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Viewing cable 05DUBAI128, IRAN'S EXPANDING JUDICIARY DRAWS MAJLIS FIRE
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
05DUBAI128 | 2005-01-10 18:24 | 2011-08-24 01:00 | UNCLASSIFIED | Consulate Dubai |
null
Diana T Fritz 12/06/2006 06:09:38 PM From DB/Inbox: Search Results
Cable
Text:
UNCLAS DUBAI 00128
SIPDIS
CXABU:
ACTION: POL
INFO: RSO AMB DCM MEPI P/M ECON
DISSEMINATION: POL
CHARGE: PROG
VZCZCADO858
PP RUEHAD
DE RUEHDE #0128/01 0101824
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 101824Z JAN 05
FM AMCONSUL DUBAI
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 0831
INFO RUEHAD/AMEMBASSY ABU DHABI PRIORITY 0479
RUEHGB/AMEMBASSY BAGHDAD PRIORITY 0019
RHMFIUU/CDR USCENTCOM MACDILL AFB FL
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC
RUCAACC/CINCCENT MACDILL AFB FL
RUEAHLC/DHS WASHDC
RUEHDE/AMCONSUL DUBAI PRIORITY 3591
RUCNIRA/IRAN COLLECTIVE
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
RUEHUNV/USMISSION UNVIE VIENNA PRIORITY 0032
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 05 DUBAI 000128
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: IR PREL
SUBJECT: IRAN'S EXPANDING JUDICIARY DRAWS MAJLIS FIRE
¶1. (U) Sensitive But Unclassified - Protect Accordingly
¶2. (SBU) SUMMARY: In late December 2004 the Majlis Judicial And
Legal Committee approved a bill to investigate the Iranian
Judiciary, forwarding it to the Majlis General Session for
consideration. Also in late December 2004 a related ongoing
dispute between the Judiciary's Counter-Intelligence branch and
members of the Majlis became public. The Majlis claimed that
the Judiciary had interfered with an Experts Assembly
investigation of the Judiciary, whereas the Judiciary claimed
that the investigation itself was illegal and that those
carrying out the Experts Assembly investigating team were
themselves criminals involved in fraud and other illegal
activities.
¶3. (SBU) SUMMARY (CONT): This rare Majlis-Judiciary public
confrontation occurs as the Judiciary is seeking to vastly
increase its intelligence and security capabilities. Some
insiders interpret the Majlis's attempted crackdown on the
Judiciary as an effort by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps
to suppress the Judiciary's drive for greater power and
independence. END SUMMARY.
MAJLIS SEEKS TO INVESTIGATE JUDICIARY
--------------------------------------
¶4. (U) According to the Majlis news service, on October 31, 2004
Majlis representative Hassan Kamran, member of National Security
and Foreign Policy Committee, said that approximately 100
representatives had signed a bill to investigate the Iranian
Judiciary. On December 22 Iranian press reported that the
Judicial and Legal Committee (dominated by hard-line
conservatives) had approved the investigation request, with the
bill subsequently to be voted on by the Majlis as a whole.
¶5. (U) The bill's proposed investigative mandate was extensive,
with Committee member Mahmoud Dehqani telling press that the
focus would be on:
- the Judiciary's success in confronting economic corruption;
- reports of judges and judicial authorities taking personal
advantage of their official position, and the quality of
supervision on financial and ethical issues for the Justice
Department's personnel and judges;
- the Judiciary's approach to social disorder;
- subordinate Judiciary organizations, such as the Deeds and
Properties Registration Organization, the Judiciary Information
Security (CI) Department, the State General Inspection
Organization, and the Prisons Organization;
- the Judiciary's performance in respecting those with business
before it, and the conduct of judges and judicial authorities;
- disbursal of Judicial funds allocated to it under the Third
Development Plan;
- the quality of executing the leader's orders with regard to
the Judiciary;
- the function of Articles 49 and 142 of the Constitution, which
authorize the government to confiscate all illegally acquired
wealth (49) and which authorize the head of the Judiciary to
investigate the assets of key government personnel before and
after their government service, to ensure their wealth "has not
increased in a fashion contrary to law, (142)."
