

Currently released so far... 51122 / 251,287
Articles
Brazil
Sri Lanka
United Kingdom
Sweden
00. Editorial
United States
Latin America
Egypt
Jordan
Yemen
Thailand
Browse latest releases
2010/12/01
2010/12/02
2010/12/03
2010/12/04
2010/12/05
2010/12/06
2010/12/07
2010/12/08
2010/12/09
2010/12/10
2010/12/11
2010/12/12
2010/12/13
2010/12/14
2010/12/15
2010/12/16
2010/12/17
2010/12/18
2010/12/19
2010/12/20
2010/12/21
2010/12/22
2010/12/23
2010/12/24
2010/12/25
2010/12/26
2010/12/27
2010/12/28
2010/12/29
2010/12/30
2011/01/01
2011/01/02
2011/01/04
2011/01/05
2011/01/07
2011/01/09
2011/01/11
2011/01/12
2011/01/13
2011/01/14
2011/01/15
2011/01/16
2011/01/17
2011/01/18
2011/01/19
2011/01/20
2011/01/21
2011/01/22
2011/01/23
2011/01/24
2011/01/25
2011/01/26
2011/01/27
2011/01/28
2011/01/29
2011/01/30
2011/01/31
2011/02/01
2011/02/02
2011/02/03
2011/02/04
2011/02/05
2011/02/06
2011/02/07
2011/02/08
2011/02/09
2011/02/10
2011/02/11
2011/02/12
2011/02/13
2011/02/14
2011/02/15
2011/02/16
2011/02/17
2011/02/18
2011/02/19
2011/02/20
2011/02/21
2011/02/22
2011/02/23
2011/02/24
2011/02/25
2011/02/26
2011/02/27
2011/02/28
2011/03/01
2011/03/02
2011/03/03
2011/03/04
2011/03/05
2011/03/06
2011/03/07
2011/03/08
2011/03/09
2011/03/10
2011/03/11
2011/03/13
2011/03/14
2011/03/15
2011/03/16
2011/03/17
2011/03/18
2011/03/19
2011/03/20
2011/03/21
2011/03/22
2011/03/23
2011/03/24
2011/03/25
2011/03/26
2011/03/27
2011/03/28
2011/03/29
2011/03/30
2011/03/31
2011/04/01
2011/04/02
2011/04/03
2011/04/04
2011/04/05
2011/04/06
2011/04/07
2011/04/08
2011/04/09
2011/04/10
2011/04/11
2011/04/12
2011/04/13
2011/04/14
2011/04/15
2011/04/16
2011/04/17
2011/04/18
2011/04/19
2011/04/20
2011/04/21
2011/04/22
2011/04/23
2011/04/24
2011/04/25
2011/04/26
2011/04/27
2011/04/28
2011/04/29
2011/04/30
2011/05/01
2011/05/02
2011/05/03
2011/05/04
2011/05/05
2011/05/06
2011/05/07
2011/05/08
2011/05/09
2011/05/10
2011/05/11
2011/05/12
2011/05/13
2011/05/14
2011/05/15
2011/05/16
2011/05/17
2011/05/18
2011/05/19
2011/05/20
2011/05/21
2011/05/22
2011/05/23
2011/05/24
2011/05/25
2011/05/26
2011/05/27
2011/05/28
2011/05/29
2011/05/30
2011/05/31
2011/06/01
2011/06/02
2011/06/03
2011/06/04
2011/06/05
2011/06/06
2011/06/07
2011/06/08
2011/06/09
2011/06/10
2011/06/11
2011/06/12
2011/06/13
2011/06/14
2011/06/15
2011/06/16
2011/06/17
2011/06/18
2011/06/19
2011/06/20
2011/06/21
2011/06/22
2011/06/23
2011/06/24
2011/06/25
2011/06/26
2011/06/27
2011/06/28
2011/06/29
2011/06/30
2011/07/01
2011/07/02
2011/07/04
2011/07/05
2011/07/06
2011/07/07
2011/07/08
2011/07/10
2011/07/11
2011/07/12
2011/07/13
2011/07/14
2011/07/15
2011/07/16
2011/07/17
2011/07/18
2011/07/19
2011/07/20
2011/07/21
2011/07/22
2011/07/23
2011/07/25
2011/07/27
2011/07/28
2011/07/29
2011/07/31
2011/08/01
2011/08/02
2011/08/03
2011/08/05
2011/08/06
2011/08/07
2011/08/08
2011/08/09
2011/08/10
2011/08/11
2011/08/12
2011/08/13
2011/08/15
2011/08/16
2011/08/17
2011/08/18
2011/08/19
2011/08/21
2011/08/22
2011/08/23
2011/08/24
Browse by creation date
Browse by origin
Embassy Athens
Embassy Asuncion
Embassy Astana
Embassy Asmara
Embassy Ashgabat
Embassy Apia
Embassy Antananarivo
Embassy Ankara
Embassy Amman
Embassy Algiers
Embassy Addis Ababa
Embassy Accra
Embassy Abuja
Embassy Abu Dhabi
Embassy Abidjan
Consulate Auckland
Consulate Amsterdam
Consulate Alexandria
Consulate Adana
American Institute Taiwan, Taipei
Embasy Bonn
Embassy Bujumbura
Embassy Buenos Aires
Embassy Budapest
Embassy Bucharest
Embassy Brussels
Embassy Bridgetown
Embassy Brazzaville
Embassy Bratislava
Embassy Brasilia
Embassy Bogota
Embassy Bishkek
Embassy Bern
Embassy Berlin
Embassy Belmopan
Embassy Belgrade
Embassy Beirut
Embassy Beijing
Embassy Banjul
Embassy Bangui
Embassy Bangkok
Embassy Bandar Seri Begawan
Embassy Bamako
Embassy Baku
Embassy Baghdad
Consulate Belfast
Consulate Barcelona
Embassy Cotonou
Embassy Copenhagen
Embassy Conakry
Embassy Colombo
Embassy Chisinau
Embassy Caracas
Embassy Canberra
Embassy Cairo
Consulate Curacao
Consulate Ciudad Juarez
Consulate Chiang Mai
Consulate Chennai
