

Currently released so far... 51122 / 251,287
Articles
Brazil
Sri Lanka
United Kingdom
Sweden
00. Editorial
United States
Latin America
Egypt
Jordan
Yemen
Thailand
Browse latest releases
2010/12/01
2010/12/02
2010/12/03
2010/12/04
2010/12/05
2010/12/06
2010/12/07
2010/12/08
2010/12/09
2010/12/10
2010/12/11
2010/12/12
2010/12/13
2010/12/14
2010/12/15
2010/12/16
2010/12/17
2010/12/18
2010/12/19
2010/12/20
2010/12/21
2010/12/22
2010/12/23
2010/12/24
2010/12/25
2010/12/26
2010/12/27
2010/12/28
2010/12/29
2010/12/30
2011/01/01
2011/01/02
2011/01/04
2011/01/05
2011/01/07
2011/01/09
2011/01/11
2011/01/12
2011/01/13
2011/01/14
2011/01/15
2011/01/16
2011/01/17
2011/01/18
2011/01/19
2011/01/20
2011/01/21
2011/01/22
2011/01/23
2011/01/24
2011/01/25
2011/01/26
2011/01/27
2011/01/28
2011/01/29
2011/01/30
2011/01/31
2011/02/01
2011/02/02
2011/02/03
2011/02/04
2011/02/05
2011/02/06
2011/02/07
2011/02/08
2011/02/09
2011/02/10
2011/02/11
2011/02/12
2011/02/13
2011/02/14
2011/02/15
2011/02/16
2011/02/17
2011/02/18
2011/02/19
2011/02/20
2011/02/21
2011/02/22
2011/02/23
2011/02/24
2011/02/25
2011/02/26
2011/02/27
2011/02/28
2011/03/01
2011/03/02
2011/03/03
2011/03/04
2011/03/05
2011/03/06
2011/03/07
2011/03/08
2011/03/09
2011/03/10
2011/03/11
2011/03/13
2011/03/14
2011/03/15
2011/03/16
2011/03/17
2011/03/18
2011/03/19
2011/03/20
2011/03/21
2011/03/22
2011/03/23
2011/03/24
2011/03/25
2011/03/26
2011/03/27
2011/03/28
2011/03/29
2011/03/30
2011/03/31
2011/04/01
2011/04/02
2011/04/03
2011/04/04
2011/04/05
2011/04/06
2011/04/07
2011/04/08
2011/04/09
2011/04/10
2011/04/11
2011/04/12
2011/04/13
2011/04/14
2011/04/15
2011/04/16
2011/04/17
2011/04/18
2011/04/19
2011/04/20
2011/04/21
2011/04/22
2011/04/23
2011/04/24
2011/04/25
2011/04/26
2011/04/27
2011/04/28
2011/04/29
2011/04/30
2011/05/01
2011/05/02
2011/05/03
2011/05/04
2011/05/05
2011/05/06
2011/05/07
2011/05/08
2011/05/09
2011/05/10
2011/05/11
2011/05/12
2011/05/13
2011/05/14
2011/05/15
2011/05/16
2011/05/17
2011/05/18
2011/05/19
2011/05/20
2011/05/21
2011/05/22
2011/05/23
2011/05/24
2011/05/25
2011/05/26
2011/05/27
2011/05/28
2011/05/29
2011/05/30
2011/05/31
2011/06/01
2011/06/02
2011/06/03
2011/06/04
2011/06/05
2011/06/06
2011/06/07
2011/06/08
2011/06/09
2011/06/10
2011/06/11
2011/06/12
2011/06/13
2011/06/14
2011/06/15
2011/06/16
2011/06/17
2011/06/18
2011/06/19
2011/06/20
2011/06/21
2011/06/22
2011/06/23
2011/06/24
2011/06/25
2011/06/26
2011/06/27
2011/06/28
2011/06/29
2011/06/30
2011/07/01
2011/07/02
2011/07/04
2011/07/05
2011/07/06
2011/07/07
2011/07/08
2011/07/10