JUDICIARY SAYS HANDS-OFF
------------------------
¶6. (U) In response to the proposed bill, Judiciary spokesman
Jamal Karimi Rad told press that any broad Majlis investigation
of the Judiciary would be unconstitutional, since the Majlis was
by law allowed to investigate only the Judiciary's financial
matters. Despite Karimi Rad's contention, one of the most vocal
proponents of the Majlis investigation, Tabriz Representative
Eshrat Shayeq (a hard- line conservative), told press that the
Majlis investigation was consonant with its supervisory mandate,
and that it was going to investigate the general performance of
the Judiciary, not any specific decrees or rulings.
EXPERTS ASSEMBLY INVESTIGATION?
-------------------------------
¶7. (U) Judiciary-Majlis relations took a new twist in late
December 2004, when Iranian press broke a story that Iran's
Experts Assembly (EA -the 70 member clerical body charged with
selecting and overseeing the Supreme Leader) was investigating
the Judiciary, in accordance with its constitutional authority
to investigate the Leadership and its subordinate organizations.
On December 22, a conservative Iranian news site reported that
the EA had authorized its representative from East Azerbaijan,
Ayatollah Orumiyan, to investigate the Judiciary. According to
these initial reports, Orumiyan had formed a three-person
investigating group led by his office head, Hossein Madhi (aka
Mr. Hosseini, Haj Reza Hosseini). The two other members of this
EA investigating group were (the abovementioned) Majlis Tabriz
representative Eshrat Shayeq and another individual belonging to
Orumiyan's office, referred to as 'Sepehr.'
¶8. (U) According to initial press accounts, this EA
investigating group focused on the Judiciary's "Information
Security department" ("Hefezat-e Ettela'at," i.e. the
Judiciary's Counter-Intelligence branch - CI). According to
initial press reports there were rumors that this EA
investigating team exceeded its legal mandate, and armed with
weapons, attempted to detain some of the Judicial CI officials.
The resultant clash between this EA group and the Judiciary's CI
led to "Sepehr's" death and Hossein Madhi's hospitalisation.
JUDICIARY DENIES IT...
----------------------
¶9. (U) In response to these initial reports, on December 29,
Iranian press relayed the comments of both Judiciary spokesman
Jamal Karimi Rad and Head of the Judiciary's Information
Security (CI) Department Elyas Mahmoudi. Both denied there was
any EA investigation of the Judiciary, and also denied the death
and injury of the putative investigating committee's members.
Rather, Mahmoudi told press that the "EA investigating
committee" was instead a band of criminals using "forged
decrees" to commit illegal acts. He claimed that the EA
leadership had denied the authenticity of all decrees presented
by this "EA investigating group," saying that the group in no
way represented it. Mahmoudi said that Majlis representative
Eshrat Shayeq seemed to have been in league with this illegal
group. He said she had abused her position as a member of the
Majlis Article 90 Commission (charged with investigating
citizens' complaints) to issue Majlis decrees in support of this
criminal group, these decrees also having been subsequently
repudiated by the Article 90 Commission.
...MAJLIS DENIES DENIAL
-----------------------
¶10. (U) Later on December 29 Iranian press carried the comments
of Majlis representative Teymur Ali 'Asgari, Deputy Head of the
Article 90 Commission, who denied Judiciary CI department
Mahmoudi's denials. 'Asgari claimed that an EA member
(Ayatollah Orumiyan) had in fact authorized this three-person
group to investigate the Judiciary, focusing on "parallel
intelligence structures" within the Judiciary. 'Asgari said the
Judiciary's CI department had prevented this group's activities
and detained two group members. He confirmed that Tabriz
representative Shayeq had been a group member, and denied
Mahmoudi's charges of her involvement in illegal activities.
'Asgari said that the Article 90 Commission had formed a
committee to investigate what had happened between the
Judiciary's CI department and the EA investigating group. More
generally, he added that most complaints received by the Article
90 Commission involved the Judiciary.
...JUDICIARY PROVIDES DETAILS
----------------------------
¶11. (U) The next development came on January 1, 2005, when a
Deputy in the Judiciary's CI department, Judge Vahed Sharifi,
gave a press conference about the "EA Investigating Group" case.