Consulate Chengdu
Consulate Casablanca
Consulate Cape Town
Consulate Calgary
Embassy Dushanbe
Embassy Dublin
Embassy Doha
Embassy Djibouti
Embassy Dili
Embassy Dhaka
Embassy Dar Es Salaam
Embassy Damascus
Embassy Dakar
DIR FSINFATC
Consulate Dusseldorf
Consulate Durban
Consulate Dubai
Consulate Dhahran
Embassy Guatemala
Embassy Grenada
Embassy Georgetown
Embassy Gaborone
Consulate Guayaquil
Consulate Guangzhou
Consulate Guadalajara
Embassy Helsinki
Embassy Harare
Embassy Hanoi
Consulate Hong Kong
Consulate Ho Chi Minh City
Consulate Hermosillo
Consulate Hamilton
Consulate Hamburg
Consulate Halifax
Embassy Kyiv
Embassy Kuwait
Embassy Kuala Lumpur
Embassy Kolonia
Embassy Kinshasa
Embassy Kingston
Embassy Kigali
Embassy Khartoum
Embassy Kathmandu
Embassy Kampala
Embassy Kabul
Consulate Krakow
Consulate Kolkata
Consulate Karachi
Embassy Luxembourg
Embassy Lusaka
Embassy Luanda
Embassy London
Embassy Lome
Embassy Ljubljana
Embassy Lisbon
Embassy Lima
Embassy Lilongwe
Embassy Libreville
Embassy La Paz
Consulate Leipzig
Consulate Lahore
Consulate Lagos
Mission USOSCE
Mission USNATO
Mission UNESCO
Mission Geneva
Embassy Muscat
Embassy Moscow
Embassy Montevideo
Embassy Monrovia
Embassy Mogadishu
Embassy Minsk
Embassy Mexico
Embassy Mbabane
Embassy Maseru
Embassy Maputo
Embassy Manila
Embassy Manama
Embassy Managua
Embassy Malabo
Embassy Madrid
Consulate Munich
Consulate Mumbai
Consulate Montreal
Consulate Monterrey
Consulate Milan
Consulate Merida
Consulate Melbourne
Consulate Matamoros
Consulate Marseille
Embassy Nouakchott
Embassy Nicosia
Embassy Niamey
Embassy New Delhi
Embassy Ndjamena
Embassy Nassau
Embassy Nairobi
Consulate Nuevo Laredo
Consulate Naples
Consulate Naha
Consulate Nagoya
Embassy Pristina
Embassy Pretoria
Embassy Praia
Embassy Prague
Embassy Port Of Spain
Embassy Port Moresby
Embassy Port Louis
Embassy Port Au Prince
Embassy Podgorica
Embassy Phnom Penh
Embassy Paris
Embassy Paramaribo
Embassy Panama
Consulate Peshawar
REO Hillah
REO Basrah
Embassy Rome
Embassy Riyadh
Embassy Riga
Embassy Reykjavik
Embassy Rangoon
Embassy Rabat
Consulate Rio De Janeiro
Consulate Recife
Secretary of State
Embassy Suva
Embassy Stockholm
Embassy Sofia
Embassy Skopje
Embassy Singapore
Embassy Seoul
Embassy Sarajevo
Embassy Santo Domingo
Embassy Santiago
Embassy Sanaa
Embassy San Salvador
Embassy San Jose
Consulate Surabaya
Consulate Strasbourg
Consulate St Petersburg
Consulate Shenyang
Consulate Shanghai
Consulate Sapporo
Consulate Sao Paulo
Embassy Tunis
Embassy Tripoli
Embassy Tokyo
Embassy Tirana
Embassy The Hague
Embassy Tel Aviv
Embassy Tehran
Embassy Tegucigalpa
Embassy Tbilisi
Embassy Tashkent
Embassy Tallinn
Consulate Toronto
Consulate Tijuana
Consulate Thessaloniki
USUN New York
USMISSION USTR GENEVA
USEU Brussels
US Office Almaty
US Mission Geneva
US Mission CD Geneva
US Interests Section Havana
US Delegation, Secretary
UNVIE
UN Rome
Embassy Ulaanbaatar
Embassy Vilnius
Embassy Vientiane
Embassy Vienna
Embassy Vatican
Embassy Valletta
Consulate Vladivostok
Consulate Vancouver
Browse by tag
AMGT
ASEC
AEMR
AR
APECO
AU
AORC
ADANA
AJ
AF
AFIN
AMED
AS
AM
ABLD
AFFAIRS
AMB
APER
ACOA
AND
AA
AE
AADP
AID
AO
AL
AG
AORD
ADM
AINF
AINT
ASEAN
AORG
ABT
APEC
AY
ASUP
ARF
AGOA
AVIAN
ATRN
ANET
AGIT
ASECVE
ABUD
AODE
ALOW
ADB
AN
ADPM
ASPA
ARABL
AFSN
AZ
AC
AIAG
AFSI
ASCE
ASIG
ACABQ
ADIP
AFGHANISTAN
AROC
ADCO
ACOTA
ANARCHISTS
AMEDCASCKFLO
AK
ARABBL
ASCH
ANTITERRORISM
AGRICULTURE
AOCR
ARR
ASSEMBLY
AORCYM
AFPK
ACKM
AGMT
AEC
APRC
AIN
AFPREL
ASFC
ASECTH
AFSA
AINR
AOPC
AFAF
AFARI
AX
ASECAF
ASECAFIN
AT
AFZAL
APCS
AGAO
AIT
ARCH
AEMRASECCASCKFLOMARRPRELPINRAMGTJMXL
AMEX
ARM
AQ
ATFN
AMBASSADOR
AORCD
AVIATION
ARAS
AINFCY
ACBAQ
AOPR
AREP
AOIC
ASEX
ASEK
AER
AGR
AMCT
AVERY
APR
AEMRS
AFU
AMG
ATPDEA
ASECKFRDCVISKIRFPHUMSMIGEG
AORL
ACS
AMCHAMS
AECL
AUC
ACAO
BA
BR
BB
BG
BEXP
BY
BRUSSELS
BU
BD
BTIO
BK
BL
BE
BMGT
BO
BM
BX
BN
BWC
BBSR
BTT
BC
BH
BILAT
BUSH
BHUM
BT
BTC
BMENA
BOND
BAIO
BP
BF
BRPA
BURNS
BUT
BBG
BCW
BOEHNER
BOL
BASHAR
BIDEN
BFIN
BZ
BEXPC
BTIU
CPAS
CA
CASC
CS
CBW
CIDA
CO
CODEL
CI
CROS