2011/07/11
2011/07/12
2011/07/13
2011/07/14
2011/07/15
2011/07/16
2011/07/17
2011/07/18
2011/07/19
2011/07/20
2011/07/21
2011/07/22
2011/07/23
2011/07/25
2011/07/27
2011/07/28
2011/07/29
2011/07/31
2011/08/01
2011/08/02
2011/08/03
2011/08/05
2011/08/06
2011/08/07
2011/08/08
2011/08/09
2011/08/10
2011/08/11
2011/08/12
2011/08/13
2011/08/15
2011/08/16
2011/08/17
2011/08/18
2011/08/19
2011/08/21
2011/08/22
2011/08/23
2011/08/24
Browse by creation date
Browse by origin
Embassy Athens
Embassy Asuncion
Embassy Astana
Embassy Asmara
Embassy Ashgabat
Embassy Apia
Embassy Antananarivo
Embassy Ankara
Embassy Amman
Embassy Algiers
Embassy Addis Ababa
Embassy Accra
Embassy Abuja
Embassy Abu Dhabi
Embassy Abidjan
Consulate Auckland
Consulate Amsterdam
Consulate Alexandria
Consulate Adana
American Institute Taiwan, Taipei
Embasy Bonn
Embassy Bujumbura
Embassy Buenos Aires
Embassy Budapest
Embassy Bucharest
Embassy Brussels
Embassy Bridgetown
Embassy Brazzaville
Embassy Bratislava
Embassy Brasilia
Embassy Bogota
Embassy Bishkek
Embassy Bern
Embassy Berlin
Embassy Belmopan
Embassy Belgrade
Embassy Beirut
Embassy Beijing
Embassy Banjul
Embassy Bangui
Embassy Bangkok
Embassy Bandar Seri Begawan
Embassy Bamako
Embassy Baku
Embassy Baghdad
Consulate Belfast
Consulate Barcelona
Embassy Cotonou
Embassy Copenhagen
Embassy Conakry
Embassy Colombo
Embassy Chisinau
Embassy Caracas
Embassy Canberra
Embassy Cairo
Consulate Curacao
Consulate Ciudad Juarez
Consulate Chiang Mai
Consulate Chennai
Consulate Chengdu
Consulate Casablanca
Consulate Cape Town
Consulate Calgary
Embassy Dushanbe
Embassy Dublin
Embassy Doha
Embassy Djibouti
Embassy Dili
Embassy Dhaka
Embassy Dar Es Salaam
Embassy Damascus
Embassy Dakar
DIR FSINFATC
Consulate Dusseldorf
Consulate Durban
Consulate Dubai
Consulate Dhahran
Embassy Guatemala
Embassy Grenada
Embassy Georgetown
Embassy Gaborone
Consulate Guayaquil
Consulate Guangzhou
Consulate Guadalajara
Embassy Helsinki
Embassy Harare
Embassy Hanoi
Consulate Hong Kong
Consulate Ho Chi Minh City
Consulate Hermosillo
Consulate Hamilton
Consulate Hamburg
Consulate Halifax
Embassy Kyiv
Embassy Kuwait
Embassy Kuala Lumpur
Embassy Kolonia
Embassy Kinshasa
Embassy Kingston
Embassy Kigali
Embassy Khartoum
Embassy Kathmandu
Embassy Kampala
Embassy Kabul
Consulate Krakow
Consulate Kolkata
Consulate Karachi
Embassy Luxembourg
Embassy Lusaka
Embassy Luanda
Embassy London
Embassy Lome
Embassy Ljubljana
Embassy Lisbon
Embassy Lima
Embassy Lilongwe
Embassy Libreville
Embassy La Paz
Consulate Leipzig
Consulate Lahore
Consulate Lagos