Sharifi, who was the case's examining magistrate, said that a
case against this group had been opened based on complaints from
numerous entities and individuals. All of the plaintiffs had
claimed that the group's head "Hosseini" had presented himself
as the "Office Head and Supreme Security and Political Advisor"
to EA member Ayatollah Orumiyan. According to Sharifi, Hosseini
had abused his position within Ayatollah Orumiyan's office to
intervene in open judicial cases on behalf of one of the
parties. He also said numerous private plaintiffs had claimed
that Hosseini's group had forced them to sign contracts ceding
valuable lands in Tabriz and elsewhere. Two plaintiffs, the
Kish Island Free Trade Organization and the Kish Island Free
Trade Zone Law Enforcement Forces Commander, alleged that
Hosseini's group had sought to intercede in an open legal case
on behalf of a former leaseholder of the Shayan Hotel, even
flying down an armed delegation to Kish Island to force evacuate
the hotel in favor of this former leaseholder.
¶12. (U) In one bizarre case cited by Sharifi, at one point
Hosseini had been hospitalized in Tehran's Mehr Hospital and had
became enamored of an attending nurse. Despite having four
wives already, he proposed to her. When she repeatedly refused,
he used threats to press his case, and upon release got a court
warrant for her detention after having submitted false
information about her. Armed with this warrant, he and some
others went to the hospital, "put a sack over her head," and
took her to an illegal detention center in Tehran, where,
according to charges, he harassed and molested her. According
to Sharifi, Majlis representative Eshrat Shayeq was present
during the whole of this nurse's illegal incarceration and
interrogation.
¶13. (U) Sharifi also charged that Shayeq had written letters on
official Majlis stationary empowering Hosseini on behalf of the
Article 90 Commission and appointing him "Supreme Security and
Political Advisor" for the Commission, which he subsequently
used for his illegal activities. Sharifi also said that over
400 decrees signed by Ayatollah Orumiyan were seized when
Hosseini was arrested, many of these decrees seeking to
influence the courts on behalf of one of the involved parties.
Also seized was a letter issued by Orumiyan authorizing Hossein
to carry spray gas, handcuffs and walkie-talkie, and a revolver.
¶14. (U) Sharifi told press that based on Judiciary and
Intelligence Ministry investigations, ten members of the
Hosseini gang had been arrested. Charges against them include
"impersonating a government official, fraud, involvement in
illegal detention, illegal sales of government property, and
interference in judicial affairs." Sharifi added that according
to the Intelligence Ministry, Hosseini had a criminal record and
had previously been detained for misrepresenting himself as a
government official. Sharifi said all the defendants had been
freed on bail. Concerning Majlis representative Shayeq and EA
member Ayatollah Orumiyan, Sharifi said the former's
Parliamentary Immunity had prevented her from being arrested
heretofore, and that the file on Orumiyan would be sent to the
Special Clerical Court.
¶15. (U) According to another January 1, 2005 press account,
Ayatollah Orumiyan was a member of the EA's standing
Investigative Commission, and as such had opened an
investigation of the Judiciary in approximately June 2003,
creating this three-member investigating team. In August 2004,
when some of the team's findings came to the attention of
officials in the Judiciary and the EA, it encountered increased
opposition from the Judiciary's CI. On August 22, 2004, the
Judiciary's CI arrested 17 people related to this EA
investigating team, to include team leader Hosseini. According
to this account Hosseini was detained for 47 days "in harsh
conditions", and released on bail on October 7, 2004. He
subsequently complained to the Article 90 commission. This
article said that EA investigating team member "Sepehr," who was
originally reported to have died in Judiciary detention, had in
fact died of a heart attack upon hearing of his imminent arrest
on August 25. This news account relayed the rumor that
"Hosseini" was one of those purged in 1998 from the Intelligence
Ministry due to the "Serial Killings," controversy, after which
he started working in Orumiyan's office.
AE'S AYATOLLAH ORUMIYAN - "MISTAKES WERE MADE"
--------------------------------------------- -
¶16. (U) On January 1, 2005, Iranian press carried a letter from
EA member Ayatollah Orumiyan to the Judiciary CI head Alyas
Mahmoudi. Saying that both he and Mahmoudi were "working to
defend the Revolution, protect the martyrs' blood and carry out
our duties to the exalted Leader," he chastised Judiciary
investigating magistrate Sharifi for commenting publicly on an
investigation in progress. In this letter and in a separate
statement released to press, Orumiyan said his office staff
included official representatives of Iran's intelligence and
security organizations, to include the Judiciary's CI
department, and that these representatives were involved in and
fully apprised of the office's activities, as was Judiciary CI
head Mahmoudi himself. Due to their official positions,
Orumiyan had fully trusted these security and intelligence
individuals within his office. He said that he had in fact
authorized an investigation into the Judiciary, but claimed to
have been unaware of any violations by his office director, whom
he fired as soon as he became aware of alleged violations.
