interest. We wish to make it possible for all to fir 

dwelling and for all to make a living, and to institute a general systei 
care for the aged. 

. re 9 a rds educational and moral progress it is our unchanqe 
principle: that all work in that direction is to be done from the sole p 
of view of German nationality. It cannot be by order or by force 
the moral and intellectual forces of our nation may introduce a i 
Renaissance, a new classic epoch in the arts. A stop will have to 


28 


I tjiti suffered by our German artistic and intellectual life at 

1 !•! ih' Jewish dictatorship, especially through the poisoning of 

pi i ft ""i ilii*. important domain of public life there are, of course, 
y nf nllit i improvements to be considered. 

h I'h m Unit our system of Law will have to be modified to meet 
Hf'lli Hi in li institutions; that the scandal of election to Parliament 
Ml ih . . . idle vote will have to be removed, and that, following the 

• it"-, ,i |>i iiod of a Dictatorship, we shall have to decide on the 

• mi visible form of the State and the internal functions of the 

til Mule*. 

\in .-ill. however, we can see in this brief outline the vast dimensions 
t» < -i hi" lions when set face to face with the tremendous fundamental 
"I <mi Programme. 

I to i",i luiidnmental — in fact it is indifferent to us whether is to be a 
m 1111 mi .i republic, whether we are to have a federation of 5 or 
i'ii' ■ provided only they are all German States combined under a 

• i < ninil government, when face to face with the foreigner, and 

hh -I only the citizens of the German State at home may live happy and 


the Programme Requirements in Detail 

ns I in imjiutcd by Gottfried Feder in Der deutsche Staat. 

II " ill ui.ilu- for clarity, when enlisting new members, to make use 

■ .... •inline in the form which follows. The minor clauses are ranged 

i ih- .. important headings, corresponding to the principles enun- 

'i in iii< preceding chapter. 

Tin* Political and Economic Programme of the N. S. D.fl. P. 

>i" iim is — Germany’s re-birth to German liberty in the German 

I 

i li< misins to this aim are: 

lie political principle: The German Reich is the home of 
lie Germans. 

• i) in foreign policy: 

I Formation of a homogeneous national State, embracing all of 
(ierman race. 

' Energetic representation of German interests abroad. 

I*) in racial policy: 

.f Dismissal of all Jews and non-Germans from all responsible 
positions in public life. 

'I Prevention of immigration of Eastern Jews and other parasitic 
foreigners. Undesirable foreigners and Jews to be deported. 

• ) in internal policy: 

None but Germans who profess entire community with the 
spirit and destiny of Germany may exercise the rights of a 
citizen of the State. 


29 













6 . He who is not a German may only live in the Germt 
as a guest and is under foreign law. 

7. The rights of Germans shall have the preference over 
citizens of foreign nations. 

II. Our economic principle: ThedutyoftheStateistopr 
the necessaries of life and not to secure the hi 
possible profits for capital. 

8 . National Socialism recognises private property as a pi 
and protects it by law. 

9. The national welfare however demands that a limit st 
set to the amassing of wealth in the hands of individuals 

10. All Germans form a community for the promotion of the 
welfare and K u 11 u r. 

11. Within the limits of the obligation of every German to 
the sanctity of private property being respected, every C_ 
is free to earn and to dispose of the results of his labour.) 

12. The healthy combination of all forms of business, smalj 
large, in every domain of economic life, including agri( 
shall be encouraged. 

13. All existing businesses which until now have been in the 
of companies shall be nationalised. 

14. Usury and profiteering and personal enrichment at the ex] 
and to the injury of the nation shall be punished with deal 

15. Introduction of a year’s obligation to work (for the 
incumbent on every German. ~ 

III. Our financial principle: Finance shall exist for the bj 
fit of the State; the financial magnates shall] 
form a State within the State. Hence our aim to bj 
the thraldom of interest. 


i"'III mil principle: The general welfare is 
M\v of all. 


the 


• •'•pmeiit on a large scale of Old Age Insurance by nationa- 
It tun ili« system of annuities. Every member of the German State 
' b‘ assured of enough to live upon on attaining a certain 

hi. oi, il permanently disabled, before that age. 

M i*.ii il. Ipation by all engaged in productive enterprises in the 
}u.,riK according to efficiency and age. Responsibility will also 
i'« hared in fulfilling the task from a national point of view. 

; i i me lor social purposes of all profits made out of the War 

1 ih<* Revolution, not due to honest work, and of the fortunes 

• ■I usurers and money-grabbers. 

■ i"Hel of the shortage of dwellings by extensive fresh con- 
.1 1 union throughout the Reich by the means suggested in No. 20 
(a new national bank). 

<>iu cultural aim is that all the sciences and fine arts 
It al I flourish on the basis of a politically free, 

.. mi call y healthy State. The means of achieving this 

ill he: 

2<». Training the young up to be healthy in body and free in mind, 
after the great traditions of German culture. 

/. Complete liberty of creed and conscience. 

20 •penal protection for the Christian denominations. 

20 Discouragement of dogmas, which are opposed to German moral 
Instincts and contain matter injurious to the State and the nation. 

.mi Discouragement of all evil influences in the press, in literature, 
Hi' sl.ige, the arts and the picture theatres. 

31. l iberty of instruction in the German secondary schools; for¬ 
mation of a ruling class of high-minded men. 


16. Relief of the State, and hence of the nation, from its 
debtedness to the great financial houses which lend on int< 

17. Nationalisation of the Reichsbank and the issuing houses. 

18. Provision of money for all great public objects (waterp- 
railroads, etc.), not by means of loans, but by granting 
interest bearing State bonds or without using ready m 

19. Introduction of a fixed standard of currency on a secured 

20. Creation of a national bank of business development (cur: 
reform) for granting non-interest bearing loans. 

21 . Fundamental re-modelling of the system of taxation on sc 
economic principles. Relief of the consumer from the bi 
of indirect taxation, and of the producer from crippling tax 
(fiscal reform and relief from taxation). 


M I 111 a r y affairs. 

32 To make the nation efficient by permitting every free German 
in serve and bear arms. 

33 Abolition of the paid Army. 

34 Creation of a national Army for national defence under the 
command of a highly trained corps of professional officers. 

• M her recommendations. 

■ >. Press reform. Suppression of all journals which militate against 
l be national good. Strict responsibility for all untrue and inten¬ 
tionally falsified intelligence. 

3<>. AAodification of the franchise laws so as to cut out the demo¬ 
ralising methods of election contests, and the immunity of 
those elected. 


30 


31 












m 






37. Formation of special Chambers for trades and professio 

38. Judicial reform as regards 

the Land Laws — recognisation of the rights of pro 

land as a principle; no right to borrow from privat 
ces on the security of the land; the State to have tli 
of pre-emption, especially in the case of foreigners an 
the State to be empowered to administer estates in the 
of bad management on the part of the owner. 