Mission USOSCE
Mission USNATO
Mission UNESCO
Mission Geneva
Embassy Muscat
Embassy Moscow
Embassy Montevideo
Embassy Monrovia
Embassy Mogadishu
Embassy Minsk
Embassy Mexico
Embassy Mbabane
Embassy Maseru
Embassy Maputo
Embassy Manila
Embassy Manama
Embassy Managua
Embassy Malabo
Embassy Madrid
Consulate Munich
Consulate Mumbai
Consulate Montreal
Consulate Monterrey
Consulate Milan
Consulate Merida
Consulate Melbourne
Consulate Matamoros
Consulate Marseille
Embassy Nouakchott
Embassy Nicosia
Embassy Niamey
Embassy New Delhi
Embassy Ndjamena
Embassy Nassau
Embassy Nairobi
Consulate Nuevo Laredo
Consulate Naples
Consulate Naha
Consulate Nagoya
Embassy Pristina
Embassy Pretoria
Embassy Praia
Embassy Prague
Embassy Port Of Spain
Embassy Port Moresby
Embassy Port Louis
Embassy Port Au Prince
Embassy Podgorica
Embassy Phnom Penh
Embassy Paris
Embassy Paramaribo
Embassy Panama
Consulate Peshawar
REO Hillah
REO Basrah
Embassy Rome
Embassy Riyadh
Embassy Riga
Embassy Reykjavik
Embassy Rangoon
Embassy Rabat
Consulate Rio De Janeiro
Consulate Recife
Secretary of State
Embassy Suva
Embassy Stockholm
Embassy Sofia
Embassy Skopje
Embassy Singapore
Embassy Seoul
Embassy Sarajevo
Embassy Santo Domingo
Embassy Santiago
Embassy Sanaa
Embassy San Salvador
Embassy San Jose
Consulate Surabaya
Consulate Strasbourg
Consulate St Petersburg
Consulate Shenyang
Consulate Shanghai
Consulate Sapporo
Consulate Sao Paulo
Embassy Tunis
Embassy Tripoli
Embassy Tokyo
Embassy Tirana
Embassy The Hague
Embassy Tel Aviv
Embassy Tehran
Embassy Tegucigalpa
Embassy Tbilisi
Embassy Tashkent
Embassy Tallinn
Consulate Toronto
Consulate Tijuana
Consulate Thessaloniki
USUN New York
USMISSION USTR GENEVA
USEU Brussels
US Office Almaty
US Mission Geneva
US Mission CD Geneva
US Interests Section Havana
US Delegation, Secretary
UNVIE
UN Rome
Embassy Ulaanbaatar
Embassy Vilnius
Embassy Vientiane
Embassy Vienna
Embassy Vatican
Embassy Valletta
Consulate Vladivostok
Consulate Vancouver
Browse by tag
AMGT
ASEC
AEMR
AR
APECO
AU
AORC
ADANA
AJ
AF
AFIN
AMED
AS
AM
ABLD
AFFAIRS
AMB
APER
ACOA
AND
AA
AE
AADP
AID
AO
AL
AG
AORD
ADM
AINF
AINT
ASEAN
AORG
ABT
APEC
AY
ASUP
ARF
AGOA
AVIAN
ATRN
ANET
AGIT
ASECVE
ABUD
AODE
ALOW
ADB
AN
ADPM
ASPA
ARABL
AFSN
AZ
AC
AIAG
AFSI
ASCE
ASIG
ACABQ
ADIP
AFGHANISTAN
AROC
ADCO
ACOTA
ANARCHISTS
AMEDCASCKFLO
AK
ARABBL
ASCH
ANTITERRORISM
AGRICULTURE
AOCR
ARR
ASSEMBLY
AORCYM
AFPK
ACKM
AGMT
AEC
APRC
AIN
AFPREL
ASFC
ASECTH
AFSA
AINR
AOPC
AFAF
AFARI
AX
ASECAF
ASECAFIN
AT
AFZAL
APCS
AGAO
AIT
ARCH
AEMRASECCASCKFLOMARRPRELPINRAMGTJMXL
AMEX
ARM
AQ