CU
CH
CWC
CMGT
CVIS
CDG
CTR
CG
CF
CHIEF
CJAN
CBSA
CE
CY
CB
CW
CM
CHR
CD
COE
CV
COUNTER
CT
CN
CPUOS
CTERR
CVR
CVPR
CDC
COUNTRY
CLEARANCE
CONS
COM
CACS
CR
CONTROLS
CAN
CACM
COMMERCE
CAMBODIA
CFIS
COUNTERTERRORISM
CITES
CONDOLEEZZA
CZ
CTBT
CEN
CLINTON
CFED
CARC
CTM
CARICOM
CSW
CICTE
CYPRUS
CBE
CMGMT
CARSON
CWCM
CIVS
COUNTRYCLEARANCE
CENTCOM
CAPC
COPUOS
CKGR
CITEL
CQ
CITT
CIC
CARIB
CVIC
CAFTA
CVISU
CDB
CEDAW
CNC
CJUS
COMMAND
CENTER
COL
CAJC
CONSULAR
CLMT
CBC
CIA
CNARC
CIS
CEUDA
CHINA
CAC
CL
DR
DJ
DEMOCRATIC
DEMARCHE
DOMESTIC
DISENGAGEMENT
DB
DA
DHS
DAO
DCM
DAVID
DO
DEAX
DEFENSE
DEA
DTRO
DPRK
DOC
DTRA
DK
DAC
DOD
DRL
DRC
DCG
DE
DOT
DEPT
DOE
DS
DKEM
ECON
ETTC
EFIS
ETRD
EC
EMIN
EAGR
EAID
EFIN
EUN
ECIN
EG
EWWT
EINV
ENRG
ELAB
EPET
EIND
EN
EAIR
EUMEM
ECPS
ES
EI
ELTN
ET
EZ
EU
ER
EINT
ENGR
ECONOMIC
ENIV
EFTA
ETRN
EMS
EUREM
EPA
ESTH
EEB
EET
ENV
EAG
EXIM
ECTRD
ELNT
ENVIRONMENT
ECA
EAP
EINDIR
ETR
ECONOMY
ETRC
ELECTIONS
EICN
EXPORT
EARG
EGHG
EID
ETRO
EINF
EAIDHO
ECIP
EENV
EURM
EPEC
ERNG
ENERG
EIAD
EXBS
ED
EREL
ELAM
EK
EWT
ENGRD
EDEV
ECE
ENGY
EXIMOPIC
ETRDEC
ECCT
EUR
ENRGPARMOTRASENVKGHGPGOVECONTSPLEAID
EFI
ECOSOC
EXTERNAL
ESCAP
ETCC
EENG
ERA
ENRD
ECLAC
ETRAD
EBRD
ENVR
ECONENRG
ELTNSNAR
ELAP
EPIT
EDUC
EAIDXMXAXBXFFR
EETC
EIVN
EDRC
EGOV
ETRA
EAIDRW
ETRDEINVECINPGOVCS
ESA
ETRDGK
ENVI
ELN
EPRT
EPTED
ERTD
EUM
EAIDS
EFINECONEAIDUNGAGM
EDU
EV
EAIDAF
EDA
EPREL
EINVEFIN
EAGER
ETMIN
EUCOM
ECCP
EIDN
EINVKSCA
ENNP
EFINECONCS
ETC
EAIRASECCASCID
EINN
ETRP
ECONOMICS
ENERGY
EIAR
EINDETRD
ECONEFIN
EURN
ETRDEINVTINTCS
EFIM
ETIO
EATO
EIPR
EINVETC
ETTD
ETDR
EIQ
ECONCS
ENRGIZ
EAIG
ENTG
EUC
ERD
EINVECONSENVCSJA
EEPET
EUNCH
ESENV
ECINECONCS
ETRDECONWTOCS
ECUN
FR
FI
FOREIGN
FARM
FIR
FAO
FK
FARC
FAS
FJ
FREEDOM
FAC
FINANCE
FBI
FTAA
FM
FCS
FAA
FORCE
FDA
FTA
FT
FCSC
FMGT
FINR
FIN
FDIC
FOR
FOI
FO
FMLN
FISO
GM
GERARD
GT
GA
GG
GR
GTIP
GH
GZ
GE
GB
GY
GAZA
GJ
GEORGE
GOI
GCC
GMUS
GI
GLOBAL
GV
GC
GL
GOV
GKGIC
GF
GWI
GIPNC
GUTIERREZ
GTMO
GANGS
GAERC
GUILLERMO
GASPAR
HR
HA
HYMPSK
HO
HK
HUMAN
HU
HN
HHS
HURI
HUD
HUMRIT
HUMANITARIAN
HUMANR
HL
HSTC
HILLARY
HCOPIL
HADLEY
HOURANI
HI
HUM
HEBRON
HUMOR
IZ
IN
IAEA
IS
IMO
ILO
IR
IC
IT
ITU
ID
IV
IMF
IBRD
IWC
ICAO
ICRC
INF
IO
IPR
ISO
IK
ISRAELI
IQ
ICES
IDB
INFLUENZA
IRAQI
ISCON
IGAD
IRAN
ITALY
IRAQ
ICTY
ICTR
ITPGOV
ITALIAN
IQNV
IADB
INTERNAL
INMARSAT
IRDB
ILC
INCB
INRB
ICJ
ISRAEL
INR
IEA
ISPA
ICCAT
IOM
ITRD
IHO
IL
IFAD
ITRA
IDLI
ISCA
INL
INRA
INTELSAT
ISAF
ISPL
IRS
IEF
ITER
INDO
IIP
IND
IEFIN
IACI
IAHRC
INNP
IA
INTERPOL
IFIN
ISSUES
IZPREL
IRAJ
IF
ITPHUM
ITA
IP
IRPE
IDA
ISLAMISTS
ITF
INRO
IBET
IDP
IRC
KMDR
KPAO
KOMC
KNNP
KFLO
KDEM
KSUM
KIPR
KFLU
KE
KCRM
KJUS
KAWC
KZ
KSCA
KDRG
KCOR
KGHG
KPAL
KTIP
KMCA
KCRS
KPKO
KOLY
KRVC
KVPR
KG
KWBG
KTER
KS
KN
KSPR
KWMN
KV
KTFN
KFRD
KU
KSTC
KSTH
KISL
KGIC
KSEP
KFIN
KTEX
KTIA
KUNR
KCMR
KCIP
KMOC
KTDB
KBIO
KBCT
KMPI
KSAF
KACT
KFEM
KPRV
KPWR
KIRC
KCFE
KRIM
KHIV
KHLS
KVIR
KNNNP
KCEM
KLIG
KIRF
KNUP
KSAC
KNUC
KPGOV
KTDD
KIDE
KOMS
KLFU
KNNC
KMFO
KSEO
KJRE
KJUST
KMRS
KSRE
KGIT
KPIR
KPOA
KUWAIT
KIVP
KICC
KSCS
KPOL
KSEAO
KRCM
KSCI
KNAP
KGLB
KICA
KCUL
KPRM
KFSC
KQ
KPOP
KPFO
KPALAOIS
KREC
KBWG
KR
KTTB
KNAR
KCOM
KESS
KINR
KOCI
KWN
KCSY
KREL
KTBT
KFTN
KW
KRFD
KFLOA
KHDP
KNEP
KIND
KHUM
KSKN
KOMO
KDRL
KTFIN
KSOC
KPO
KGIV
KSTCPL
KSI
KPRP
KFPC
KNNB
KNDP
KICCPUR
KFRDCVISCMGTCASCKOCIASECPHUMSMIGEG
KDMR
KFCE
KIMMITT
KMCC
KMNP
KSEC
KOMCSG
KGCC
KRAD
KCRP
KAUST
KWAWC
KCHG
KRDP
KPAS
KTIAPARM
KPAOPREL
KWGB
KIRP
KMIG
KLAB
KSEI
KHSA
KNPP
KPAONZ
KWWW
KGHA
KY
KCRIM
KCRCM
KGCN
KPLS
KIIP
KPAOY
KTRD
KTAO
KJU
KBTS
KWAC
KFIU
KNNO
KPAI
KILS
KPA
KRCS
KWBGSY
KNPPIS
KNNPMNUC
KNPT
KERG
KLTN
KPREL
KTLA
KO
KAWK
KVRP
KAID
KX
KENV
KWCI
KNPR
KCFC
KNEI
KFTFN
KTFM
KCERS
KDEMAF
KMEPI
KEMS
KBTR
KEDU
KIRL
KNNR
KMPT
KPDD
KPIN
KDEV
KFRP
KTBD
KMSG
KWWMN
KWBC
KA
KOM
KWNM
KFRDKIRFCVISCMGTKOCIASECPHUMSMIGEG
KRGY
KNNF
KICR
KIFR
KWMNCS
KPAK
KDDG
KCGC
KID
KNSD
KMPF
KWMM
MARR
MX
MASS
MOPS
MNUC
MCAP
MTCRE
MRCRE
MTRE
MASC
MY
MK
MG
MU
MILI
MO
MZ
MEPP
MCC
MEDIA
MOPPS
MI
MAS
MW
MP
MEPN
MV
MD
MR
MC
MCA
MT
MIL
MARITIME
MOPSGRPARM
MAAR
MOOPS
ML
MA
MN
MNUCPTEREZ
MTCR
MUNC
MPOS
MONUC
MGMT
MURRAY
MACP