Civil Law — grealty increased protection for personal li 
health, as opposed to the one-sided legal protection 
rights of property, which predominates at the present dn 

39. State Law reform. 

The form of State most suitable to the German cha 
is sovereign control united in a central personal powe 
nation must decide later on whether this central p 
power shall be wielded by an elected monarch or a pr 

Federal character of the Reich. 

The constitution of the German nation out of a numb 
countries closely bound together by race and history n 
it necessary that each one of the States shall be very e 
sively independent in internal affairs. 

It is the affair of the Reich to 'represent the German 
abroad, and to provide for passports, customs, also f 
Army and Navy. 

There are three main obstacles to carrying out this national 
gramme of National Socialism: Marxism, the Parliamentary system, 
the capitalist magnates. 

1. Our anti-Marxist campaign is directed against the disruptive 
trines of the Jew, Karl Marx — that of the class-war which splits u| 
nation, that of distruction of private property which makes business 
possible — and against the whole economic materialistic view of hi 

2. Our campaign against parliaments is directed against the la 
responsibility of the so-called representatives of the people, who — 
immune — can never be summoned in practice to answer for the rc, 
of their decisions; also against all the evils which arise out of the s 
(moral corruption, nepotism, venality), all resulting in the final e 
a government which is dependent on such a parliament 

3. Our campaign against Mammon, which ranks above the other 
is directed against the world-embracing power of money, i. e. the per 
exploitation of our nation by the great lending houses. 

It is also a tremendous struggle against the soul-killing, mate 
spirit of greed and rapacity with all its disruptive accompani 
throughout our public, commercial and cultural life. 




|iII Hi 

i h|)||b 
hilt i 




I I 


It'll 


I Ml 


i Minimal things, commercial, is chiefly represented by the 

' .ilism, like anti-semitism, regards the Jewish-materhillstlc 

i l l cause of the evil; it knows however that this greatest 
in I m y must not stop short at merely destroying the Semitic 
■ I*, why the great Programme of National Socialism goes far 
mli .cinitic desire to destroy, for it offers a positive con- 
i “• i mi. showing how the National Socialist State of labour and 
at (Might to appear when completed. 


i iitiuii 


til high aim is achieved the National Socialist Party will dissolve 
It'iii'ih' iilii; for National Socialism will then be the entire life of the 
H'li < '• • mi.mi nation. The N.S.D.A.P. is not a political Party in the ordinary 
n|tf (>i ill*- word, but is that section of the nation, which is confident 
it "I l lie future, which has gathered round strong and determined 
blei'M l<> deliver Germany from shame and impotence abroad and from 
Hi mi 1111 '«i 111 on at home, and to make her once again strong and respected 
. i, .ind morally and economically healthy at home. 

"The German Reich is the home of the German people.” 

i vein word of this principle of State policy is a cut with a lash, when 
..Ider the miserable state of things to-day. 

Mi. ’< ifrmau Reich’ — where is there a German Reich to-day? Can 
M"mu Iny claim to be called an independent State? No! Not even the 

.pliii cut pundits in State Law could describe a country, such as 

now, as one in full enjoyment of all its rights of sovereignty. 

I In live most important rights of a State are: sovereignty over its 
ilni'ii, Ms army, its finances, its internal administration and communi- 
.11 . and lastly its justice. 

..." have only to put the matter in this way to any layman without 
"i < planalion of a nation’s rights under International Law, and 
|. ne il with Germany’s position to-day, and it becomes clear that it is 
. 1 1>1“ lo maintain that a severeign ‘German Reich’ exists any longer. 

• »m control of our territory is a mockery, for whenever France chooses 
i mi seize upon German land without asking leave and without suffering 
ilii'ii. Czechs, Poles, Danes can venture on any inroad into German 
ill" 11 without fear of hindrance. The ‘accursed old regime’ put a very 
i. "I lulci pretation on the slightest breach of frontier. A military inroad 
. i.. imaii territory then implied a ‘state of war’. 

In protect its territorial sovereignty a nation needs an armed force 
iMe lo repelling any attack on its land, and therefore on the lives and 
I'"" . of its nationals. A free State cannot permit a foreign Power to 


two essentially differing structures — the spirit which has created aj 
creative and the unquiet, grasping spirit. The creative spirit, deep-r( 
but superior to the rest of the world in spiritual experience, is d 


! mu 

M'i 

" ill 11 

Oil. 

Mil" || VV 

Villi 

1 III 

1 ( II' 

1 lll.l 

lo 

pr< 

Millie 

lo 

• plllt' 

NS ( 

ulliih 

It 1 i 

il piiu 

•hi. 

hi M 

i/m 

ill til 

• .I 


The main battle is one between two world-theories, represent®' " 11 ’ a dions, or f° have the right of deciding the strength, 

I"". "I. armaments, garrisons of its Army; if it does, it is certainly 
deign’; it cannot command its means of power; it has given up 
i il-. military forces. Germany has done this by giving in to the 


mainly by the Arian race; — The grabbing spirit, without roots anyvl ' ommissions for Disarmament and Control. 


32 


33 




















Policy of the State 


III) 


T h« (lertn an Reich shall be a home for the Ger- 
i"i jews, Russians (Communists), Social Democrats, who have 
■ lied Germany (Crispien), nor for all the foreigners who 
• liorter stay on German soil 

in .harp and fundamental opposition to the Weimar Consti- 
*p«aks only of ‘German nationals’, but ignores the con- 
i i m.m’ in the national, or rather racial, sense. 

■ •I llu* seven following theses has three separate aspects 
pi pnlU'ii, (1>) population, (c) citizenship. 

i 1 1 <i ii policy. 

v* l 'nil of a solid national State, embracing all 
e ■< - I I Ii e German race. 

I «.rnnan blood, whether living under French, Danish, Polish, 
ii.iii.m sovereignty, shall be united in a German Reich. We de- 
iliei less nor more than what was demanded for our enemies — 
• •I (hi mans to decide to belong to their motherland, the German 


Germany had already suffered this humiliation under the Ari 
conditions, and had lost her international rights. 

Nevertheless she might have retained some part of her internal c 
but as soon as the military control was destroyed, the financial ma 
seized the opportunity for limitless exploitation of German labour. 

First of all the muddy torrent of Revolution burst forth over Geri 
then the usurers and profiteers, the Social-democratic traitors, son*, 
chaos, deserters, jail-birds shared the power with the Democrats 
Centre, and behind and over all the financiers, the Jews, did their busln 
Soon the Free Masons of the so-called National Parties, especially Bro 
Stresemann, were called in. The final blow was soon to come. The 
perts with their Dawes Law robbed Germany of control of her fina 
which was bartered away to a handful of Jews, the German and fori 
financial magnates. The Reichstag let the railways go, and with tl 
all control of communications, also a great part of the control of taxa 1 
and customs, by handing them over to the Reparations Commissioner.^ 

Control of justice hardly exists any more. The occupied districts 
under foreign military law; special regulations govern the rest of Germl 
such as those for the defence of the Republic; insecurity of rights, orgj 
sed public robbery through the so-called Aufwertungsgesej 
forcing the Courts to declare that wrong is right. 