ATFN
AMBASSADOR
AORCD
AVIATION
ARAS
AINFCY
ACBAQ
AOPR
AREP
AOIC
ASEX
ASEK
AER
AGR
AMCT
AVERY
APR
AEMRS
AFU
AMG
ATPDEA
ASECKFRDCVISKIRFPHUMSMIGEG
AORL
ACS
AMCHAMS
AECL
AUC
ACAO
BA
BR
BB
BG
BEXP
BY
BRUSSELS
BU
BD
BTIO
BK
BL
BE
BMGT
BO
BM
BX
BN
BWC
BBSR
BTT
BC
BH
BILAT
BUSH
BHUM
BT
BTC
BMENA
BOND
BAIO
BP
BF
BRPA
BURNS
BUT
BBG
BCW
BOEHNER
BOL
BASHAR
BIDEN
BFIN
BZ
BEXPC
BTIU
CPAS
CA
CASC
CS
CBW
CIDA
CO
CODEL
CI
CROS
CU
CH
CWC
CMGT
CVIS
CDG
CTR
CG
CF
CHIEF
CJAN
CBSA
CE
CY
CB
CW
CM
CHR
CD
COE
CV
COUNTER
CT
CN
CPUOS
CTERR
CVR
CVPR
CDC
COUNTRY
CLEARANCE
CONS
COM
CACS
CR
CONTROLS
CAN
CACM
COMMERCE
CAMBODIA
CFIS
COUNTERTERRORISM
CITES
CONDOLEEZZA
CZ
CTBT
CEN
CLINTON
CFED
CARC
CTM
CARICOM
CSW
CICTE
CYPRUS
CBE
CMGMT
CARSON
CWCM
CIVS
COUNTRYCLEARANCE
CENTCOM
CAPC
COPUOS
CKGR
CITEL
CQ
CITT
CIC
CARIB
CVIC
CAFTA
CVISU
CDB
CEDAW
CNC
CJUS
COMMAND
CENTER
COL
CAJC
CONSULAR
CLMT
CBC
CIA
CNARC
CIS
CEUDA
CHINA
CAC
CL
DR
DJ
DEMOCRATIC
DEMARCHE
DOMESTIC
DISENGAGEMENT
DB
DA
DHS
DAO
DCM
DAVID
DO
DEAX
DEFENSE
DEA
DTRO
DPRK
DOC
DTRA
DK
DAC
DOD
DRL
DRC
DCG
DE
DOT
DEPT
DOE
DS
DKEM
ECON
ETTC
EFIS
ETRD
EC
EMIN
EAGR
EAID
EFIN
EUN
ECIN
EG
EWWT
EINV
ENRG
ELAB
EPET
EIND
EN
EAIR
EUMEM
ECPS
ES
EI
ELTN
ET
EZ
EU
ER
EINT
ENGR
ECONOMIC
ENIV
EFTA
ETRN
EMS
EUREM
EPA
ESTH
EEB
EET
ENV
EAG
EXIM
ECTRD
ELNT
ENVIRONMENT
ECA
EAP
EINDIR
ETR
ECONOMY
ETRC
ELECTIONS
EICN
EXPORT
EARG
EGHG
EID
ETRO
EINF
EAIDHO
ECIP
EENV
EURM
EPEC
ERNG
ENERG
EIAD
EXBS
ED
EREL
ELAM
EK
EWT
ENGRD
EDEV
ECE
ENGY
EXIMOPIC
ETRDEC
ECCT
EUR
ENRGPARMOTRASENVKGHGPGOVECONTSPLEAID
EFI
ECOSOC
EXTERNAL
ESCAP
ETCC
EENG
ERA
ENRD
ECLAC
ETRAD
EBRD
ENVR
ECONENRG
ELTNSNAR
ELAP
EPIT
EDUC
EAIDXMXAXBXFFR
EETC
EIVN
EDRC
EGOV
ETRA
EAIDRW
ETRDEINVECINPGOVCS
ESA
ETRDGK
ENVI
ELN
EPRT
EPTED
ERTD
EUM
EAIDS
EFINECONEAIDUNGAGM
EDU
EV
EAIDAF
EDA
EPREL
EINVEFIN
EAGER
ETMIN
EUCOM
ECCP
EIDN
EINVKSCA
ENNP
EFINECONCS
ETC
EAIRASECCASCID
EINN
ETRP
ECONOMICS
ENERGY
EIAR
EINDETRD
ECONEFIN
EURN
ETRDEINVTINTCS
EFIM
ETIO
EATO
EIPR
EINVETC
ETTD
ETDR
EIQ
ECONCS
ENRGIZ
EAIG
ENTG
EUC
ERD
EINVECONSENVCSJA
EEPET
EUNCH
ESENV
ECINECONCS
ETRDECONWTOCS
ECUN
FR
FI
FOREIGN
FARM
FIR
FAO
FK
FARC
FAS
FJ
FREEDOM
FAC
FINANCE
FBI
FTAA
FM
FCS
FAA
FORCE
FDA
FTA
FT
FCSC
FMGT
FINR
FIN
FDIC
FOR
FOI
FO
FMLN
FISO
GM
GERARD
GT
GA
GG
GR
GTIP
GH
GZ
GE
GB
GY
GAZA
GJ
GEORGE
GOI
GCC
GMUS
GI
GLOBAL
GV
GC
GL
GOV
GKGIC
GF
GWI
GIPNC
GUTIERREZ
GTMO
GANGS
GAERC
GUILLERMO
GASPAR
HR
HA
HYMPSK
HO
HK
HUMAN
HU
HN
HHS
HURI
HUD
HUMRIT
HUMANITARIAN
HUMANR
HL
HSTC
HILLARY
HCOPIL
HADLEY
HOURANI
HI
HUM
HEBRON
HUMOR
IZ
IN
IAEA
IS
IMO
ILO
IR
IC
IT
ITU
ID
IV
IMF
IBRD
IWC
