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Viewing cable 09BRASILIA477, BRAZIL: IRANIAN FOREIGN MINISTER'S VISIT A PREVIEW
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
09BRASILIA477 | 2009-04-15 21:52 | 2011-07-11 00:00 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Brasilia |
VZCZCXRO0930
RR RUEHRG
DE RUEHBR #0477/01 1052152
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
R 152152Z APR 09
FM AMEMBASSY BRASILIA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 4067
INFO RUEHAC/AMEMBASSY ASUNCION 7490
RUEHBU/AMEMBASSY BUENOS AIRES 6181
RUEHLP/AMEMBASSY LA PAZ 6875
RUEHMN/AMEMBASSY MONTEVIDEO 7731
RUEHSG/AMEMBASSY SANTIAGO 0919
RUEHRG/AMCONSUL RECIFE 9376
RUEHRI/AMCONSUL RIO DE JANEIRO 7571
RUEHSO/AMCONSUL SAO PAULO 3881
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHDC
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 BRASILIA 000477
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 04/15/2019
TAGS: PREL ENRG PINR SCUL BR IR
SUBJECT: BRAZIL: IRANIAN FOREIGN MINISTER'S VISIT A PREVIEW
TO AHMADINEJAD VISIT
REF: A. 09 BRASILIA 00387
¶B. 07 BRASILIA 001889
Classified By: DEPUTY CHIEF OF MISSION LISA KUBISKE, REASONS 1.4 B, D
¶1. (C) Summary: Iranian Foreign Minister Mottaki's visit to
Brasilia on March 26, reciprocating Foreign Minister Amorim's
November 2008 visit to Tehran, served as a preview to a
planned visit to Brasilia by Iranian president Ahmadinejad
that the media is reporting will happen May 5-6. During his
visit, Mottaki met with President Lula, Foreign Minister
Amorim, and Mines and Energy Minister Lobao (ref a).
According to Foreign Ministry (Itamaraty) contacts, Mottaki
primarily discussed the two countries' growing bilateral
relationship; Mottaki also heard from the Brazilians that it
had lost credibility on the international stage due ot its
nuclear program. Brazilian officials also urged Mottaki to
respond positively to President Obama's Norwuz message to the
Iranian people. Although Brazilian officials are mindful of
sensitivities regarding Iran's defiance of international
calls for transparency in its nuclear ambitions and maintain
a cautious approach with Iran -- a fact underscored by the
low-key nature of Mottaki's visit -- Brazil intends to move
forward with building ties to Iran -- stopping short of
building a strategic relationship, as Iran desires -- as part
of its broader strategy to increase its presence in the
Middle East (septel). End summary.
--------------------------------
A Preview for Ahmadinejad Visit
--------------------------------
¶2. (C) Iranian Foreign Minister Mottaki's visit to Brasilia
represented the first such visit by an Iranian FM in 16 years
and reciprocated FM Amorim's visit to Tehran, the first such
visit by a Brazilian FM in 17 years. The visits come on the
heels of a series of high-level meetings that have taken
place over the past several years, including visits to
Brasilia by the Deputy Foreign Minister Sheikh Attar in 2008,
Supreme Council for National Security member Nahavandian's
visit in 2007. There have also been political talks at the
Undersecretary level in 2008 and 2007.
¶3. (C) In an April 8 meeting with Charge d'Affaires Lisa
Kubiske, Itamaraty Undersecretary for Political Affairs II
Roberto Jaguaribe, confirmed press reports that a
presidential-level meeting would happen sometime before
Iran's June elections, though Jaguaribe noted that both sides
were still working on dates. Jaguaribe noted that a stopover
visit en route to Venezuela or other countries in Latin
America would not work for Brazil (Comment: Brazil is
conscious that Venezuela and Iran have a strategic
relationship. Brazil likely prefers to avoid the impression
that it is part of Iran's Latin American support network. End
comment.) Jaguaribe said he expects the themes of a
presidential meeting will be focused on bilateral issues
primarily, but concedes that other "sensitive" issues
inevitably will be raised. He added that this growing level
of engagement with Iran has gained Brazil credibility with
the Iranians, which, according to Jaguaribe, enhances
Brazil's ability to facilitate dialogue between Iran and
other parties.