MINUSTAH
MCCONNELL
MGT
MNUR
MF
MEPI
MOHAMMAD
MAR
MAPP
MNU
MFA
MTS
MLS
MEETINGS
MERCOSUR
MED
MNVC
MIK
MBM
MILITARY
MAPS
MARAD
MDC
MACEDONIA
MASSMNUC
MUCN
MQADHAFI
MPS
NZ
NATO
NI
NO
NU
NG
NL
NPT
NS
NA
NP
NASA
NSF
NEA
NANCY
NSG
NRR
NATIONAL
NMNUC
NC
NSC
NAS
NARC
NELSON
NATEU
NDP
NIH
NK
NIPP
NR
NERG
NSSP
NE
NTDB
NT
NEGROPONTE
NGO
NATOIRAQ
NAR
NZUS
NCCC
NH
NAFTA
NEW
NRG
NUIN
NOVO
NATOPREL
NV
NICHOLAS
NPA
NSFO
NW
NORAD
NPG
NOAA
OPRC
OPDC
OTRA
OECD
OVIP
OREP
ODC
OIIP
OAS
OSCE
OPIC
OMS
OFDP
OFDA
OEXC
OPCW
OIE
OSCI
OM
OPAD
ODPC
OIC
ODIP
OPPI
ORA
OCEA
OREG
OMIG
OFFICIALS
OSAC
OEXP
OPEC
OFPD
OAU
OCII
OIL
OVIPPRELUNGANU
OSHA
OPCD
OPCR
OF
OFDPQIS
OSIC
OHUM
OTR
OBSP
OGAC
OESC
OVP
ON
OES
OTAR
OCS
PREL
PGOV
PARM
PINR
PHUM
PM
PREF
PTER
PK
PINS
PBIO
PHSA
PE
PBTS
PA
PL
POL
PAK
POV
POLITICS
POLICY
PO
PRELTBIOBA
PKO
PIN
PNAT
PU
PGOVPREL
PALESTINIAN
PTERPGOV
PELOSI
PAS
PP
PTEL
PROP
PRELAF
PRHUM
PRE
PUNE
PIRF
PVOV
PROG
PERSONS
PROV
PKK
PRGOV
PH
PLAB
PDEM
PCI
PRL
PRM
PINSO
PERM
PETR
PPAO
PERL
PBS
PETERS
PRELBR
PCON
POLITICAL
PMIL
POLM
PKPA
PNUM
PLO
PTERM
PJUS
PARMP
PNIR
PHUMKPAL
PG
PREZ
PGIC
PAO
PROTECTION
PRELPK
PGOVENRG
PATTY
PSOC
PARTIES
PGOVEAIDUKNOSWGMHUCANLLHFRSPITNZ
PMIG
PAIGH
PARK
PETER
PHUS
PKPO
PGOVECON
POUS
PMAR
PWBG
PAR
PGOVGM
PHUH
PTE
PY
POLUN
PDOV
PGOVSOCI
PGOVPM
PRELEVU
PGOR
PBTSRU
PHUMA
PHUMR
PPD
PGV
PRAM
PARMS
PINL
PSI
PKPAL
PPA
PTERE
PGOF
PINO
PREO
PHAS
PAC
PRESL
PORG
PS
PGVO
PKFK
PSOE
PEPR
PINT
PRELP
PREFA
PNG
PTBS
PFOR
PGOVLO
PHUMBA
PREK
PHJM
POLINT
PGOVE
PHALANAGE
PARTY
PECON
PEACE
PROCESS
PLN
PEDRO
PF
PGPV
PCUL
PGGV
PSA
PGOVSMIGKCRMKWMNPHUMCVISKFRDCA
PGIV
PHUMPREL
POGOV
PEL
PBT
PAMQ
PINF
PSEPC
POSTS
PAHO
PHUMPGOV
PGOC
PNR
RS
RP
RU
RW
RFE
RCMP
RIGHTSPOLMIL
REFORM
RO
ROW
ROBERT
REACTION
REPORT
REGION
RELATIONS
RAY
ROBERTG
RIGHTS
RM
RATIFICATION
RREL
RBI
RICE
ROOD
REL
RODHAM
RGY
RUEHZO
RELIGIOUS
RELFREE
RUEUN
RELAM
RSP
RF
REO
REGIONAL
RUPREL
RI
REMON
RPEL
RSO
SCUL
SENV
SOCI
SZ
SNAR
SO
SP
SU
SY
SI
SMIG
SYR
SA
SW
SF
SR
SYRIA
SNARM
START
SPECIALIST
SG
SNIG
SCI
SGWI
SE
SIPDIS
SANC
SELAB
SN
SETTLEMENTS
SCIENCE
SENVENV
SENS
SPCE
SPAS
SECURITY
SENC
SOCIETY
SOSI
SENVEAGREAIDTBIOECONSOCIXR
SEN
SPECI
ST
SL
SENVCASCEAIDID
SC
SECRETARY
STR
SNA
SOCIS
SADC
SEP
SK
SHUM
SYAI
SMIL
STEPHEN
SNRV
SKCA
SENSITIVE
SECI
SCUD
SCRM
SGNV
SECTOR
SAARC
SENVSXE
SWMN
STEINBERG
SOPN
SOCR
SCRS
SWE
SARS
SNARIZ
SUDAN
SENVQGR
SAN
SM
SFNV
SSA
SPCVIS
SOFA
SCULKPAOECONTU
SENVKGHG
SHI
SEVN
SH
SNARCS
SNARN
SIPRS
TBIO
TW
TRGY
TSPA
TU
TPHY
TI
TX
TH
TIP
TSPL
TNGD
TZ
TS
TC
TK
TURKEY
TERRORISM
TPSL
TINT
TRSY
TERFIN
TPP
TT
TECHNOLOGY
TE
TAGS
TRAFFICKING
TJ
TN
TO
TD
TP
TREATY
TR
TA
TIO
TECH
TF
TRAD
TNDG
TWI
TPSA
TWL
TAUSCHER
TRBY
TL
TV
THPY
TSPAM
TREL
TRT
TNAR
TFIN
TWCH
THOMMA
THOMAS
TERROR
TRY
TBID
UK
UNESCO
UNSC
UNGA
UN
US
UZ
USEU
UG
UP
UNAUS
UNMIK
USTR
UY
USUN
UNEP
UNDC
UV
UNPUOS
UNSCR
USAID
UNODC
UNRCR
UNHCR
UNDP
UNCRIME
UA
UNHRC
UNRWA
UNO
UNCND
UNCHR
USAU
UNICEF
USPS
UNOMIG
UNESCOSCULPRELPHUMKPALCUIRXFVEKV
UR
UNFICYP
UNCITRAL
UNAMA
UNVIE
USTDA
USNC
UNCSD
USCC
UNEF
UNGAPL
USSC
UNMIC
UNTAC
UNCLASSIFIED
USDA
UNCTAD
USGS
UNFPA
UNSE
USOAS
UE
UAE
UNCHS
UNDESCO
UNC
UNSCS
UKXG
UNGACG
UNHR
UNBRO
UNCHC
UNFCYP
UNIDROIT
WHTI
WIPO
WTRO
WHO
WTO
WMO
WFP
WEET
WS
WE
WA
WHA
WBG
WILLIAM
WI
WSIS
WCL
WEBZ
WZ
WW
WWBG
WMD
WWT
WMN
WWARD
WITH
WTRQ
WCO
WEU
WB
WBEG
Browse by classification
Community resources
courage is contagious
Viewing cable 08MANAGUA573, THE ORTEGA ADMINISTRATION AT 15 MONTHS: SLIPPING
If you are new to these pages, please read an introduction on the structure of a cable as well as how to discuss them with others. See also the FAQs
Understanding cables
Every cable message consists of three parts:
- The top box shows each cables unique reference number, when and by whom it originally was sent, and what its initial classification was.
- The middle box contains the header information that is associated with the cable. It includes information about the receiver(s) as well as a general subject.
