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Viewing cable 09KABUL1278, Balkh Province - Security Setbacks, Corruption, Uneven
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
09KABUL1278 | 2009-05-19 13:03 | 2011-08-24 01:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Embassy Kabul |
VZCZCXRO7990
RR RUEHDBU RUEHPW
DE RUEHBUL #1278/01 1391303
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 191303Z MAY 09 ZDK
FM AMEMBASSY KABUL
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 8988
INFO RUCNAFG/AFGHANISTAN COLLECTIVE
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 KABUL 001278
DEPARTMENT FOR SRAP, SCA/FO, SCA/A, EUR/RPM
STATE PASS TO AID FOR ASIA/SCAA
USFOR-A FOR POLAD
SENSITIVE
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV PINR EAID MARR AF
SUBJECT: Balkh Province - Security Setbacks, Corruption, Uneven
Development Hinder Progress
¶1. (U) Summary: Strong provincial leadership by Governor Atta makes
the Balkh government work, but a worsening security picture in
districts west of the provincial capital Mazar-e-Sharif and
widespread corruption within his administration threaten to
undermine people's confidence in government. Balkh Governor Atta
continues to blame the international community for not allocating
the same development assistance to the north as it does to the south
and east of the country.
Security
--------
¶2. (U) Despite having one of the most permissive security
environments in the country, Balkh province still faces serious
security challenges. One of them is stabilizing the
Pashtun-majority districts of Chemtal, Charbolak, and Balkh, which
flank the ring road. Attacks by anti-government elements (AGE) on
GIRoA authorities and ISAF forces are on the rise in those
districts, and the largely unmentored and undermanned ranks of the
Afghan National Police (ANP) are incapable of neutralizing the
insurgent threat. Governor Atta exerts tremendous influence over
the ANSF in his province, but the ANSF do not enjoy the trust of
Pashtun villagers in the three above-mentioned districts.
¶3. (U) This is not a new phenomenon; those communities have ties to
Hezb-I Islami Gulbuddin elements and allege discrimination by
government security forces, whom they accuse of having Jamiat Party
connections. Former HiG members in Balkh - led by Atta's nemesis,
Paktia Governor Juma Khan Hamdard - hold Atta responsible for last
year's murders of 14 former HiG elders, but the truth may never be
known. Atta has denied the charges and no investigations into the
killings have been ordered.
¶4. (SBU) Provincial Council chairman Azimi privately acknowledges
that Governor Atta has been too preoccupied in recent weeks with his
party's election-related activities to deal with the unrest in those
districts. Azimi cited the examples of how the government has dealt
with similar problems in the districts of Sholgara and Dowlatabad,
where insurgents had previously been active. There, the governor
used his influence and cash to encourage residents of non-Pashtun
villages encircling Pashtun villages to stay vigilant and report
suspicious activities to the governor's office. That approach
yielded actionable intelligence that resulted in some arrests and
killings of insurgents - not by the district police, but by a
better-equipped unit under the direct control of the Provincial
Chief of Police. The PC chairman said neither he nor the governor
has confidence in the regular ANP units in those districts. The
PRT has voiced its concerns to the governor about the police chief
in Chemtal, who is believed to have ties to insurgents. Governor
Atta agrees that the police chief there must go and is reportedly
looking for a way to make that happen.
¶5. (U) The onset of spring has seen an uptick in threats and
incidents even in the provincial capital city, Mazar-e-Sharif. Two
separate car bomb attacks - one claiming the life of a Norwegian
ISAF soldier - occurred there within a one-week period in April 2009
- the first such attacks in two years.
¶6. (SBU) ISAF has made Balkh the focus of efforts to affect the
transfer of lead security responsibility (TLSR) into Afghan hands,
which would make it the second province after Kabul to achieve this
status. To this end, Germany has launched Focused District
Development (FDD) training of the ANP in Dehdadi district and
together with the U.S., has pledged to continue with FDD training of
district police throughout the province. Germany envisions that
Balkh will formally be classified as TLSR-ready when certain
governance indicators are met and after all police in the province
have been trained through FDD - a process expected to take another
three-to-five years. In practice, TLSR has essentially happened in
Balkh, with ISAF playing a supporting role even now by responding to
ANSF requests for assistance. Sweden and Finland have already
started discussions about shifting their security assistance efforts
to the other three provinces (Jowzjan, Sar-e-pul, and Samangan) of
the PRT's area of responsibility once Balkh achieves formal TLSR
status.
¶7. (U) Balkh ANSF maintained excellent security with little ISAF
assistance during the high-profile Persian New Year's festival in
Mazar-e-Sharif in March. Yet stove-piping of information and lack
of coordination by the Afghan army, police and intelligence service
remain impediments to effective command and control in Balkh.
District police chiefs do not communicate laterally with their peers
in other districts; information flows up to headquarters and back
down, but rarely between districts. Cross-provincial border
information sharing is even poorer between the ANSF in districts
like Charbolak and Chemtal and their counterparts in adjacent
districts that belong to Jowzjan and Sar-e-pul provinces.
KABUL 00001278 002 OF 003
¶8. (U) The transition from the ANP-led Joint Regional Command Center
(JRCC) to the ANA-led northern regional Operations Coordination
Center (OCCR) is incomplete. The OCCR is meant to coordinate the
collective efforts of ANSF in Regional Command North, and is
supposed to be manned by deputy commanders from the ANA, ANP, and
NDS. But at present, it is manned only by ANP duty personnel and a
couple of liaison officers from the ANA and NDS who attend the
morning briefings. The OCCR functions as a place to share
information and not as the coordination center it is intended to be.