¶4. (C) In a separate meeting April 14 with Secretary Carlos
Leopoldo Goncalves de Oliveira, the Iran desk officer at
Itamaraty's Middle East Division II, poloff asked de Oliveira
about a possible Ahmadinejad visit and he reiterated
Jaguaribe's comments from the week before that both sides
were working on a meeting but that no dates had been set.
But when asked if Ahmadinejad could stop in Brazil on the way
to Venezuela, as press reports were indicating he might do
around May 5, de Oliveira seemed to back away from that
stance, and noted that a stop in Brasilia could be a
possibility, although it would not be Brazil's preference.
On May 15, Folha de Sao Paulo reported that Ahmadinejad would
visit Brasilia, probably May 5-6, accompanied by about 100
person delegation from various sectors of the Iranian
government and the private sector. According to the Folha
article, citing unnamed Brazilian diplomats, after President
Obama's recent conciliatory gestures towards Iran, President
Lula judges that such a visit holds less downside risk for
Brazil on the global stage.
BRASILIA 00000477 002 OF 003
--------------------------------------------
Amorim to Mottaki: You Have Lost Credibility
--------------------------------------------
¶5. (C) Jaguaribe described the Mottaki visit as covering the
"usual" bilateral topics, but acknowledged that some more
sensitive subjects were discussed as well. Trade was a
significant focus of the visit for Brazil, since "we export a
lot more than we import," even if trade with Iran declined
last year, mostly as a result of Iran's "credit problems".
Iran represents one of Brazil's largest Middle East markets,
accounting for about 30 percent of exports to that region or
USD 1.8 billion in 2007. In 2008, that figure dropped
sharply to USD 1.1 billion and Iran's share of Brazilian
exports to the Middle East fell to 15 percent. However,
according to de Oliveira, trade did not actually drop 40
percent, but "more like 15-20 percent". Due to the global
financial crisis, de Oliveira noted, Iranian importers had
difficulty obtaining letters of credit, so Brazilian exports
to Iran were going instead to Bahrain where they were then
exported to Iran. (Note: in 2008, Bahrain registered a 250
percent increase in imports from Brazil over 2007, to USD 292
million, after several years of decline. End note.)
According to de Oliveira, most of the increase in exports to
Bahrain was related to Iran, and not because of increased
trade with Bahrain.
¶6. (C) Jaguaribe said that Iran's nuclear program was raised,
despite public claims by Foreign Minister Amorim that the
issue was not discussed. Amorim made clear to Mottaki that
Brazil would maintain its traditional posture of supporting
Iran's right to develop peaceful nuclear energy. While
Brazil had not supported bringing the matter of the Iranian
nuclear program before the UNSC, Amorim stressed to Mottaki
that Iran had to comply with UNSC resolutions, now that the
international community had decided on that approach.
According to Jaguaribe, Amorim told Mottaki that Iran had
lost credibility in the international stage on this issue,
and compared Iran's situation with a person who takes a hit
on his credit rating after failing to make payments on his
credit card. Iran would have to undergo a period with a low
credit score until it can regain the trust of the
international community.
-------------------------------------------
Norwuz Message: Right Signal At Right Time
-------------------------------------------
¶7. (C) The new U.S. administration was also a topic of
discussion, according to Jaguaribe. Amorim strongly
encouraged Iran to respond positively to President Obama's
Norwuz message. Jaguaribe reported that Mottaki responded
cautiously that the United States would have to follow its
words with concrete actions.
¶8. (C) Jaguaribe heaped praise on President Obama's message,
noting that it was exactly the right signal to send to the
Iranians and that its nods of praise for Iran's history and
achievements struck the right chords. Jaguaribe added the
message puts the ball in Iran's court and that it is
incumbent on them to respond to it. Jaguaribe observed that
Brazil sees engagement, rather than confrontation, as a more
powerful tool with regimes like Iran, because it weakens the
hardliners within the regime.