- The bottom box presents the body of the cable. The opening can contain a more specific subject, references to other cables (browse by origin to find them) or additional comment. This is followed by the main contents of the cable: a summary, a collection of specific topics and a comment section.
Discussing cables
If you find meaningful or important information in a cable, please link directly to its unique reference number. Linking to a specific paragraph in the body of a cable is also possible by copying the appropriate link (to be found at theparagraph symbol). Please mark messages for social networking services like Twitter with the hash tags #cablegate and a hash containing the reference ID e.g. #08MANAGUA573.
Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
08MANAGUA573 | 2008-05-08 17:38 | 2010-12-06 21:30 | SECRET//NOFORN | Embassy Managua |
VZCZCXRO8820
PP RUEHLMC RUEHROV
DE RUEHMU #0573/01 1291738
ZNY SSSSS ZZH
P 081738Z MAY 08
FM AMEMBASSY MANAGUA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 2569
INFO RUEHZA/WHA CENTRAL AMERICAN COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA PRIORITY 1891
RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS PRIORITY 1254
RUEHOT/AMEMBASSY OTTAWA PRIORITY 0241
RUEHRO/AMEMBASSY ROME PRIORITY 0132
RUEHROV/AMEMBASSY VATICAN PRIORITY
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK PRIORITY
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEHLMC/MILLENNIUM CHALLENGE CORP WASHDC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
RHEFDIA/DIA WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHDC PRIORITY
RUMIAAA/CDR USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL//J2/J3/J5// PRIORITY
RUEKJCS/JOINT STAFF WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RHEHAAA/WHITE HOUSE WASHDC PRIORITY
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 08 MANAGUA 000573
NOFORN
SIPDIS
DEPT FOR WHA/CEN AND INR/IAA
DEPT PASS TO USAID/LAC - CARDENAS AND BATLLE
DEPT PASS TO USOAS
ROME FOR VATICAN CITY
NSC FOR FISK AND ALVARADO
SOUTHCOM ALSO FOR POLAD
E.O. 12958: DECL: 05/05/2018
TAGS: PGOV EAID ECON PTER PREL NU
SUBJECT: THE ORTEGA ADMINISTRATION AT 15 MONTHS: SLIPPING
DOWNHILL
REF: A. MANAGUA 520
¶B. MANAGUA 500
¶C. MANAGUA 443
¶D. MANAGUA 340
¶E. MANAGUA 325
¶F. MANAGUA 289
¶G. MANAGUA 263
¶H. MANAGUA 130
¶I. 2007 MANAGUA 2135
¶J. 2007 MANAGUA 1730
¶K. 2007 MANAGUA 964
¶L. 2006 MANAGUA 2611
Classified By: Ambassador Paul A. Trivelli for reasons 1.4 b & d.
¶1. (S/NF) Summary and Background: Fifteen months into his
second administration, Ortega continues to skillfully use his
political pact with former President and convicted felon,
Arnoldo Aleman to keep pro-democracy forces divided,
vulnerable to coercion, and unable to mount sustained
opposition. Ortega continues to allow U.S. and other donor
assistance programs to operate, though he regularly attacks
the evils of "savage capitalist imperialism." Our
cooperation with the Police and Military remains good, both
for training and in fighting narcotics and other forms of
trafficking--but Ortega continues his quest to bring both
institutions under his direct control. Ortega's has
strengthened ties with Iran and Venezuela, and become openly
sympathetic to the FARC. Our access to the government has
decreased dramatically, with even routine items requiring
Ambassadorial intervention. Civil Society and the media are
under attack. Elections on the Atlantic Coast remain
suspended. Underlying the political and policy turmoil,
Nicaragua's economic indicators are not encouraging. This
message provides an assessment of some of the trends we
observe from Ortega and his government after fifteen months.
End Summary.
Ortega's Faltering Economy
- - - - - - - - - - - -
¶2. (SBU) In 2007, the Ortega Administration coasted on the
achievements of the Bolanos government, but that ride is
about to end. The government essentially adopted Bolanos'
2007 and 2008 budgets, and used them as the basis for
negotiating a new Poverty Reduction and Growth Facility
Agreement with the IMF. Foreign investment remained stable
in 2007 thanks to commitments made during the Bolanos years.
