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Viewing cable 08RECIFE34, NORTHEAST BRAZIL: LANDLESS MOVEMENT TRIES TO RE-INVENT
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
08RECIFE34 | 2008-05-28 00:57 | 2011-07-11 00:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Consulate Recife |
VZCZCXRO4447
PP RUEHRG
DE RUEHRG #0034/01 1490057
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 280057Z MAY 08
FM AMCONSUL RECIFE
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 0731
INFO RUEHBR/AMEMBASSY BRASILIA PRIORITY 0908
RUEHRI/AMCONSUL RIO DE JANEIRO PRIORITY 0391
RUEHSO/AMCONSUL SAO PAULO PRIORITY 0382
RHEHAAA/NSC WASHINGTON DC
RUEHRC/DEPT OF AGRICULTURE USD FAS WASHINGTON DC
RHMFISS/CDR USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL
RUEHRG/AMCONSUL RECIFE 0965
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 02 RECIFE 000034
SENSITIVE
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: EAGR ELAB PHUM PINS PGOV SOCI BR
SUBJECT: NORTHEAST BRAZIL: LANDLESS MOVEMENT TRIES TO RE-INVENT
ITSELF
REF: SAO PAULO 248
SENSITIVE BUT UNCLASSIFIED, NOT FOR INTERNET DISTRIBUTION
¶1. (SBU) Summary: Just as in southern Brazil (reftel), the
Landless Rural Workers Movement (MST), and their fellow
travelers in the always-disadvantaged northeast region, seem to
be changing tactics; with confrontation less appealing, they
appear to be re-positioning themselves and trying to get on the
government "gravy train." Membership has been affected by
President Lula's "Bolsa Familia" program of cash transfers to
the poor. Unable to seize any more "unproductive" farms, as
agro-industry increases production, the land reform activists
opt for reinventing themselves as advocates for small-scale
rural development and alternative energy, according to sources
in the Catholic Church. End Summary
¶2. (SBU) Father Herminio Canova, who heads the northeast
region's Pastoral Land Commission (CPT) for the Catholic
Church's National Conference of Brazilian Bishops (CNBB), met
with the principal officer in Recife May 21. He and one of the
CPT lawyers gave an overview of how the land reform movement was
changing. Father Herminio had recently been on a march to
Brasilia, then visited the conflict area along the
Brazil-Venezuela border in Roraima, where clashes took place
between indigenous people and rice farmers. The priest said the
CPT was launching a national campaign to limit the size of large
land-holdings "to defend agrarian reform, territorial and food
sovereignty." He explained that the long-standing campaign to
seize and divide up "unproductive" farms had reached a dead end;
in the current economy, agro-industry was using most land that
could increase production. So, according to Father Herminio, the
landless movement is now going to focus on consolidation of the
lands already seized, demanding faster loans for the members and
encouraging them to get involved with alternative forms of
energy, mainly bio-fuels.
¶3. (U) The ethanol boom has caught the attention of the settlers
in the agrarian reform farms. They are now looking for crops
that can be turned into fuel or other ways to produce energy
with small-scale technologies. For the CPT, which opposes large
scale hydro-electric dams, as well as the "near servitude"
conditions of migrant workers on the sugar plantations, only
renewable energy from small-scale projects should be pursued in
order to preserve the environment and the Amazon region. Father
Herminio said settlers in the land along the Sao Francisco River
were interested in working with Petrobras to experiment on
bio-fuel production. This irrigated area of agro-industry near
Petrolina also has large concentrations of the landless movement
settlements.
¶4. (SBU) The CPT leader explained that in the northeast region,
there are five main land reform groups - the MST, a splinter
group known as the MLST, two federations of rural workers -
FETRAPE and FETRAF-plus the "Central Syndicate" and nine smaller
groups involved in pressuring the government to redistribute
land. During this year's "Red April" land invasions, groups from
this coalition invaded 14 farms across Pernambuco state. But
according to the CPT, the number of invasions and the number of
families taking part is declining, partly as a result of
President Lula's "Bolsa Familia - which provides cash payments
to mothers who vaccinate their children and keep them in school.
Father Herminio said the key was giving the money to women,
instead of men, thus ensuring it was spent on food. He said,
"One woman told me, `I struggle at odd jobs, anything to earn
the money that feeds my three children for 15 days, but it's
President Lula who pays for the next 15.' That's how people see
Bolsa Familia."
¶5. (SBU) The priest said that women in the landless movement are
receiving the Bolsa Familia payments even as they are squatting
on land, waiting for the legal ownership that may take years to
obtain. But families already receiving "Bolsa Familia" have
little incentive to take the risks involved in joining a new
occupation of land with no immediate hope for better living
conditions.
¶6. (SBU) Critics of the landless movement, including one school
administrator who met with the consular staff and state law
enforcement officers, say the occupations are a shake-down
scheme. They say that the occupations in Red April get
publicity, then the squatters negotiate certain sums or program
concessions to go elsewhere. These critics point to the fact
that those occupying contested land rarely plant any crops --not
even subsistence beans or manioc which grows everywhere-around
their hovels.
RECIFE 00000034 002 OF 002
¶7. (SBU) Father Herminio's view of the political situation
reflects frustration with the slow pace of legalizing land
claims and obtaining credit for farmers. He says the Lula
government and Pernambuco Governor Eduardo Campos, a Lula ally,
may talk about supporting the rural poor, but they don't "have
control." He believes that, despite the lack of resources and
credit, the settlers must become more productive. Violence in
response to the land invaders may have lessened, the priest
said, but the CPT reported murders resulting from land conflicts
in 14 states last year, instead of just eight the previous year.
¶8. (SBU) "Slave labor" --or entrapment into conditions of near
servitude on remote ranches-- is still a major concern for the
CPT. Father Herminio was particularly adamant about conditions
for sugar cane workers on ethanol plantations in the south and
west. He has heard complaints from Pernambuco cane cutters,
rounded up when the harvest season ends here and taken south,
that they work in inhumane conditions. This is the dark side of
ethanol for the priest, who would still like to see the small
farmers and squatters producing their own bio-fuel in a program
sponsored by the government.
¶9. (SBU) Comment: Brazil's agro-industry continues to expand,
and the disparities between the rich and poor remain. While the
MST and its offspring operate on the edges of the economy,
denouncing large landowners in the name of oppressed, they have
lost steam. They expected more support from President Lula, but
they can't criticize him because he's too popular with their
constituency thanks to his Bolsa Familia program. So the game is
played behind the scenes; there are invasions to gain bargaining
chips, then some credits or grants to partners of the movement
that ensure the peace. Having reached this stalemate, the
movement seems to be consolidating their holdings and looking
for more popular causes to champion -such as defending the
environment.
This cable was coordinated with Embassy Brasilia.
PAGE