Germany is no longer a sovereign State. She is a colony of si 
Germans are oppressed, thrown into prison, denied free speech — sill 
because they are still ‘German’ and desire to end their slavery. 

Yes, we want to have Germany free again, and this coming Gerd 
Reich shall be the home of the Germans, — not merely a machine 
keeping order, not merely a ‘State’, an ‘authority’, a ‘government 4 , 
sinecure for a handful of reigning houses, but a Home, that 
of charm — love of home, lovely, sunny, beloved. The smell of 
home earth rises up, the wanderer thrills with joy to feel the he 
soil beneath his feet; he is bound to it by blood ties. The home feel 
is the feeling of security, and from that blossoms the fine flower of ] 
of home. The State and nation can have no finer aim than this. 

It greater than a cautious social policy, than unemployment insura 

than housing schemes, though indeed having one’s own home is onej but lick to their superior German character. Our Foreign Office 

wept clean with an iron besom. We must finish with the 
towards the foreigner after the manner of Erzberger and 


the Strongest incentives for love of home. 

Home is more than an ‘Imperial State’, which one serves, whet* 111 "" 


from enthusiasm or under compulsion. 

It is more than an adminstration, more than the defence of one’s 
interests, more than a crib for cattle, or protection for person and prop 
All these public objects must serve the conception of home. Just as 
idea of home has a special charm of the children in a properly organi 
family, as one’s own room arouses very different feelings from a r 
in a hotel or a prison cell; home is something unspeakably tender 
yet powerful, superior to the idea of an association for a purpose, w' 
is the Liberal — parliamentary — democratic conception of the social St 


Vi i lium all Germans in Sudeten Germany, Alsace-Lorraine. Poland, 

> nine colony of Austria, and the States which succeeded to the old 
in I hi . demand however expressly excludes any tendency towards 
i iii .m. il i\ the simple and natural demand, which any strong natio- 
[ pul* lot-ward as its natural requirement. 

.Ii i m 111 representation of German interests abroad 
iii Hut mid necessary corollary of Point 1. 

I* H ii.illy 1 he best, most industrious and venturesome — engineers, 

■ « . professors, merchants, doctors — who go into foreign lands, 
im i <.crman Kultur with them. They are members of the great 
hi nutl<uuil family, to which they must never be lost. They have a 
i'. < xpert protection from home when they are abroad. They 
i in not merely disseminators of Kultur, but the conscious advance 
..1 ||;e Germanic idea in the world; not ‘apostles of humanity’, but 
«.i iIn* Nordic idea. 

lur.e who represent Germany abroad should not acquire foreign 


li 


mm in, and it will be seen that strong representation of German 
i . will be quite otherwise respected, and attention to German desires 
■ <>i contempt will be the result. 

d b' n r i a l policy. 

I s elusion of Jews and all non-Germans from all 
.■ii l hie positions in public life. 

Ii iin demand is so natural to us National Socialists that no further 
nl Ion r. needed; but it is not possible to give convincing arguments 
•r in iliosc who fail to take in the principles of our racial doctrine. 


34 


35 











Anyone wlio looks I 

1 w T\:«° l u? 3 ^^^s^segrenJed State ° f the 

" ,8n r' e t0 4 or mnl P Zf e the 

tIle ""(Idle of a strawh tiat a cab bage which h* i°* ^ Is dern and. |Jf j 

strawberries could bemfJ "! was a strawber™'IT" by ^andll 

tliat a lion cub hj ? 9°‘ fr °m it, he would be £ 9plant - *<1 that goal 

a s t heep. A German wm?M 9 °1 “ amon 9 a flock nf It 9 35 if he thou* 

psSss SK SE us J 

Jewish bankers as well *" G1 * n State and that J^ at Evolution! 
immigrated into Germanu^ Jews froi n the East wl ,0 " g_estab hsheJ 
Germany. We have =7, U ’ have enriched thL i lW, ° hav e recent* 

^t the time of 

s k ™ ™ ««*, 

mto holes. They starte/Tu • Wel1 iloused whilsl'r w ‘ ls 9'eat dearth of 
pearls, Persian ^nek 7^ dirt « businef bn„?„ C '' mans had to creep 
thousand mark notes P cAn dlam ° nds - gold, silver n 9 .-" P cver ything _ 

' ator Company). They aZT,' 'T* literat «« Iheat.cs War L °™. 

°7“ - - 5"! SM ! *S 

w. „ tav , 

. 1,1 ™ G sense of the 

Th IS question doers 

bastardised’. nc Wlth the German nation uni.V^"^^^''^ , that 

But we can staf- n Gn ^ G ~ 

markable Tntfre^arTseF sfemmed't de ^ence 

“““ « » *- s a£-Sfr s .x-s 


36 


|.) As regards State e 11 i z e n •* li 1 p we demand 

I li a t none but G e r in n u w li o believe in G e r m a n 
lull ..I- and the com in on d e s I 1 n || ol nil Germans, shall 
Ei i i 11 1 | I li e ri g h t s of a citizen o l I li e State. 

i ii here limits must be drawn. People, who, even though German 
|||ii act consciously in a wnjj Injurious to the nation and the State, and 
pfci'i .md obey orders from abroad i. e. do not accept a share in the 
EHtnnnM destiny, may not be allowed the rights of citizenship; there are 
fa|t< i>iii to whom we shall have to deny the high honour of enjoying these 

1111111 H» 

(>. Non-Germans may only dwell in the German State 
K| guests, and shall be regarded as being subject to 
foreign law. 

This is a necessary principle, calculated to put an end forever to the 
§b i imi obsequiousness towards the foreigner. But it does not mean that 
Vvi| hall not welcome citizens of a foreign country warmly and treat them 
w .’ll as guests so long as they conduct themselves properly; but 

7. The rights and interests of Germans shall have 
preference over those of the subjects of a foreign 
n ,i t i o n. 

Our further requirements need not be included in our Programme in 
detail. For instance, the form assumed by the laws affecting foreigners will 
come on for settlement later, also the methods for excluding the Jews. 
/V Programme of principles cannot be expected to be a Programme of 
.u'lion, giving tactical details of how supremacy is to be secured, etc. 

I am opposed altogether to fixing our Programme too rigidly, for in this 
great struggle we must first determine the principles from which we shall 
never draw back, and not imitate the votecatching methods of the 
bourgeois and Socialist Parties. 