¶9. (C) De Oliveira, who accompanied Amorim on his November
2008 to Tehran, offered his "personal view" that, as a
face-saving culture, Iranian leaders will not dial down their
anti-American rhetoric even after President Obama's
overtures. Furthermore, Iran's nuclear program is a matter
of national honor that it cannot back away from, but it might
be sufficient for Iran to say that it mastered the nuclear
fuel cycle, thereby proving that it could develop its own
nuclear weapons while stopping short of building them.
--------------------------------------------- ------
Factoring U.S. Views on Petrobras Investment Decisions
--------------------------------------------- ------
¶10. (C) Mottaki also met with Minister of Mines and Energy
(MME) Edison Lobao. Daniel Lins, Deputy in MRE's
Non-renewable Energy Department, who attended the meeting,
confirmed to econoff MME's readout (ref a) that the meeting
BRASILIA 00000477 003 OF 003
was filled with "diplomatic pleasantries with no concrete
steps taken in any direction." According to Lins, the
discussion consisted almost entirely of a general exchange of
information regarding energy activities currently being
undertaken by each side. The only specific item discussed
was the invitation for Lobao to go to Iran. Given prior
reports that Minister Lobao indicated during the meeting that
the service provider contract required by Iran was a primary
obstacle to Petrobras taking on any additional activities
there, econoff probed as to whether a change in these
operating conditions would alter Petrobras' intentions not to
engage further in Iran. Lins would only note that, while
Brazil has a genuine desire to be fair with Iran, there is a
lot of respect within the GOB for the Brazilian relationship
with the United States. He believed this would be a factor
in everyone's minds when making any decisions over engagement
with Iran and that he didn't see Brazil making any radical
changes in its current policies.
--------------------------------------------- ------
Brazil's Relationship with Iran: Normal, Not Strategic
--------------------------------------------- ------
¶11. (C) According to de Oliveira, Brazil's efforts to build
ties to Iran have to be seen in the broader context of
Brazil's strategic outreach to the Middle East region. De
Oliveira noted that Brazil was "in deficit" with two
countries in the region in terms of their diplomatic
relations, Iran and Iraq. For obvious reasons, he observed,
the "deficit" with Iraq would remain for a while longer,
although Brazil is moving towards re-opening its Embassy
there and, he added, has already rented a building in
Baghdad. On Iran, he observed, Brazil does not face the same
obstacles. De Oliveira emphasized, however, that Brazil is
not looking to reciprocate Iran's desire to forge a strategic
relationship with Brazil. Brazil is only looking to have a
"normal" relationship similar to what it has with other
countries of Iran's size and influence, and with which Brazil
has significant trade. Brazil is aware that Iran hopes to
bring its relationship with Brazil to the level that Iran has
with Venezuela, but Brazil has no interest in that.
---------------------------------------------
Comment: Engage Brazil as Brazil Engages Iran
---------------------------------------------
¶12. (C) Brazil and Iran appear equally determined to raise
the level of their mutual engagement. Brazil is maintaining
a cautious approach, however, and will not take a risk of
being ostracized in order to expand relations with Iran.
Since President Lula's unfortunate and factually incorrect
defense of the transparency of Iran's nuclear program in
September of 2007 (ref b), Brazilian officials have avoided
any polemical statements on Iran, and Petrobras remains firm
that it will not expand its investments there--two signs that
Brazil is sensitive to international concerns over Iran's
behavior. On the other hand, Brazil is unlikely to go beyond
the clearcut international consensus in addressing Iran's
nuclear program. Even then, Brazil will handle any sensitive
discussions in private and cannot be expected to openly
criticize Iran absent a clearer Iranian provocation. But as
evidenced from Jaguaribe's version of the conversations
between Mottaki and Amorim, Brazil is willing to deliver a
message to Iran that dovetails with U.S. interests.
Therefore, engagement with the GOB on Iran offers the
opportunity to strengthen Brazil's message prior to any
further high level meetings.
SOBEL