Exports are up this year by 21% over 2007 levels. In most
other respects, however, the Ortega government is not faring
well. Growth expectations have fallen while inflation
expectations have risen. In 2007, inflation reached 17% and
annualized inflation is running at 22% for 2008, the second
highest rate in Latin America. The lack of a strong policy
response to rising oil and food prices worries independent
economists, some of whom suspect that hidden foreign
assistance from Hugo Chavez has created excess liquidity.
Minimum wages rose 30% in the last year, but still do not
cover the soaring cost of food and transportation. To quell
demand and keep prices down, the government removed import
tariffs on basic food items through December 2008, made
documenting export shipments more difficult, and instructed
the state-owned grain storage company to intervene in local
markets. So far in 2008, the Agricultural Ministry has
failed to deliver needed seeds to farmers in time for
planting, although it has become aware of the urgency need to
do so. More radical measures related to food supply may be
coming, as President Ortega has just concluded a regional
MANAGUA 00000573 002 OF 008
"food sovereignty" summit in Managua on May 7. In other
areas, line ministries continue to fall short of spending
targets, leaving needed infrastructure and other capital
projects on the drawing board and causing the construction
sector to suffer. Tourism and power sectors, both key to
national economic development plans, limp along as the result
of government mismanagement. While the economic slowdown in
the United States, Nicaragua's largest export market and
source of investment, has attracted political rhetoric, the
government has no clear policy response. The Central Bank
has lowered its expectations for economic growth in 2008 to
3.8% from 4.5% in January, but most economists believe that
the figure will be closer to 3.0%.
Manipulating Economics for Political Ends: CENIs
- - - - - - -
¶3. (C) In December 2006, we identified several key
indicators (REF L) that would guide our assessment of how
well Ortega was fulfilling his campaign promises to the
Nicaraguan people, including adherence to fiscally
responsible, sound macroeconomic, free market policies.
Fifteen months later the results are disturbing. On April
15, the government failed to pay on a set of government bonds
(CENIs) that it has issued to compensate healthy banks for
absorbing the assets and liabilities of insolvent banks at
the beginning of the decade (REF C) . The bond issue was
originally politicized in 2006 by Arnoldo Aleman, but
resurrected by President Ortega to investigate the leading
opposition figure, Eduardo Montealegre, who is running for
Managua Mayor against the FSLN candidate, former three-time
world champion boxer, Alexis Arguello. Nonpayment on the
bonds may damage Nicaragua's relationship with the IMF and
other international financial institutions, and already
caused credit rating agencies to put two Nicaraguan banks on
a ratings watch. As a consequence, since April 15, the
government has been unable sell public debt instruments--no
one is buying. Nevertheless, key government officials are
seemingly convinced that they can navigate this slippery
slope to their political advantage, much as they did when
they deployed Sandinista judges and government institutions
to force ExxonMobil to buy Venezuelan oil.
(C) U.S. Citizen Property Claims ) A meltdown in the works?
- - - - - - - - - - -
¶4. (C) Another of the vital markers we identified in 2006
was government progress on resolving outstanding U.S. citizen
property claims (REF L). Here again the trend is worrisome.
As of May 1, 2008, the Ortega Administration had resolved
just 12 Embassy-registered claims for the 2007-2008 waiver
year; significantly fewer than the 86 resolved during the
last full year of the Bolanos Administration. We have
continued to press for the resolution of the remaining 657
U.S. citizen claims, which include some of the most difficult
and complex. Our efforts have been frustrated by the decided
lack of cooperation on the part of the government. The
Property Superintendent limits her agency's contact with
Embassy staff to just one meeting per month and no longer
allows Embassy staff to accompany U.S. claimants to
individual meetings with the government. The Attorney
General requires that all communications on property be
directed to him via Ambassadorial letter. In the meantime,
the Attorney General has administratively dismissed 54 U.S.
citizen claims; then categorized them as having been
"resolved." He recently passed to us a list of an additional
88 claims that he dismissed because the claimants were
somehow connected to the Somoza regime. If the situation
MANAGUA 00000573 003 OF 008
fails to improve, we may need to consider implementation of
Section 527 sanctions. While implementing Section 527
sanctions would conflict with the January 2007 Deputies
Committee-approved strategy of "positive engagement" with the
Ortega Administration, we fear that taking no action would
undercut the credibility of Section 527 as a tool to pressure
action on outstanding claims. For this reason, we suggest as
third way, such as a letter from the Secretary putting the
government on notice.
(C) Security Forces: Still Independent, for the time being
- - - - - - - - - - - -
¶5. (C/NF) The security forces continue to be a bright spot.
The Nicaraguan Army and the Nicaraguan National Police (NNP)
remain two of the few independent, apolitical forces in
Nicaragua despite the Ortega Administration's clear goal of
reverting both the NNP and the Nicaraguan Army back into
completely subsidiary organs of the Sandinista Front, as they
once were during the days of the Sandinista Revolution (REF
G). The continued institutional independence and
professionalism of the NNP and the Nicaraguan Army has been
one of the few positive indicators remaining under Ortega's
increasingly authoritarian regime and has been the foundation
of our strongest remaining areas of cooperation with the
current administration. However, Ortega's continued attacks
against the NNP, in general, and against popular NNP Chief
Aminta Granera, in particular, have taken their toll. Most
notably, since Ortega's dismissal of several high-level NNP
officials in March 2008 (REF F), Granera has shied away from
the public spotlight and avoided even the appearance of
acting against Ortega's interests. The NNP's failure to
intervene in the violent protests that recently erupted in
the RAAN have cost both the organization, and Granera
herself, credibility in the eyes of the Nicaraguan public and
is a clear indication of Ortega's success in his drive to
reassert personal control over the organization (REF A). A
recent spike in crime rates has further damaged the NNP's
image, especially a worrisome increase in brazen,
foreigner-targeted crimes. Granera's long term prospects as
police chief are uncertain at best. If the FSLN does well in
November's municipal elections, most observers of the NNP
believe that Granera will retire and make way for her current
second in command, Carlos Palacios. Palacios is an Ortega
loyalist who has alleged, albeit unproven, ties to organized
crime and corruption in Nicaragua. Despite this, we believe
that he will still be a cooperative, if difficult, partner to
work with on future law enforcement assistance efforts.
¶6. (S/NF) One of Ortega's first efforts in 2007 was an
attempt to bring the military under his direct control.