Economic Policy 

It is the duty of the National Government to provide 
the necessaries of life and not to secure the highest 
possible profits for Capital. 

It may occur to simple, plain-thinking men that to announce this 
obvious fact as a principle is superfluous. It is a common-place to the 
producer, the farmer, the artizan, the manufacturer, that what he makes 
is either used or consumed, — by himself or, as an article of commerce, 
by others. 

In his eyes business which is not concerned with production or con¬ 
sumption is ridiculous, impossible, against common sense. 

This brings us to one of the great intellectual difficulties in our 
recruiting work. Our fellow-countrymen are bound to say: — Of course 
your natural sentiment in thinking of the meanings and aims of labour 


37 











plunderers give a thoijrrhrT ey ~ Ienders and Profiteers? Dn tJ I 

t^r ^aged in creating valuT'd??^* of life? No^l 

for thems™ ta the e ~ie mer^fmass wla$9 

wtHH°S ,credit '- h 

who have no home nf 1 au * — To the needu the ’ 321(1 to 

™ £S!Lr^,r""^^'s arsus— c-ss 

swa r -»»sss 

whether the producers' they char S e interest Do^ht h* , natural 

Ze iHtfonrCth, n6CeS= « T ^ 

»«» earn? 4, “ “» 6 '"b W »!S"wKf 

i.»° sf «»««£' ffvsrsxT *s 

earninos to the' <r-+ *» workers are forced tn interest on 

call him hf'i 0 What does the factoru- own?!™ “ P P3rt 0f their 

»«« — «». -«.»x fssrs& »g 

If X" »« » Mr 

T- 

•I & «m« , fcM »-* «* Ml, »„ Wllin ,, ne<raM<j 

3 o is! ffX'S”» ’ss?,s «r;- *• -»<• 

real economic^eeds of “r miC , SGnse at «*** His task T t* ^ hiyh 
them o r ut W t 0 o r V im b Se,f - He Ws'costsIT toven,M this 

’ Kup l, P b o«i quality and 


38 


.mu nl production, pay tils eitlplnues well, so llinl IIumj may be able 

itli.isi goods freely, must alwans Ik- thinking of Improvements and 
, ii■ *,\ ; 11 . til plant and trading uudbods II lie puts all this first in his 
,,, in, in* js ‘supplying the necessurlis ol life’ in Hie best and highest 
,,,, . hkI profits will romr ol themselves without his making 
i, mi Ids first object. The flnesl and most universally known 
< m 111 pit- of this kind of mamil’nclurcr is Henry Ford. There are other 

. . in our own heavy industries which stand equally high, Krupp, 

lliidorf, Abbe, Mannesmann, Siemens, and numerous others. 

I he character of such businesses is altogether different when they are 
1111 personally controlled by men ol’ high moral qualities who look after 
1111 * interests of their workers, but are handed over to impersonal limited 
■ • nipaiiies. 

So long as the founder of a business is also the chief shareholder 
ipi (’an maintain the standard of excellence of his products, all may 
i well; but as soon as conversion takes place it is overhelmed by the 
: id crests of the capitalist shareholders. The former owners, the managers, 
now depend on the Board, representing the share-holders, for improve¬ 
ments in business methods and working conditions, — and the share¬ 
holders have no interest (beyond that of the slave-driver) in the welfare 
ol the workers and the excellence of the work, so long as the dividends 
corning out of it are good large ones. The introduction of proprietory 
shares has had a most devastating influence, for any chance speculator 
can corner the shares and actually become owner of large industrial works 
without knowing anything about them. To the Stock Exchange stocks and 
shares are merely so much paper for them to play with. They are not 
interested in conditions of production and labour, most of them could not 
say what the products or the conditions of marketing, labour, wages and 
maintenance are in the business of which they are the owners by law. (!) 
And owners they actually are, just because they happen to have cornered 
the shares of this or that factory in the market. 

Let us now examine this state of affairs in the light of its effect on 
political economy, so as to realise the corrupt character of the capitalist 

system. 

To-day business merely looks for a return on capital. 

The large retail stores follow different methods. They cultivate 
‘attraction’, ‘bluff’, ‘averaging’, ‘luxury articles’, and arouse desire for 
non-necessaries, as I showed above. 

Great palaces, built with all the arts of refinement, invite to 
purchase apparently cheap, but mostly quite useless articles, and by 
offering easy conditions of payment they entice their customers to spend 
all manner of sums on pure luxury. Rest-rooms are provided to enable 
people to spend a long time in the stores, which thus become mere hot¬ 
beds for extravagance, for let no one imagine he gets anything as a 
present. Really well-off people don’t buy in large stores; they know what 
the poorer one don’t know — he who buys cheap buys dear. Do the 
crowds who buy in those palaces imagine that they were built otherwise 
than with their saved up pennies? Do they think they get off paying for 
the escalators, the lifts, the rest-rooms, the fairy-like illumination? 


39 













t0 tbe small shop-kee pe j 
in respect, lh | e s Zrf‘r- n , lbbish - The better arHrlo° St . CrUel,H - tha ‘ what is 
. the forge stores. We reqai sil °Ps, a G fact tt< ^hicTjustmc USUalJly . thJ 

111 practical operation which**!? 01 3S 3 specia l form*^° Ur fi . ght against 
merely there for the niim!? h * does not Provide nrrrJ * • capitaiisg c idea 

, Gwen this leading" ° f Pr ° duCin 9 pSSK ft 0f bat " 

(which, we should obs 9 erv° e nC hn tl0n ,° f Provision of the ne 6 Sharehoiders . 
of economics) the «„«.• ’ as notf iing to do with ! necessaries of lif e 

Private propiit™ qU£St, ° n ra " k s first ?n importTe in our^thtudftow^ 


Sivcn ’that ]t L"acq'uired^"'” a "d' protJ°. w » ershi p 

ftasw a as 

fruits of his labour should mmUnitU '’ ,,or will he " va,ae . should be 
rj ght understandina nf ti d go to an individual J d y admit that the 