ICAO
ICRC
INF
IO
IPR
ISO
IK
ISRAELI
IQ
ICES
IDB
INFLUENZA
IRAQI
ISCON
IGAD
IRAN
ITALY
IRAQ
ICTY
ICTR
ITPGOV
ITALIAN
IQNV
IADB
INTERNAL
INMARSAT
IRDB
ILC
INCB
INRB
ICJ
ISRAEL
INR
IEA
ISPA
ICCAT
IOM
ITRD
IHO
IL
IFAD
ITRA
IDLI
ISCA
INL
INRA
INTELSAT
ISAF
ISPL
IRS
IEF
ITER
INDO
IIP
IND
IEFIN
IACI
IAHRC
INNP
IA
INTERPOL
IFIN
ISSUES
IZPREL
IRAJ
IF
ITPHUM
ITA
IP
IRPE
IDA
ISLAMISTS
ITF
INRO
IBET
IDP
IRC
KMDR
KPAO
KOMC
KNNP
KFLO
KDEM
KSUM
KIPR
KFLU
KE
KCRM
KJUS
KAWC
KZ
KSCA
KDRG
KCOR
KGHG
KPAL
KTIP
KMCA
KCRS
KPKO
KOLY
KRVC
KVPR
KG
KWBG
KTER
KS
KN
KSPR
KWMN
KV
KTFN
KFRD
KU
KSTC
KSTH
KISL
KGIC
KSEP
KFIN
KTEX
KTIA
KUNR
KCMR
KCIP
KMOC
KTDB
KBIO
KBCT
KMPI
KSAF
KACT
KFEM
KPRV
KPWR
KIRC
KCFE
KRIM
KHIV
KHLS
KVIR
KNNNP
KCEM
KLIG
KIRF
KNUP
KSAC
KNUC
KPGOV
KTDD
KIDE
KOMS
KLFU
KNNC
KMFO
KSEO
KJRE
KJUST
KMRS
KSRE
KGIT
KPIR
KPOA
KUWAIT
KIVP
KICC
KSCS
KPOL
KSEAO
KRCM
KSCI
KNAP
KGLB
KICA
KCUL
KPRM
KFSC
KQ
KPOP
KPFO
KPALAOIS
KREC
KBWG
KR
KTTB
KNAR
KCOM
KESS
KINR
KOCI
KWN
KCSY
KREL
KTBT
KFTN
KW
KRFD
KFLOA
KHDP
KNEP
KIND
KHUM
KSKN
KOMO
KDRL
KTFIN
KSOC
KPO
KGIV
KSTCPL
KSI
KPRP
KFPC
KNNB
KNDP
KICCPUR
KFRDCVISCMGTCASCKOCIASECPHUMSMIGEG
KDMR
KFCE
KIMMITT
KMCC
KMNP
KSEC
KOMCSG
KGCC
KRAD
KCRP
KAUST
KWAWC
KCHG
KRDP
KPAS
KTIAPARM
KPAOPREL
KWGB
KIRP
KMIG
KLAB
KSEI
KHSA
KNPP
KPAONZ
KWWW
KGHA
KY
KCRIM
KCRCM
KGCN
KPLS
KIIP
KPAOY
KTRD
KTAO
KJU
KBTS
KWAC
KFIU
KNNO
KPAI
KILS
KPA
KRCS
KWBGSY
KNPPIS
KNNPMNUC
KNPT
KERG
KLTN
KPREL
KTLA
KO
KAWK
KVRP
KAID
KX
KENV
KWCI
KNPR
KCFC
KNEI
KFTFN
KTFM
KCERS
KDEMAF
KMEPI
KEMS
KBTR
KEDU
KIRL
KNNR
KMPT
KPDD
KPIN
KDEV
KFRP
KTBD
KMSG
KWWMN
KWBC
KA
KOM
KWNM
KFRDKIRFCVISCMGTKOCIASECPHUMSMIGEG
KRGY
KNNF
KICR
KIFR
KWMNCS
KPAK
KDDG
KCGC
KID
KNSD
KMPF
KWMM
MARR
MX
MASS
MOPS
MNUC
MCAP
MTCRE
MRCRE
MTRE
MASC
MY
MK
MG
MU
MILI
MO
MZ
MEPP
MCC
MEDIA
MOPPS
MI
MAS
MW
MP
MEPN
MV
MD
MR
MC
MCA
MT
MIL
MARITIME
MOPSGRPARM
MAAR
MOOPS
ML
MA
MN
MNUCPTEREZ
MTCR
MUNC
MPOS
MONUC
MGMT
MURRAY
MACP
MINUSTAH
MCCONNELL
MGT
MNUR
MF
MEPI
MOHAMMAD
MAR
MAPP
MNU
MFA
MTS
MLS
MEETINGS
MERCOSUR
MED
MNVC
MIK
MBM
MILITARY
MAPS
MARAD
MDC
MACEDONIA
MASSMNUC
MUCN
MQADHAFI
MPS
NZ
NATO
NI
NO
NU
NG
NL
NPT
NS
NA
NP
NASA
NSF
NEA
NANCY
NSG
NRR
NATIONAL
NMNUC
NC
NSC
NAS
NARC
NELSON
NATEU
NDP
NIH
NK
NIPP
NR
NERG
NSSP
NE
NTDB
NT
NEGROPONTE
NGO
NATOIRAQ
NAR
NZUS
NCCC
NH
NAFTA
NEW
NRG
NUIN
NOVO
NATOPREL
NV
NICHOLAS
NPA
NSFO
NW
NORAD
NPG
NOAA
OPRC
OPDC
OTRA
OECD
OVIP
OREP
ODC
OIIP
OAS
OSCE
OPIC
OMS
OFDP
OFDA
OEXC
OPCW
OIE
OSCI
OM
OPAD
ODPC
OIC
ODIP
OPPI
ORA
OCEA
OREG
OMIG
OFFICIALS
OSAC
OEXP
OPEC
OFPD
OAU
OCII
OIL
OVIPPRELUNGANU
OSHA
OPCD
OPCR
OF
OFDPQIS
OSIC
OHUM
OTR
