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Viewing cable 09BRASILIA1041, BRAZIL'S THINKING ON COLOMBIA-US DEFENSE
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
09BRASILIA1041 | 2009-08-20 21:31 | 2011-07-11 00:00 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Brasilia |
VZCZCXRO7622
OO RUEHAO RUEHCD RUEHGA RUEHGD RUEHHA RUEHHO RUEHMC RUEHMT RUEHNG
RUEHNL RUEHQU RUEHRD RUEHRG RUEHRS RUEHTM RUEHVC
DE RUEHBR #1041/01 2322131
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
O 202131Z AUG 09
FM AMEMBASSY BRASILIA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 4909
INFO RUEHWH/WESTERN HEMISPHERIC AFFAIRS DIPL POSTS
RUEHRG/AMCONSUL RECIFE 9835
RUEHRI/AMCONSUL RIO DE JANEIRO 8095
RUEHSO/AMCONSUL SAO PAULO 4427
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC
RUMIAAA/USCINCSO MIAMI FL
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 BRASILIA 001041
SIPDIS
WHA FOR A/S SHANNON, DAS MCMULLEN, AND, AND BSC
E.O. 12958: DECL: 08/20/2019
TAGS: PREL MARR BR CO
SUBJECT: BRAZIL'S THINKING ON COLOMBIA-US DEFENSE
COOPERATION AGREEMENT
REF: A. BOGOTA 2520
¶B. QUITO 0715
BRASILIA 00001041 001.2 OF 003
Classified By: Charge d'Affaires Lisa Kubiske, reason: 1.4(b) and (d)
¶1. (C) SUMMARY: The GOB has started to backtrack on its
negative and kneejerk response to the U.S.-Colombia Defense
Cooperation Agreement (DCA) and appears open to
conversations to set straight the disinformation campaign
produced by Brazil,s more left-leaning neighbors. After his
August 6 meeting with Colombian President Uribe, Brazilian
President Lula began mediating the tensions in the region
set off by the DCA and presented a moderate stance on the
Colombian bases during the Union of South American Nations
(UNASUL) meeting in Quito on August 10 and agreed to attend
a summit in Bariloche on August 28. GOB officials have been
receptive to efforts by the Colombian Ambassador in Brazil
to provide more information and transparency on the
negotiations between the United States and Colombia and
have expressed interest in the same engagement from USG
officials. In conversations with various senior USG
officials over the last two weeks, GOB officials have
consistently maintained that their primary interest in the
region is stability. Adverse reaction to the DCA
demonstrates that there remains a significant degree of
mistrust in Brazil regarding U.S. intentions in the region.
End summary.
BRAZIL,S INITIAL RESPONSE
-------------------------
¶2. (U) The GOB,s first reaction to the U.S.-Colombia
Defense Cooperation Agreement (DCA) appeared to be based on
a lack of information and fear that the DCA was aimed at
countering a threat from Venezuela. In late July, Brazilian
President Lula said "I,m not happy with the idea of another
U.S. base in Colombia" and Foreign Minister Celso Amorim
told the press "what worries Brazil is a strong military
presence whose aim and capability seems to go well beyond
what might be needed inside Colombia." There were news
reports that Amorim was working with Spain to coordinate a
political effort from the EU and Latin American countries
against the alleged expansion of a U.S. military presence
in Colombia. Presidential Foreign Policy Advisor Marco
Aurelio Garcia and Amorim complained to National Security
Advisor General Jim Jones during his August 4 visit to
Brasilia (septel) about the way the information and
announcement of the U.S. accord with Colombia were being
managed. Garcia highlighted the Amazon as being Brazil,s
main concern because so often there is talk about
internationalizing the rain forest. He, and several other
Brazilian officials, said that the tension in the region
caused by the U.S.-Colombia DCA puts Brazil in a bad
situation. The Brazilian media quickly seized on the
rhetoric against the DCA propagated by the more
left-leaning elements in the region and Brazilian
government, fueling what the Colombians have called a
disinformation campaign. Many of the stories printed in
Brazilian press in late July and early August were
sensationalist and based on little fact, mischaracterizing
the bases as U.S. bases and the accord as an attempt to
militarize the region.
LULA TAKES URIBE,S MESSAGE ON BOARD AND TO UNASUL
-----------------------------
¶3. (U) President Uribe,s whirlwind tour through Latin
America August 4-6 to explain the scope of the DCA
succeeded in allaying some of Brazil's fears (REF A).
According to GOB and GOC statements to the Brazilian press,
Lula, Amorim, and Minister of Defense Nelson Jobim met with
Uribe for two hours on August 6, maintaining a positive
tone throughout the meeting while expressing concerns over
the use of Colombian military bases by the United States.
Lula emphasized to Uribe the importance of working closely
with all South American countries to counter
narcotrafficking, independent of "external intervention."
Lula also tried to convince Uribe to participate in the
next Union of South American Nations (UNASUL) meeting to
maintain an open dialogue over the bases. Amorim announced
that the GOB saw Uribe,s visit as a very positive gesture
and recognized that Colombia is a sovereign country with
the right to negotiate the use of its air bases with the
BRASILIA 00001041 002.2 OF 003
United States. But he asked that the accord be negotiated
"with transparency."