: ™" s ;' '*“■ a 

‘■S .ll» '"J'“ »> «• to* 

a? ifswSSrS. i sfSS^ssjs 

J°y of possession will fan* 1 ?* ^ now the lonqino for n 3 eating 

Private ownership s,ii fai to unc *erstand the im fo ‘ Possessions nor the 

fc preying typtof tn is' a?" has 110 ™o£2 !?“ °f recognising 
‘o Possess, whilst fh» L J "' aflS envious, alwaus se!l U IS curious that 
modest in his ideas He w C ? an ’ the ^lid ma n of S , 0methitI 9 fr csh 
A workman does not u . nts no mor e than hr n* ' 1S abs olutelu 
he wants a nice little a t0 have a &ie ZTuhtyu get b « Ws work 
course of his iL n 1,ouse of his own not a ni he could never earn 

house costt bu1,d he B rt T pa “ ta a ^ or7ou r °7 m £ Wh f * ^ 
he tied to any plo ' t Ianrl } T’ tbe capitalist, -L 211 much as the 
niortqaoe rio D I p or Jana ; his ideal i<5 n m ~ 1g does not want tn 

other people’s mortcn pr( ) )missor y notes. Wealth rm^ • Stuffed with scrip 

=*3 £?R5-“Jss ff £ 

p ' 7 ”- 6 '™«-- sasV s aavs 

The welfare * 

•■aiii * 0 the amasti ° gt °^^^ 

it fetbe e cajitallt 9 s 0 y s d t e m 0 0 f loa^ 6 " 6 ^ 0 ^^^^^; them^ WeI1 

SI " 9 lnt ° 3 CUrS6: itis robbery The'great masl'of G p Wealth from" a bfe£ 

mass of possessionless workers 


40 


i'Hi (lit indebted middle class arc »|« Mini Im 11 • • i and fiullici separated 
|i Mill the rich; countless small owner, hh • Ii linin'd upon lor debt, and the 
■liter of the financiers, who know no IMlii 1 Imitl n»> home land, waxes 

mil more sinister, as they sit In lie n . 1 • 111 ». * I »l >« 1 Inn on castles, the 

hunt To meet this the National Mali h ill in II Hint : 

10. All Germans shall be r o r in e d Into a com m 11 a i l y o I 
■ nr It for the furtherance of Mr < o aim 011 welfare and 
M Mil u r. 

This idea of community of work iinpllc . 111 • economic overthrow of the 
Inlversalist conception of society. /\ll wink and production must be iu- 
lladed within the higher idea of servin' to Hie community. It is in no way 
Ipposcd to personal effort and industry, hut II means that individual pro 
Jjrr.s shall not be at the expence of one’s fellow men. Our No. 11 gives 
Hprcssion to this demand. 

//. Within the frame of the general duly of work attaching to every 
1 i< fman, and with recognition of private ownership as a principle , every 
1 ierman shall be free to earn in whatever manner he chooses , and 
lire to dispose of the results of his labour. 

The foregoing expressly rejects the socialising schemes of Marxism 
and also high finance. The State shall include the greatest possible 

number of free existences linked by the social idea of service.-It is 

nf course out of the question to run mines, blast-furnaces, rolling mills, 
hip-yards on a small scale, but a hundred thousand free and independent 
master-shoemakers are better than five monster shoe factories. 

The great landed estates in the North and East of Germany are more 
productive by being run on a large scale than if managed by small 
1 reehold farmers. Small freeholds do best if within easy reach of towns 
aid villages. Our No. 12 demands that; 

12. A healthy combination of businesses of all kinds, 
large and small, including farming, shall be main- 
la i n e d. 

13. Great businesses (syndicates, trusts) are nationalised. 

This demand is consistent with our general struggle against the 
capitalistic idea. — The first aim of syndicates and trusts in any parti¬ 
cular branch of production is to unite with other similar businesses for 
the purpose of dictating prices. They are governed by no desire to 
distribute good wares at a cheap price. Such ‘rings’ are specially attracted 
by new businesses which are doing well. New firms in the same line of 
business are bought up and put out of the way, often at a very large 
price by way of compensation. Supply is regulated by pooling, by which 
means they are able to regulate prices in accordance with an apparently 
genuine ‘supply and demand’. That is what concerns the shareholders, 
who have no desire to see prices kept low by competition. New ideas and 
inventions are viewed with a hostile eye, and preferably suppressed if 
their adoption would endanger the paying capacity of older plants. Such 
businesses, run as huge trusts from a big central office, are clearly 
‘ripe for socialisation’, i. e. they have ceased to fulfil any of the services 


41 













f rr 


^hW*' «"oV. B h t lf, , ,T. ; u e ^;s:| 

of ma Sf r" r° tadividual p "*4 

by the inflation. It was the firlt r • ° Se who Promoted and nrofitJ 
s^us nation was robbed the wh^ 3 .? iSt ° ry that a " “total? 
flahon on the vast scale as hap^^ed ln°Ge™^u bU 3 CTime of ^ 

robbery 6 . C^^n^cHmVto ° n W3S WOrse bighwaj 

parues than to any organised robber band Pr3CtiCeS ° f the ‘warcoj 

and shall have ^o hndTlegal fomnlalo Zh theSe things more in detail 
^ lat or 9 an ised fraud against the nation’ But ever y° ne will agree 

more, severely than snLll theft TZnZo^rl^ ^ 

or ^Vltrftr C ete% O Germ 0 a b n U9atiOnal year ° f ^oa, 

the SuZfZVutyZlervicZl^ 9 WiU be the visible expression to 
Place before each German an example of rtf 3 ” 1 . ta be cdu ®«onal, and to 
one man together. It will show whoxe community workinq as 

...» «„™, du# In Lo^Cg S |» 3 « 


Financial policy 

Breaking the thraldom of interest. 

second^hatef'Lrvvttat'oltes, S ° ful,y set down in the 
for achieving our objective in practice " hGre thG Weasures t^table 

its 1 i 5 ndeb?edn'e 0 s n s°a f nd e from te t’i and V! ° f thena tion from 
terest to the grat financial houses ,0a,ion to P a « In- 

Tbore fs T,," 0 to do *°- 

cont r r y oi n s°;L a ; d in tbea t ^J oan |kf * f ° rC " d “> 

cannot do! It did tWs in a Junatic f^, 0 " " b ' which private person 
to £ the me Wit l! the Rdntenmark, and the sam’c 7. ■ °? e • inf,ati °"- » did 

. The Statto^rmate^faTbltf ^ s °- caIled R Smark. ,tS C °' ltr01 . 

without the danger of inflation being tavolved!''- 3ut'o^y Ttst?"^’ ] 

42 


17. I hr Reichsbank and all /In- issuing bunks are nationalised, ami 

IS If there is provision of money for nil great public Objects 
w.tier power, railroads, etc.) not by means of toons, but by granting 

interest-bearing State bonds , or without using ready money. 

In oilier words: — Wanton printing of bank notes, without creating 
n» w values, means inflation. We all lived through it. But the correct 
i (inclusion is that an issue of non - interest - bearing bonds by the State 

i mmol produce inflation if new values are at the same time created. 

I he fact that to-day great economic enterprises cannot be set on 
fool without recourse to loans is sheer lunacy. Here is where reasonable 

ii of the State’s right to produce money which might produce most 
In nrficial results. 