OBSP
OGAC
OESC
OVP
ON
OES
OTAR
OCS
PREL
PGOV
PARM
PINR
PHUM
PM
PREF
PTER
PK
PINS
PBIO
PHSA
PE
PBTS
PA
PL
POL
PAK
POV
POLITICS
POLICY
PO
PRELTBIOBA
PKO
PIN
PNAT
PU
PGOVPREL
PALESTINIAN
PTERPGOV
PELOSI
PAS
PP
PTEL
PROP
PRELAF
PRHUM
PRE
PUNE
PIRF
PVOV
PROG
PERSONS
PROV
PKK
PRGOV
PH
PLAB
PDEM
PCI
PRL
PRM
PINSO
PERM
PETR
PPAO
PERL
PBS
PETERS
PRELBR
PCON
POLITICAL
PMIL
POLM
PKPA
PNUM
PLO
PTERM
PJUS
PARMP
PNIR
PHUMKPAL
PG
PREZ
PGIC
PAO
PROTECTION
PRELPK
PGOVENRG
PATTY
PSOC
PARTIES
PGOVEAIDUKNOSWGMHUCANLLHFRSPITNZ
PMIG
PAIGH
PARK
PETER
PHUS
PKPO
PGOVECON
POUS
PMAR
PWBG
PAR
PGOVGM
PHUH
PTE
PY
POLUN
PDOV
PGOVSOCI
PGOVPM
PRELEVU
PGOR
PBTSRU
PHUMA
PHUMR
PPD
PGV
PRAM
PARMS
PINL
PSI
PKPAL
PPA
PTERE
PGOF
PINO
PREO
PHAS
PAC
PRESL
PORG
PS
PGVO
PKFK
PSOE
PEPR
PINT
PRELP
PREFA
PNG
PTBS
PFOR
PGOVLO
PHUMBA
PREK
PHJM
POLINT
PGOVE
PHALANAGE
PARTY
PECON
PEACE
PROCESS
PLN
PEDRO
PF
PGPV
PCUL
PGGV
PSA
PGOVSMIGKCRMKWMNPHUMCVISKFRDCA
PGIV
PHUMPREL
POGOV
PEL
PBT
PAMQ
PINF
PSEPC
POSTS
PAHO
PHUMPGOV
PGOC
PNR
RS
RP
RU
RW
RFE
RCMP
RIGHTSPOLMIL
REFORM
RO
ROW
ROBERT
REACTION
REPORT
REGION
RELATIONS
RAY
ROBERTG
RIGHTS
RM
RATIFICATION
RREL
RBI
RICE
ROOD
REL
RODHAM
RGY
RUEHZO
RELIGIOUS
RELFREE
RUEUN
RELAM
RSP
RF
REO
REGIONAL
RUPREL
RI
REMON
RPEL
RSO
SCUL
SENV
SOCI
SZ
SNAR
SO
SP
SU
SY
SI
SMIG
SYR
SA
SW
SF
SR
SYRIA
SNARM
START
SPECIALIST
SG
SNIG
SCI
SGWI
SE
SIPDIS
SANC
SELAB
SN
SETTLEMENTS
SCIENCE
SENVENV
SENS
SPCE
SPAS
SECURITY
SENC
SOCIETY
SOSI
SENVEAGREAIDTBIOECONSOCIXR
SEN
SPECI
ST
SL
SENVCASCEAIDID
SC
SECRETARY
STR
SNA
SOCIS
SADC
SEP
SK
SHUM
SYAI
SMIL
STEPHEN
SNRV
SKCA
SENSITIVE
SECI
SCUD
SCRM
SGNV
SECTOR
SAARC
SENVSXE
SWMN
STEINBERG
SOPN
SOCR
SCRS
SWE
SARS
SNARIZ
SUDAN
SENVQGR
SAN
SM
SFNV
SSA
SPCVIS
SOFA
SCULKPAOECONTU
SENVKGHG
SHI
SEVN
SH
SNARCS
SNARN
SIPRS
TBIO
TW
TRGY
TSPA
TU
TPHY
TI
TX
TH
TIP
TSPL
TNGD
TZ
TS
TC
TK
TURKEY
TERRORISM
TPSL
TINT
TRSY
TERFIN
TPP
TT
TECHNOLOGY
TE
TAGS
TRAFFICKING
TJ
TN
TO
TD
TP
TREATY
TR
TA
TIO
TECH
TF
TRAD
TNDG
TWI
TPSA
TWL
TAUSCHER
TRBY
TL
TV
THPY
TSPAM
TREL
TRT
TNAR
TFIN
TWCH
THOMMA
THOMAS
TERROR
TRY
TBID
UK
UNESCO
UNSC
UNGA
UN
US
UZ
USEU
UG
UP
UNAUS
UNMIK
USTR
UY
USUN
UNEP
UNDC
UV
UNPUOS
UNSCR
USAID
UNODC
UNRCR
UNHCR
UNDP
UNCRIME
UA
UNHRC
UNRWA
UNO
UNCND
UNCHR
USAU
UNICEF
USPS
UNOMIG
UNESCOSCULPRELPHUMKPALCUIRXFVEKV
UR
UNFICYP
UNCITRAL
UNAMA
UNVIE
USTDA
USNC
UNCSD
USCC
UNEF
UNGAPL
USSC
UNMIC
UNTAC
UNCLASSIFIED
USDA
UNCTAD
USGS
UNFPA
UNSE
USOAS
UE
UAE
UNCHS
UNDESCO
UNC
UNSCS
UKXG
UNGACG
UNHR
UNBRO
UNCHC
UNFCYP
UNIDROIT
WHTI
WIPO
WTRO
WHO
WTO
WMO
WFP
WEET
WS
WE
WA
WHA
WBG
WILLIAM
WI
WSIS
WCL
WEBZ
WZ
WW