After the National Assembly forced him to abandon two
separate candidates for Defense Minister, he chose to leave
the top two seats at Defense vacant and bestow the "rank of
minister" on a weak, but personally loyal Secretary General
with no relevant experience. The Ministry has since been
purged of all professional-level technocrats, with all key
positions now staffed by FSLN ideologues. The
marginalization of the Defense Ministry has allowed the
uniformed military to largely retain its professional and
apolitical stance, but has left no civilian buffer between
Ortega and Chief of Defense General Omar Halleslevens. Thus
far, the popularity and sheer personality of Halleslevens, as
well as the personal relationship between the General and the
President, have prevented Ortega from asserting direct
control. However, beginning last July, Ortega has used his
speeches at all military events and venues as a platform to
attack the U.S. and our "interventionist policies." On
MANAGUA 00000573 004 OF 008
multiple occasions Ortega has singled out U.S. military
personnel in attendance to receive his verbal lashings.
Halleslevens has been careful to avoid public disputes with
Ortega, but has also repeatedly and firmly asserted the
military's apolitical stance and its obligation to defend the
Constitution, not a particular political party. We have not
observed the political interference in military promotions
and assignments that we have witnessed with the National
Police. In fact, most military observers believe that
Halleslevens will complete his full term through 2010, though
they predict Ortega will move to install a more malleable
figure to replace him. This appears to be borne out by
recent sensitive reporting.
(S) Ortega Foreign Policy: Petulant Teen or Axis of Evil
Wannabe?
- - - - - - - - - - - -
¶7. (S/NF) As expected, Ortega's foreign policy shifted
substantially to the left after January 2007 (REF L).
Despite Ortega's early and reassuring move to name moderate
Sandinista Samuel Santos as foreign minister, over the last
fifteen months Ortega's infatuation with Venezuela and Iran,
and the promotion of the ardent U.S.-hater Miguel d'Escoto
for UNGA president (REF B), would indicate that Ortega's
guiding principle in foreign relations seems to be, "Will
this annoy the U.S.?" Over time, Santos and the ministry
have played an increasingly ceremonial role. Routine tasks
normally be handled at the working-level require
Ambassadorial advocacy and, despite Santos's assurances to
the contrary, almost never seem to gain traction. Recently,
we were advised that Ortega sought a meeting with Embassy TDY
visitors. We found the Ministry had no knowledge of the
meeting nor the means to obtain any details. We were only
able to confirm the details after sending an email directly
to First Lady Rosario Murillo. We agree with our diplomatic
circuit colleagues that the Ministry has virtually ceased to
function.
¶8. (S/NF) Chavez "Mini-Me": With respect to Venezuela,
Ortega is a willing follower of Chavez who has replaced
Castro as Ortega's mentor. Initially the relationship seemed
largely a mutual admiration society with Chavez slow to send
assistance; however, the ALBA alliance has finally begun to
produce monetary benefit for Ortega and the FSLN. We have
first-hand reports that GON officials receive suitcases full
of cash from Venezuelan officials during official trips to
Caracas. We also believe that Ortega's retreat last year
from his demand that the Citizens Power Councils (CPCs) be
publicly funded was due in part to the fact that the
Venezuelan cash pipeline had come on-line. Multiple contacts
have told us that Ortega uses Venezuelan oil cash to fund the
CPCs and FSLN municipal election campaigns. Several
unconfirmed reports indicate that Ortega will have as much as
500 million dollars at his disposal over the course of 2008.
¶9. (S/NF) Unrequited Love for Iran: Regarding Iran, Ortega
had earnestly hoped to improve relations with Iran, which he
views as Nicaragua's revolutionary soul mate, both having
toppled authoritarian regimes in the same year, 1979. But
Ortega's early flurry of activity that re-established formal
relations and saw reciprocal state visits appears to be a
case of unrequited love. Iran has sent multiple "private
investment delegations" (REF E), but to date, Tehran has
signed no investment deals nor responded to Ortega's request
to forgive Nicaraguan sovereign debt held by Iran. In fact,
Taiwan has been more forthcoming with direct assistance than
Iran.
MANAGUA 00000573 005 OF 008
¶10. (S/NF) "What the FARC?" Perhaps the most disturbing
recent development in Ortega's foreign policy relates to his
increasingly public support for the FARC. Ortega and the
FSLN have a long-standing, clandestine relationship with
Manuel Mirulanda and the FARC, but which publicly had seemed
dormant until five months ago when Ortega initiated
saber-rattling against Colombia over the San Andres
archipelago during an ALBA meeting in Caracas. Tensions
reached a peak in March when Ortega, at the behest of Chavez,
broke diplomatic relations with Colombia, following its
strike into Ecuador against FARC leader Raul Reyes, only to
restore them a day later after a tempestuous Rio Group
meeting. Since that point, Ortega has come perilously close
to declaring open support for the FARC. In late April,
Ortega appeared at the airport to greet Lucia Morett, a
Mexican student and alleged FARC supporter who survived the
March attack. Media reports persist that Ortega offered
asylum and citizenship to Morett. The Foreign Ministry's
reply to our direct questions on the topic was "nothing was
requested, nothing was offered," insisting that media usage
of the terms "asylum" and "refugee" are incorrect. Sensitive
reporting indicates that recently the Government of Ecuador
rebuffed Ortega's request, through intermediaries, that Quito
send two additional Colombian survivors to Managua.
(C) The Opposition and Municipal Elections: Quixotic Errand?
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
¶11. (C) The most important event on Nicaragua's political
horizon is the November municipal election. Given Ortega's
unpopularity, the current economic decline, and several
political factors, one would expect Ortega opponents to hold
excellent odds at the ballot box. Even so, opposition
parties have fumbled about without setting a clear direction.
Confusion reigns in the Liberal camp. The Supreme Electoral
Council (CSE) decision in February to remove Eduardo
Montealegre as leader of the Nicaraguan Liberal Alliance
(ALN) party -- forcing him to re-activate his Vamos Con
Eduardo (VCE) political movement -- followed quickly by
Eduardo's decision to run for mayor under a PLC-VCE alliance
banner, left many in the Liberal rank-and-file feeling angry,
betrayed and confused. Polling shows that many Liberals
still believe a vote for the ALN is a vote for Eduardo. The
shortened electoral calendar forced parties to set up party
machinery and identify candidates more rapidly than in past
years. As a result, candidate selection was rushed, with
many choices made based more on personal connections than on
electoral viability. The presence of "the Pacto," the
de-facto power-sharing alliance between Ortega and former
President Aleman, was felt as well, perhaps most strongly in
Matagalpa. In February nine opposition parties, including
the ALN, MRS and a PLC that had rejected Aleman, banded
together to select consensus candidates. A unity slate was
announced, but only days later cast aside when Aleman
insisted on picking the mayoral candidate for Matagalpa under
the new PLC-VCE alliance. The nine-party unity evaporated
with each party now putting forward its own individual slate.