It must be clear to anyone that, for instance, a great electrical plant 
ii my water-power might well be erected in the following unexceptional 

manner: 

The Government introduces a Bill in the legislative Council for ex¬ 
ploiting the water-power of Bavaria, Saxony, etc., by satisfying all 
economic requirements. The local Diet, or other body, decides on con- 
• i ruction, empowers the Finance Minister or the State Bank to issue a 
.iTies of bank notes, marked specially to show that they are fully covered 
by the new works under contemplation. These notes are supported by the 
combined credit of the State or the Reich. No one can show any 
objection on the score of inflation. Construction takes place on the 
additional credit granted by the Council representing the nation, and the 
notes become legal tender like the rest. 

When the work is completed, nitrates or electricity are supplied 
lo customers against this money, and in a few years the issue can be 
recalled and destroyed. Result: The State, the nation has instituted a 
new work, which secures to them a great new source of revenue, 
and the nation is the richer by it. 

To prove the folly of the present system let us compare the 
foregoing with what goes on now. 

A loan is taken up. A few capitalists do what the whole nation, 
even though Parliament may vote in favour of it, cannot do; they allow 
the State to borrow money from them. Instead of using its direct 
authority for the benefit of the nation, the State engages to pay per¬ 
manent interest for the sum required to complete certain work, thereby 
hanging a mill-stone round its neck. And, what is most costly of all, 
it issues bonds, thus creating ‘fresh purchasing capacity’. On the balance- 
sheet it makes no difference whether the new work is represented by 
new paper money or new bonds. But the community suffers injury be¬ 
cause the bonds imply that the new work is mortgaged to capital, which 
naturally makes itself quite secure, dictates prices, and takes the profits. 
Thus it is really the financiers who are the richer by the development of 
the nation’s water-power; they are indifferent about repayment; they 
like to have to such monopolies as permanent milking cows. The popu¬ 
lation are forced to pay dear for electric current or nitrates, and once 
again a part of the national property is converted in the interests of the 
financiers. 


4a 










E S t 3 b 11 s h ni /) m i a p ^ 

10 P m e n t and econo*,, f “ n6W natioaa l bank for d eve - 

isS§S"!»i» 

K ta ^ « ^FbHE^pc/ Las tiESnSS 

for ™ of a fully worked ^ut Th° ^ Bavarian Government in the 
with the idea: but once the 'experts' ^ aS at first much^ sum path u 
nto consultation, the Government rejected" •Feder’futol^ WMe drawa 

in the Landtag^there worked^":d" f Thurin 9 ia in February 1924 0 ur Pa 
von Kliichtzner, theflXMta 1 a bank and found 

section also were in sympata“*£’ ?^ t *° "-operate; thebS^Sb 
Government were empowered to establish ^ ^ V ?‘ e in the Landtag the 

- eTr-oT t h W e h S ft £ ft*“ 

carried out. 3 n k, forbade the will of the ^ ' 

banks Ve m a the'd n f f 0Umne introdac «< ia 

snort Session of the Dawes n* Si different States; in the 

ss thc Gov ™ nt *“*.«■*/ & ttLTTttTSS? 

“"e bU SrmIn h ! 

Reichsbank was expected to ’place°in °the" way° lh<! obstades which" the 
the plan explained' 1 Sve for Sttagmo^Tr^reat "o Sil " Ple than 

developZt: n s e hlld 0 rJven 0r C a righ't S* aSt " C ^^^"economic 

(B a u m a r k - S c h e i n e n) covered bn ?, ‘ SSUC , money for development 

houses. These could then be erected 9 J! , Va ue of the newly built 
interest, which alone to-dau makes it ^ KB '! mi tllG huge burden of 
quantities. day makes >» “"possible to build in sufficient 


Every German with n home o! his own. 

A free people on unencumbered land. 

V Complete re-modelling of the system of taxation on social 
ft>li Ural economic principles. Deli eery of the consumer from the burden 
i<; indirect taxation , and the producer from taxes which gramp his 
hi fi 1 •Hies. 

Social Policy 

Social policy is the favorite motto of our present political cure-alls. 
11 sounds so nice, makes them popular, and attracts votes for the Party 
which promises to make everything right. 

When every Party promises the official, for instance, an increase of 
pay, they call that Social Policy. 

It is the same when they promise to grant the wishes of the clerks 
• 'nd workers; or when they do a little to relieve people with small incomes, 
or war sufferers, or young teachers, or Germans abroad. 

And all the people run after these political rat-catchers when they play 
mi their ‘social’ flute 1 . 

It must first be made clear that Social Policy denotes, The public 
welfare the highest law, and that, as now understood, Social 
policy is really one of self-interest having no regard to the general wel¬ 
fare. All sorts of careless promises are made, and those who make them 
must know from the start that it is impossible to fulfil them. 

Now that Germany is so powerless politically, economically and finan¬ 
cially, — which finds expression first in the Dawes Laws and now in the 
Young Law, and in the so-called policy of fulfilment which has laid 
burdens on our nation, making life almost impossible — it is both false 
and ridiculous to talk about ‘Social Policy’. Now that German life is so 
cramped, when each man is treading on his neighbour and trying to get 
ahead of him and to shove him aside, when the different classes of the 
population are at variance, promises to favour one group at the expence 
of another are not ‘Social Policy for the general good’, but one of 
inciting one class against another. They know very well that a momentary 
‘improvement’ is annulled by a higher cost of living and higher taxation. 

Social policy means something very different — a determination to 
solve the social problem. 

The out-of-luck, the exploited working classes believe that their just 
wages, their proper position in the social order is being withheld from them 
— hence class war. 

It is clear to all that our economic life is suffering from deep injuries, 
bitter injustice. And yet the conclusions drawn by Marxism with its 
‘class war’ and its ‘social and economic demands’ of ‘expropriating the 
expropriator’ and ‘socialisation’ are utterly false, for that strikes at all 
the true requirements of a genuine social policy, whose highest law is 
the general welfare. 

1 Rn allusion to the Pied Piper of Hameln. 


45 











hatrc 1 d h ®-Exp5riau!"" i of%he IxSoDf", ~ 3S a princi P le of policy - 

r=w?£ ait 

Once again National Socialism f; i ,, .’ 0n ^ a ^ e ap of ruins. 

cm ^- 1G soc ' a l — political theories ,„i,;„i mancial magnate. 