WWBG
WMD
WWT
WMN
WWARD
WITH
WTRQ
WCO
WEU
WB
WBEG
Browse by classification
Community resources
courage is contagious
Viewing cable 07PARIS3919, FM KOUCHNER'S SEPT. 19-21 VISIT TO WASHINGTON
If you are new to these pages, please read an introduction on the structure of a cable as well as how to discuss them with others. See also the FAQs
Understanding cables
Every cable message consists of three parts:
- The top box shows each cables unique reference number, when and by whom it originally was sent, and what its initial classification was.
- The middle box contains the header information that is associated with the cable. It includes information about the receiver(s) as well as a general subject.
- The bottom box presents the body of the cable. The opening can contain a more specific subject, references to other cables (browse by origin to find them) or additional comment. This is followed by the main contents of the cable: a summary, a collection of specific topics and a comment section.
Discussing cables
If you find meaningful or important information in a cable, please link directly to its unique reference number. Linking to a specific paragraph in the body of a cable is also possible by copying the appropriate link (to be found at theparagraph symbol). Please mark messages for social networking services like Twitter with the hash tags #cablegate and a hash containing the reference ID e.g. #07PARIS3919.
Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
07PARIS3919 | 2007-09-18 17:09 | 2010-12-08 21:30 | SECRET | Embassy Paris |
VZCZCXRO0785
OO RUEHDBU RUEHFL RUEHKW RUEHLA RUEHROV
DE RUEHFR #3919/01 2611709
ZNY SSSSS ZZH
O 181709Z SEP 07
FM AMEMBASSY PARIS
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 0267
INFO RUEHXK/ARAB ISRAELI COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RUEHZL/EUROPEAN POLITICAL COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RUEHXD/MOSCOW POLITICAL COLLECTIVE IMMEDIATE
RHEHNSC/NSC WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE
RUEKJCS/SECDEF WASHINGTON DC IMMEDIATE
S E C R E T SECTION 01 OF 06 PARIS 003919
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
FOR THE SECRETARY FROM THE AMBASSADOR
NSC FOR NSA HADLEY
DEPT ALSO FOR EUR, NEA, SA, AND AF
E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/17/2017
TAGS: PREL FR EUN NATO UNO UNMIK YI RS IR IS LE
KPAL
SUBJECT: FM KOUCHNER'S SEPT. 19-21 VISIT TO WASHINGTON
Classified By: Ambassador Craig Stapleton for reasons 1.4 (B & D)
¶1. (C) The Bernard Kouchner who arrives in Washington Sept.