The Finnish military contingent at the PRT has agreed to provide
personnel to mentor the ANA staff who man the 24/7 operation, but
those mentors have not yet arrived. ISAF has shown a greater
willingness to incorporate the concept of jointness with the Afghan
police and Afghan army in its patrols and operations, but the low
numbers of available ANSF units limit this in practice.
¶9. (U) Governor Atta wants Balkh province to become a hub for Afghan
military operations, given its strategic central location in the
north. American military personnel who train Afghan commando units
in Balkh give them high marks and would like to see them supported
with rotary assets to take on the insurgent threat in Ghormach
district of Faryab. The governor has also pushed for the
Disbandment of Illegal Armed Groups (DIAG) process to begin in six
districts of Balkh simultaneously - a first for DIAG. While Atta
covets this distinction, it is clear that the DIAG process in and of
itself will not make a huge dent in reducing the numbers of weapons
believed to be buried in caches throughout the province.
Governance
----------
¶10. (SBU) A former mujahideen commander turned politician and
businessman, Governor Atta enjoys unrivalled influence in the
northern region. His government is largely a one-man show. Five
years into his term, Atta remains the longest serving governor to
serve in a single province, and he has commented that he would like
to remain Balkh governor for another five-to-ten years. Atta has
shown himself to be a very powerful and effective administrator, but
he continues to turn a blind eye to conflicts of interest, thus
blurring the line between personal and official business. Atta took
the initiative of establishing Balkh's own anti-corruption
commission and has vowed to bring to justice anyone found guilty of
corruption. Transparency into the work of the commission is lacking
and hopes are not high that the commission will curb the rampant
corruption within provincial and municipal departments. The civil
service reform commission in Balkh has seen its work of identifying
candidates for government jobs based on merit undermined by
influential people trying to install their associates in key
revenue-generating departments, such as in the customs department at
the Heyratan border with Uzbekistan. Atta is known to mistrust the
justice system and has made it no secret that he believes the chief
judge in Balkh is corrupt.
¶11. (SBU) The Balkh provincial council is weak and its politically
ambitious, well educated chairman is generally regarded by the
public as a mouthpiece for the governor. PC chairman Azimi concedes
privately that even as an elected official, he is politically
subservient to Governor Atta. Azimi, who has decided not to run
again in the August 2009 provincial council elections, is awaiting
Atta's blessing on his plans to run for Parliament in 2010. Other
provincial council members have privately complained that the
chairman utters public statements on behalf of the council without
prior consultation with them.
Development
-----------
¶12. (U) Atta believes the north has not yielded its due peace
dividend in the form of development dollars despite having much
greater levels of security than the Taliban-infested south and east.
He does not accept that a dangerous province like Helmand should
receive hundreds of millions of dollars in development money while a
relatively safe province like Balkh gets only a tiny fraction. This
frustration has led him to step up criticism of the Swedish-led PRT
and the international community for not doing enough reconstruction
in his province. Atta even wrote a letter to UNAMA last year asking
for a new lead nation to replace Sweden as head of the PRT for that
reason. Sweden, working through SIDA, its development arm, channels
the lion's share of its development assistance directly through the
central government in Kabul - thus largely removing the PRT from the
development picture, unlike the close relationship between USAID and
the U.S. military in U.S.-led PRTs. The Swedes have, however,
imposed a "soft earmark" on their contributions to Kabul, requesting
that 25 percent of their funds be expended in the four provinces
covered by its PRT.
¶13. (U) Atta is not content with "soft" capacity building projects,
KABUL 00001278 003 OF 003
such as support for the Afghan Independent Human Rights Commission
or training of journalists, that Swedish development money typically
funds. Atta wants roads and infrastructure projects, and he is
getting that to a limited extent through other means: Germany has
embarked on efforts to build a world class airport terminal in
Mazar-e-Sharif and a runway that can handle jumbo jet traffic.
Germany is considering paving a road directly linking Mazar and
Kunduz, which would benefit commerce by greatly reducing travel
times (Kunduz has a border crossing to Tajikistan). Atta would like
to see extension of the rail line that would connect Mazar-e-Sharif
with Uzbekistan and the whole of Europe - a development that could
make Balkh province one of the most important trade hubs in the
country and attract more investment to the north.
¶14. (U) Atta is proud that his province was the first to be declared
poppy free but is angry that, in spite of this achievement, Balkh's
farmers have not received alternative livelihood projects that he
claims were promised by the central government. He feels that he
put his reputation on the line when he encouraged farmers to
eradicate first their poppy and later cannabis crops and has little
to offer them in the way of rewards. This overlooks the fact that
Balkh has received $2.5 million in Good Performers Initiative monies
for maintaining poppy-free status since 2007. Balkh recently
received another $1 million in GPI money for the 2008 cultivation
results. It has spent these funds on tractors, health clinics and
potable water projects. Still, Atta feels those amounts are
insufficient when he compares Balkh's slice of the pie with that of
poppy-growing provinces like Helmand and Kandahar.
¶15. (U) Atta takes a hands-on approach to development and even paid
a contractor from his own pocket to develop and refine Balkh's
provincial development plan. But he harbors disillusionment with
donors who either do not want to fund or are unable to fund his top
priority projects across the plan's eight sectors. USAID remains
the single biggest donor in Balkh, and Atta appreciates its
reconstruction efforts. Despite a rocky start with USAID's $40
million Mazar Foods Initiative (MFI) - envisioned as the showcase
agricultural project in the northern region - Atta is on board with
the project's new focus. However, any reduction in funding for MFI
or other USAID projects in Balkh or redirecting of USAID funds to
other areas of the country may find the U.S. Government on the
receiving end of Atta's criticism.
EIKENBERRY