(Marxism, the war between ZIL7 *° be ‘^-capitalistic’ 

dnlP Th neC l SSari,y ca P«aIistic, for t Shari P t °h 09 35 underst °°d to-dau 

Capitalism and Marxism flro ^ J 1 Ggard to others, 
same intellectual stem There is o ° u G , 3ild the sameJ They grow on ft, 

22 . Great d e v e 1 o n m „ . . W IS the yenera ' welfare. 

nationalising life-annuAies 1 ^ ° ld A9e Ins urance by 

man nation shall beass,.r.i , Ever “ member of the fler 

t a i n i n g a e e r t a i n age and o n *5" 

nently disabled. 9 ’ and bef ore that age if perma-" 
That is the solution of the social problem. 

t“s r- «**«-«««. 

anxiety T J 56 f,U " 9 on «■"’ ^ his 

social organisations of fee Ma^L^T^ 0 " 3 . t0 » togethii in sham- 
animosity between employer and e? r f n , Gap ' la ! lst l MP es and embitters the 
stmets on both sides, LZutTfl Sit £ «" basest L 

nmosity is the result. The worker’s 


46 


|,i 1 1 | ht aim in life fades away in Mu* •.!i in im 1 *' f<»' »• moinontary increase of 
vuinjes, and he never realises wlml 11 u* urcnl aim of social policy should' 
in proper provision for old n y c 

We note once again how the Stale discovered a good and commend- 
tihlc solution in the case of the official (’lass, by providing for them after 
Mirement. It is the proper and happy solution of the capitalist ideal ol 
jit!oine, namely to convert it into the true State’s ideal of provision, based 
on personal labour and efficiency. 

It will be the highest and noblest aim of National Socialism to realise 

standard of general welfare. 

23. Profit-sharing for all. 

The N.S.D.A.P. identifies itself with this demand. It is in fact a purely 
mi ii lalist demand in the proper sense of the word; nevertheless it comes 
lo us as an attractive but corrupting present from capitalism. 

Sharing of profits arising out of the work of others comes under the 
lu id of the unearned income which is most sharply attacked by National 
Socialism. Sharing of the profits from a man’s own work is a demand 
so natural and socially so just, that nothing can be advanced against it as a 
principle. 

It is in the carrying of it out that the difficulty arises, that is, in 
limiting the amount of the share due to the production, skill and in¬ 
dustry of the worker, and of that due to the brainwork of the in¬ 
ventor, the accountant, the merchant, the management, and other circum- 
siances connected with the business. 

It is of course highly important that the parties who increase the 
value of a product should not be left out of consideration. Even under 
the present system some part of the booty which capital hopes to get 
out of a business could be recovered for the worker. 

We shall not discuss here the question of how later on the National 
Socialist State will solve the problem. 

I personally considered that a general lowering of prices, at the same 
lime maintaining wages at the present level, would be the better and 
more practical way to fulfil the demand for sharing out the profits of 
the whole of our national production. 

It is however possible that the National Socialist State will solve 
the problem in a far more comprehensive manner than is conceived to-day 
by brains with a -Marxist and capitalistic tendency. The present demand 
for profit-sharing springs either from a desire for profits (essentially 
capitalistic), or from envy (essentially Marxist). 

In the ideal State alone, as we conceive it, is it justified, because, 
when we come to solve it, we must avoid the capitalistic method -of 
granting a small share in the business, the sole object of which is to 
secure for the larger shareholders their right to their dividends, and also 
the Marxist idea of envy, for that debases the personal factor and in¬ 
jures the general public. 


47 













give a few examples for the sake of clarity. 

a few sliares°in 'the bustae^'or ^"sm^h^ 0 '’ 1 ' 61 ' 5 in 3 Sfl0e factor U to ‘I 
Price, if they have to pau iust as riJr f ^ mS or a P air of shoes at « 
drink, because the tailors bakers ani?^ 811 " shlrts ’ suits . socks, food a 
clothiers, bakeries and breweriesVtheirT". C ° t Ver the 9 reed of t 

Lowering of prices i s , b 7 Pr ° flt ' Sharin 9'- 
every member of the nation W rm which must giv 
national production. share in the profits 

Soci^'ltl/te^^ dau°abo ^ ° f , 3 genuine Natior 
transport-workers, hospital-workers 1 to n« " erS ’ , railwa y-™n, postmc 

labourers, miners, builders’ labourers ‘are to k" 9 3 , f T ~ a 9 ricu «w 
sharing, simply because these classes 7 excluded from profi 

Also of agriculture, (in which not merpln ?! G0 ' lt . ribute to increase valu< 
considered, but also the milling G y detaiIs of farming have to ] 
with it) it must b sa d tha t 'na,7 9a9ed ta ° ther busine «fs connect 
in the heavy industries also L ‘Xs oK h ~ is go! 

pressure of world competition 9 9 d a bare profit owing tl 

often engaged iTmosttap^rtant 1 'b^anchesTf'^d 8 ? nd ? mp, ° UGS ’ who ar 
the circumstances, cannot hope for a dircpt i, mdu . str U> hut who, owing 
less consideration than the nitons dasf® ! the pr ° fits ' are “> < 
washers-up or porters in a nightclub or a Tm V 7.° work perha Ps 
or chemical factory eniouino amZnZ. ? ^ urk,sh hath, or in an opti 

Are the latter to tharethe profits and* w i nd f , SU a Pl9in9 the whole w ° rl 
are they to make it more and more ill 1? « ° n luxur y Productic 
nation to attain to these advantages? P lb!e for the majority of tl 

presents oft on e y °po ulj t u 11 non ^ ! dividends > bonuses, Christmi 
splendid work 11“business or yeal'uch Wh ° h3Ve do " 

political nature need not be discussed 1 aspira “°ns of a socia 
general principles. The demand as thill „ d argued in this treatise c 

and one which should attract’ adherents Prof! 'd “ T° rtant dema "' 
general business situation and „„Tr , . , ts , de Pend mainly on th 

the management; failure ma y come throuah 1!! ^ salesmansh ip c 
mistake m calculations. HoweverTkflled The . ^ 9 construc *ion or 
industrious, they can have little or no i„f| V01 ters raa y he, howeve 
the year’s work, or on the gains1 losses Ti ll- ° n the results 0 
m demanding a proper and' sufficientT™ fheiency justifies then 
economic grounds for their claimirm a ’ , )u * ierG are no moral oj 
quite rightly resist the suggest! Zt 7 pr ° fits ’ TllG 9 wo! 

business year out of their savinas- thp.° U d n 0V ? any Iossgs of th( 
expected to make up, by a lowering ’„f 9 W01 I d rightly resist beinc 
extravagant hving on the part nf 9 *hJ 7 9 “ s ’ f ° r bad mana gement or 
only justifiable if there is abilrtu and B “‘ ‘ pr <M a ring’ T 
or if special effcency merits it. 9 d S to share risks and losses. 

Here is one aspect of general profit-sharing. 

48 



■V 


BNaaMMMMflHHHHMHMI 


Why, for iustnncc, should I lit* <|t t*nl dm works of Germany, with 
ftu’ir predominant position ol monopolu, innllmu' to 1 >♦* but a capitalistic 
milking cow for the shareholders ol tin* I <• I nrbrulndustrie, and at the 
best, by raising prices, give n \lmir ol profits to their workers and 
officials? 