¶17. (U) On January 5, 2005, Iranian press printed a letter from
Majlis representative Eshrat Shayeq to Judiciary Head Ayatollah
Shahroudi, denying the charges against her and asking for him to
investigate Judiciary investigating magistrate Sharifi for
commenting so extensively to press on an open case. She also
told Iranian press that she knew that she would be 'targeted' by
the Judiciary once she began calls for its investigation, and
that the subsequent actions against her by the Judiciary had
confirmed her previous concerns. She also cited her calling for
an enquiry into the death in detention of Iran-Iraq water
veteran Rajabi Sani, who was allegedly tortured and killed at
the hands of judiciary officials, as another reason for judicial
animus against her.
¶18. (U) The most recent development in this case occurred on
January 7, 2005, when Iranian press carried a statement by the
main defendant "Hosseini," in which he claimed that he didn't
have four wives, had never violated the law nor been found
guilty of any crime, and had not fired from his job (rather, he
quit). He claimed that whatever he had done was legal, and in
accordance with the responsibilities entrusted to him. He
concluded by saying he was a war veteran with 37 pieces of
shrapnel in his body, who each day has to take more than 50
pills, seven sprays, and three syrups.
IRGC TRYING TO SLAP DOWN JUDICIARY?
------------------------------------
¶19. (U) These problems for the Judiciary come amidst its efforts
to vastly increase its investigative and prosecutorial powers.
In December 2004 Iranian press also reported on the Judiciary's
creation of provincial civil defense militia entitled "Units for
Protecting Society ("Sazeman-e Hefazat-e Ejtema'i"). These
units, first proposed by Judiciary Head Ayatollah Shahroudi in
January 2004, were to be entrusted with " crime-fighting,
intelligence-gathering and providing religious guidance," in
accordance with the Article 8 of the Constitution and the
Islamic precept of "enjoining the good and forbidding the evil
("Amr be Ma'ruf va nahi az monkar").
¶20. (U) Many Majlis members have spoken up against these
provincial units, some of which have already been stood up.
They note that their mission replicates that of the Basij, and
that these units have been created without any authorizing
Majlis legislation. Basij Commander Brigader General Seyed
Mohammd Hejazi was quoted in press as saying that this "rival
militia" would cause many problems, and that "this scheme lacks
expertise and professional groundwork."
¶21. (U) Iranian Press in December also reported the Judiciary's
plans to create its own "Judicial Police Organization"
("Sazeman-e Zabetayn-e Qohveh-e Qaza"), responsible for
uncovering and investigating crime, a function currently largely
carried out by the Basij, Intelligence Ministry and Law
Enforcement Forces. Analysts of the Iranian scene cite these
two new proposed forces as further evidence of the
transformation over recent years of Iran's Judiciary's into one
of the main intelligence-security organs within Iran, operating
independently of the Intelligence Ministry.
¶22. (SBU) In early January 2005 Poloff met with "Reza," one of
Iran's leading private sector businessmen, with extensive
connections among Iran's leadership. "Reza" told Poloff that the
Majlis investigation into the Judiciary was being executed at
the behest of the IRGC, who had great power within the Majlis
due to the number of IRGC-sponsored and affiliated
representatives. The IRGC was using this influence to curtail
and control the Judiciary's growing power, which it saw as a
threat to itself and the Basji. "Reza" also affirmed that EA's
Ayatollah Orumiyan and his office head Hosseini had abused their
positions and had been involved in extensive illegal activities
for commercial gain, something he said "happened all the time"
at this level.
¶23. (SBU) COMMENT: It is unclear as to what actually happened
between the Judiciary's CI department and the team authorized by
the Assembly of Expert's Ayatollah Orumiyan to investigate it,
and their respective culpabilities. Regardless, the case is
interesting insomuch as the internecine struggles within
conservative ranks rarely break so openly into the press. Some
Iranian press analysts predict that any Majlis investigation on
the Judiciary will be put off until after the June 2005
Presidential elections, when the political situation is clearer.
Whatever the result, these reports of groups armed with both
weapons and senior clerical authorization committing massive
fraud, extortion and intervening in the judicial process give a
rare detailed glimpse of the endemic high-level corruption
within the Iranian government.