¶4. (C) PolOffs met August 18 with Colombian Ambassador to
Brazil Tony Jozame, who incidacted that Lula took on board
Uribe,s clarifications of the DCA and U.S. use of Colombia
air bases during Uribe,s August 6 visit to Brasilia. Jozame
noted that, following the discussions with Uribe, Lula
proved very helpful to the Colombians during the UNASUL
summit in Quito by presenting a more moderate discourse and
balancing Chavez,s rhetoric. Brazilian media reported that
Lula and Argentina President Cristina Kirchner led an
effort to prevent heated rhetoric regarding the
U.S.-Colombia military cooperation from dominating the
summit. During the event, Lula called for a UNASUL meeting
with Presidents Obama and Uribe and noted the importance of
hearing the views of Colombian officials regarding the U.S.
presence in Colombia. In great part to Lula,s moderating
efforts, the UNASUL declaration made no reference to the
controversy surrounding the U.S.-Colombia DCA. Brazilian
Ministry of Defense (MOD) contacts told EmbOffs that Lula
did not stay until the end of the UNASUL meeting because
Brazilian MOD Nelson Jobim prevailed on him not to, in an
attempt to defuse the tension over the issue in Quito.
Brazilian military officials have in recent weeks told
Brazilian press and USG officials that they do not see the
DCA as a regional threat.
COLOMBIAN MISSION CAMPAIGNING ITS VIEWS
-------------------------
¶5. (C) Uribe told Brazilian officials that he had tasked
his ambassador in Brazil to meet with the Brazilian Senate
to explain fully the DCA and share with the Brazilians the
documents of the negotiations with the United States.
Jozame told the PollOff that he had already met with
several members of the Brazilian Congress and was scheduled
to meet with several other senior Brazilian officials and
Latin American missions in Brasilia to discuss the DCA.
Jozame also shared the documents he was sending to every
Brazilian member of Congress, which included: a personal
two-page letter from the Ambassador explaining the positive
progress Colombia has made in recent years in its
partnership with the United States to counter
narcotrafficking, titled "Colombia: Yesterday and Today;" a
two-page document outlining the objectives of the DCA with
the United States; and a two-page document with nine points
explaining what the DCA with the United States is and seven
points explaining what it is not, written in an effort to
clarify the disinformation that has been published in the
press and advocated by Venezuela,s Chavez and others during
the UNASUL meeting. (Note: these documents have been sent
to WHA/BSC. End note.) Jozame said his clarifications were
well received by Brazilian members of Congress and that he
has invited Brazilian officials to visit the Colombian
bases if they want to see it for themselves.
¶6. (C) Jozame suggested that USG officials reach out to the
GOB as well to give them greater detail and information on
the DCA, to "clear the air," and to counter misinformation.
Jozame also welcomed the coordination of efforts and
messages being given to the Brazilians.
PRESIDENCY ADVISOR EXPLAINS BRAZIL,S REACTION
--------------------------
¶7. (C) Foreign Policy Advisor Ambassador Marcel Biato
explained Brazil,s reaction to the DCA in a meeting with
the Charge on August 19. He denied that it represented an
effort to promote UNASUL at the expense of the United
States. Rather, he said, Brazil,s main interest is to
maintain peace in the region and that putting the lid back
on regional tensions required moving the GOB,s public
discourse to the middle of the debate (i.e., making
statements critical of the United States) in order to
maintain its ability to act as a mediator. Biato thought
the USG should understand well the context in which Brazil
is trying to work and would know not to react to negative
statements. Biato described Lula,s meeting with Uribe as
positive and said that Lula was reticent to attend the
upcoming meeting in Bariloche for fear it would stir up
conflict again. As Uribe had agreed to go, however, Lula
would attend.
BRASILIA 00001041 003.2 OF 003
COMMENT: STABILITY, LACK OF TRUST AT ISSUE
-----------------------
¶8. (C) Brazil,s foreign policy in South America is driven
primarily by a desire for stability, as seen in its
repeated assumption of a mediator role during crises and
push for multilateral forums to facilitate communication
and cooperation. Brasilia,s negative reaction to the
announcement of the U.S.-Colombia DCA was, in the first
instance, a response to the tensions the DCA ignited in the
region and part of what Brasilia saw as a pragmatic effort
to dissolve the strain.
¶9. (C) In tandem with this fundamental concern, less
pragmatic elements within the Lula government and Brazilian
media clearly have sought to exploit the DCA incident to
boost Brazil,s leadership at the expense of the United
States. At the same time, the incident played on
deep-seeded and broad-based suspicions of U.S. intentions
in South America, based on the Brazilian reading of past
U.S. intervention in the region. Taken together with
Brazilian concerns about the Fourth Fleet and long-standing
worries about losing the Amazon, this latest incident has
brought to the fore the low level of trust many Brazilians
have in the United States, which is a key consideration as
we seek to expand our bilateral partnership.
KUBISKE