It will be the task of the Nuinmnl Socialist State to see that 
huge monopolist profits shall he placed at Hie general disposal by a most 
generous lowering of prices. 

It is obvious that the problem is not a question of Social policy, 
but is closely bound up with the present-day capitalistic social order 
(shareholders’s claims). 

We wish to apply these shortly expressed principles; and to be guided 
by them in our aim of realising profit-sharing as widely as possible in 
all businesses in which the profits go exclusively into the pockets of 
professional financiers. 

24. Expropriation of all profits not made by honest 
work, but through the war, the Revolution — and 
further — the stabilisation and re-valuation of the 
mark; also the property of money-lenders and grabbers. 

This is a measure of punishment and justice, requiring no explanation 
under any principle. 

25. Removal of the dearth of housing by extensive 
building throughout the Reich with the means provi¬ 
ded under No. 20 (the bank for development). This closes the 
list of social-political demands. On the technical financial question not much 
can be said in this pamphlet, for it is a very large special subject, 
and one which, it would seem, only financial minds understand and which 
actually will have to be carried out by them. Pamphlet 8 of the 
N. S. library deals fully with the subject. 

Religion and Art 

It is not possible to state on this subject more than a very few 
leading principles in the space of a programme. That has already been 
done. For the rest it must be our principle not to drag questions of 
religion into statements on general politics; although we may well treat 
the corrupting influence of the secret doctrines of Judaism as an object 
for public statements and attacks. 

Tue same applies to all the stupid attacks on Christianity. Ex¬ 
pressions such as “Christianity has only done harm” merely show that 
the man who says them has neither human nor political intelligence. 

One may well blame the Church for meddling in politics, and all 
good Christians will disapprove the cruelties practiced in the name of the 
Cross by the Inquisition, and trials for witch-craft, but it is wrong to 
abuse in general terms the greatest phenomenon in human history for the 
mistakes and depravities of individuals. The Christian religion has raised 
and edified millions and millions and brought them to God by the 
way of suffering. 


4 


49 












culture Of flip n 

achievement, sacrifice, courageous^faith 0 ? 1 “ P ,n the si 9" of the Cross 

Christianitjj m froin ^the^rious^ortns" 

upon it in its passage through hi s To rH eXCreSCenCe which have appeared 
stian U ity PartB stands upon the basis of positive Chri 


t “ p/trAsrsrsi -svirt: 

2- •> Si ttzvrF-"yfluraas 


Military and other Reforms 


»«‘~5' iVS““?» f 

life, that they cannot be dismissed in f V vast questions affecting public 
are set out in the Programme itself but , se f en t c es. The leading ideas 
them out and, above all, of oraftinn i h „ e as ! 0 flunking and workino 

Willie 31 Pr ° blem 0f the cond ng years when we? 6 ,list ° rical P«t will be 
will be ours, and when we shall have he hope that Political power 

Knowledge necessary for taking o ver the h,T PPed c With t,le f°'ce and 

Here we have a rich fiein r h buslness of tlle State. 

rtch held for research under National Socialism. 


leave??o Si t?rV?h? a ^ n ^1f Sm * ^ws by the fact that it 
entirely new foundation on which ^TuZVZm STafC 


5. What we do not desire 

be well toVte short??wLf U’df Z fdLi?l ° Ur Pr ° 9ramme il will 

restore to°life*dynasties* 1 'wUdTfatted'“aw? 9 *,° tUr " backwa rds nor to 
themselves - through their own fault m cavin 9 ha rdiy a trace of 
classes that have been dethrnnpH ’ ^. or / 0 w e desire to set the 

beHp i0 fh Ti ' e ° ffiCer class and the P offSs' V h6ir , f , ormer Privileged 
better than any other professional class n sc r reaJI 9 no higher or 

with our idea of serving the nation first of all ^ ‘ ’ CU 3e nuinely work 
is not uniform or qold lace hnf n r 
We do not desire one-sided Dref JIn W " icb make a man. 
working class, nor any kind of proletarian?lici- , Jrtlb F ial elevation for the 
fumseif into believing that anu class min a orslll P- No nian mag talk 

oppressed in the past, assume a 7m fr0m ha ™9 been 

claim lo be giver, power. Such aspi- 


50 


rations, when translated into miliiir ., mit<(tlt»M|l|| l» *»• I l»> InilliU’ run 
equences, such as those which nnum|mnb'i Hi* '.tmh I idimific revolt 

nl November, 1918. So far it is not I lie ..I .rtllon ol the popu 

hilion which are on top, but a crow d <»| |m>Ii||« <,t wiiullii •, qm<||| udven 
hirers, profiteers, jabberers and fool., wlm hnve gnl pov.v.slon of the 

political machine and the adnilnisli nlinn I In pmmlwd diciulorship ol tlic 

proletariat has turned into 

The dictatorship ol the *i* i o I 11 a i i a I 

Even a new ordering of the Male nndei National Socialism could have 
no hope of succes unless it had at its disposal a very thoroughly trained 

staff of resolute men completely imbued vvilli the principles of our 

Programme, serious men of energy and experience. Even with us too 
many pure demagogues would elbow their way in and reap advantage 
under the new order. 

It is much easier to criticise the faults of a collapsing social order than 
to do constructive work on it. 

We require not merely a new Party, slowly obtaining a footing in 
Parliament and administration, and then perhaps accepting a post or two 
in a coalition Ministry, only to get its back broken in the end, — for 
Ihen our part in history would be played out, just as to-day Social 
Democracy is finished as a political and intellectual force in Germany. 
The same applies to the German Nationalists, who have already gone back 
on their main principles in order to get seats in the Government. 

We do not want Ministers who take office purely for the sake of 
the position or for power, but we shall consider any such position as a 
stage towards our great objective. Between ourselves and the rest there 
is always the flaming sword of our world theory. 

On the one side the State, or rather the sham State, of the Liberal- 
democratic-parliamentary stamp, forced by necessity to mask the tyranny 
of the financiers, and at its feet a seething mob of Jew camp-followers 
and place-hunters, fighting to make a living out of the system. 

On our side, the fight for the liberation and purification of our 
people, till we achieve the true State of social justice and national liberty. 

6. Conclusion 

The task of this first pamphlet of the N. S. Library is to teach the 
National Socialist what he should know about the Party Programme. We 
have seen again and again the single main principle which is drawn 
through all our arguments like a scarlet thread: National Socialism 
is a theory of the world, standing in sharp opposition 
to the present-day world of capitalism and its Marxsist 
and bourgeois satellites. 

Our life is a struggle in the service of this mighty idea, a struggle 
for a new Germany. 

We National Socialists wave our storm-banner before the world. Ever 
young, shining and glittering in the sun, rises the Hooked Croos, the 
symbol of re-awakening life. 


4 * 


51