¶12. (C) The Liberal unity of the PLC-VCE alliance is
tenuous. We see parallel, rather than complementary
structures for policy formulation, strategy, voter outreach,
fundraising, etc. Guidance and funding from National-level
leadership is almost non-existent, with many candidates
unclear how to proceed. We often come away bemused from
meetings with rural mayoral candidates who appear oblivious
of the need to develop platforms and campaigns. Many such
candidates, several of whom could be described as
MANAGUA 00000573 006 OF 008
"charisma-challenged," seem to believe that simply being
non-FSLN will be enough to get them elected. The perennial
problem of funding persists. Several times a week we are
approached by local candidates for campaign financing, voter
registration support and the like. Even with the
environmental advantages enjoyed by opposition candidates and
parties, training and clear direction by opposition parties
will be essential to seriously challenge Ortega's
well-organized, highly-disciplined, and apparently
Venezuelan-financed FSLN/CPC election machine.
What About the Atlantic Coast?
- - - - - - - - - - - -
¶13. (C) On April 4 the Supreme Electoral Council (CSE) voted
to delay elections in three communities on the Atlantic Coast
for six months. The CSE, whose magistrates owe their loyalty
to President Daniel Ortega and Aleman, ignored widespread
support from hurricane-affected communities in the RAAN to
proceed with elections as scheduled. In the weeks leading up
to ) and since ) the CSE decision, tensions between pro-
and anti-election supporters have run high, causing violence
and bloodshed on at least one occasion. Liberal leaders in
surrounding municipalities are convinced the government will
use the delay to manipulate voter registries by moving
pro-FSLN voters from the affected coastal municipalities to
Liberal-dominated interior municipalities thus tipping the
vote towards FSLN candidates.
¶14. (C) On April 24, the National Assembly -- on its second
try -- issued a non-binding resolution overturning the CSE's
decision. On April 25, the Assembly's Justice Commission
voted out two decrees, one formalizing the Assembly's
decision of the day before, and the second calling for an
authentic interpretation of electoral law to prevent the CSE
from exercising such authority in the future. Both decrees
will face serious challenges as the FSLN will use its control
of the Supreme Court and CSE to nullify these measures. As
the legal struggle plays out in the legislative, judicial,
and electoral branches of government, pro- and anti-vote
supporters in the RAAN are preparing for a possible struggle
of their own, including the use of violence, even armed
tactics.
Un-unified Civil Society Concerned By Diminishing Democratic
Space
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
¶15. (C) Across the political spectrum Nicaraguan civil
society actors are concerned about the anti-democratic
tendencies of the Ortega Administration and see an
increasingly hostile environment for organizations seeking to
operate freely and independently. Since Ortega assumed
office in January 2007, many NGOs, particularly those openly
critical of the government, have experienced various forms of
harassment, interference, intimidation, financial pressure,
and threats both from the government and FSLN loyalists.
Although some actions appear to be innocuous on their
surface, e.g. unannounced audits by tax authorities and
related financial penalties, the overall cumulative effect
appears to be part of a slow, deliberate effort by the
government to discourage and undermine the independence,
credibility, and operations of these groups and their
advocacy of citizen rights and freedom. NGOs, including the
traditionally left-leaning Office of the Civil Coordinator,
often have been targeted based on an arbitrary application of
the law or trumped up charges. Others, such as the
center-right Permanent Commission for Human Rights (CPDH),
MANAGUA 00000573 007 OF 008
have received death threats against members of their staffs
and families. Most civil society groups regard the
establishment of the Citizen Power Councils (CPCs) under the
central control of the FSLN's executive branch as a direct
attempt to sideline and ultimately supplant the work of civil
society.
¶16. (C) These organizations, which represent diverse
elements of Nicaraguan society, share a common conviction
that civil society is the only viable sector that can keep
Nicaragua on a democratic path and stop Ortega's
authoritarian aspirations. Unfortunately, they lack clear
direction on how to reach their destination and have missed
many opportunities to really make their mark. Although they
mounted a successful protest against the CPCs in September,
they were unable to produce a ripple effect that inspired a
wider pro-democratic movement. Initially galvanized to come
together to oppose the government's encroachment on citizen
rights and freedoms, civil society has not yet demonstrated a
capacity or commitment to building any sort of unified
alliance or response to the challenges facing the country.
Some organizations, led by the Movimiento por Nicaragua
(MpN), have pledged to unite as a coalition, but to little
avail. Most NGOs suffer from a shortage of resources and
lack of a long-term vision to work proactively on concrete,
sustainable projects. Internal divisions, egos, leadership
rivalries, and competition for donor resources and
international cooperation also present impediments to
building a long-term civic alliance. Despite the weaknesses
of Nicaraguan civil society organizations, however, they
remain one of the strongest forces working in defense of the
country's democratic spaces. Support from the international
community will be crucial if they are to make an impact,
given the pressures they face. On our part, we have begun a
USD 1 million small grants program for our democratic civil
society friends.
Shut Them Up: Independent Media Being Squeezed Too
- - - - - - -
¶17. (SBU) In the first few months of 2008, there has been a
marked decline in press freedom in Nicaragua. Recent threats
to press include the politicized use of the judicial system
to convict a prominent local newspaper owner and editor of
libel, and the mounting of a dubious public radio and TV
campaign against the same media owner and an opposition
leader, Montealegre, for alleged public theft. Journalists
continue to report that only "official Sandinista" media
outlets, often those owned and operated by children of the
President and First Lady, have access to government
information. The Ministry of Health has selectively banned a
reporter from its premises for reporting that was not in its
favor. In a space of two weeks in April, four national radio
stations (3 independent and 1 Sandinista) reported serious
equipment theft at their transmission towers which knocked
them off the air for 8-12 hours each. To date, there are no
convictions for any of these crimes. A few months ago,
private, apparently partisan security forces surrounding the
president handcuffed a local reporter when he tried to
approach the Ambassador to tape public comments at an outdoor
event.
Comment
- - - -
¶18. (S/NF) Our bilateral interests and commitment to the
Nicaraguan people remain unchanged. Our goals are to keep
Nicaragua on the democratic path; to combat corruption,
MANAGUA 00000573 008 OF 008
terrorism and all forms of trafficking; to promote private
sector-led development and to protect the interests of U.S.
citizens residing in Nicaragua. Though our interests remain
unchanged, Ortega has made it increasingly difficult for us
to work towards these goals, by restricting our access and
pressuring our partners. He has scrupulously avoided either
an outright rejection of U.S. assistance or a direct policy
confrontation with Washington. However, he has worked
assiduously to undermine any domestic opposition, and thus
our ability to find partners capable of imposing pressure for
meaningful change. The Ortega-Aleman political pact remains
active, and the single greatest, though not the only,
obstacle to a more open, transparent Nicaragua. Ortega has
mis-managed the economy and has repeatedly permitted, if not
instigated, government intervention in the energy and finance
sectors for clearly political ends. Ortega continues to
close the space in which independent voices of civil society
and media can educate and defend the rights of Nicaraguans.
Though he has not publicly abandoned his post-election
commitments to keep the country on a democratic path and
maintain responsible free market policies, there are multiple
signs that Ortega seeks only one goal ) consolidation of
power to perpetuate his rule.
TRIVELLI