19 remains both an extremely popular French politician and
one of the few of President Sarkozy's ministers who has
retained a margin of independent authority. Kouchner, the
most prominent of the Socialists who accepted positions in
the Sarkozy government, continues to lead the polls as
France's most popular political figure. (With a 69%
favorable rating, he is well ahead of other ministers -- and
even of Sarkozy himself, who comes in at 64%). At a time
when other ministers have receded so deeply into Sarkozy's
shadow as to become invisible, Kouchner remains very much in
charge on a number of issues -- Darfur, Lebanon, and Kosovo,
for example. While other Ministers are routinely
contradicted by the President (including the Prime Minister,
whom Sarkozy has referred to publicly as his "collaborator,"
a fancy term in French for staffer), Kouchner's voice is
strong and authoritative. That said, and despite the good
personal rapport with Sarkozy, who admires him as a man of
conviction and concrete accomplishment, Kouchner will not
have an easy time managing his portfolio in the era of a
hyperactive President who wants to be seen as in charge of
everything. Kouchner's one stumble since assuming office --
when his briefing to Parliament on the Government's
engagement of Libya over the Bulgarian medics demonstrated
near-perfect ignorance of the facts -- is not necessarily his
last. Sarkozy and Kouchner appear to be fashioning a
coherent foreign policy -- based on a realistic view of what
France brings to the table, a less ideological approach to
issues, greater pragmatism in achieving objectives, and less
aversion to working closely with the U.S. The byword for
France's re-positioning vis-a-vis the U.S. will continue to
be "convergence, not alignment."
APPARENT MIND-MELD WITH SARKOZY ON FUNDAMENTALS: THE
TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONSHIP, IRAN
--------------------------------------------- -------
¶2. (C) When Kouchner agreed to become Sarkozy's foreign
minister, he knew he was signing up to work for a President
who would favor more substantial transatlantic engagement and
greater day-to-day cooperation -- including on the security
dimension. It is an orientation he shares. Sarkozy's will
clearly be the decisive voice on how far France is willing to
go on a "reform of NATO and France's relationship with it,"
as he put it in his major foreign policy speech of August 27.
But we judge that Kouchner will not be the one applying the
brakes, despite the Gaullist reflexes of many of the Quai's
old hands. Kouchner, like Sarkozy, is ready to break the
mold where he is convinced it serves France's interests as a
medium-sized power that should maximize the twin advantages
of a leading position in the EU and a close, cooperative
relationship with the U.S. Both feel fully empowered to
engineer change at the beginning of their respective terms,
at a time when the opposition is weak, and the blowback from
daring initiatives such as Kouchner's visit to Iraq has been
minimal. While Sarkozy has very definitely set the direction
and tone on Iran policy, and the Elysee is managing the
outreach to Tehran, Kouchner is clearly comfortable with the
hardening of the French line: Three weeks after Sarkozy
publicly warned about the "catastrophic choice between an
Iranian bomb and a bombing of Iran (terming only the first of
these "unacceptable"), Kouchner publicly observed on Sunday
that given Iran's behavior, "we must prepare for the worst,
in other words, war," and called for EU sanctions against
Tehran.
THREE KOUCHNER ISSUES: LEBANON, IRAQ AND KOSOVO
--------------------------------------------- --
¶3. (C) Even in comparison with the peripatetic Sarkozy,
Kouchner has been no slouch. Since assuming office in on May
19, he has made 19 visits abroad. He has personally
associated himself with, and publicly taken the lead on,
three issues in particular: Lebanon, Iraq and Kosovo.
Arriving in Washington, he will be coming off his fourth
visit to the Middle East. Active across the clutch of Middle
East issues, he has taken headline-grabbing initiatives on
Lebanon and Iraq. In both cases, he has sought to keep a
distance from the U.S., while working to achieve shared
objectives. On Lebanon, his efforts to facilitate dialogue
across the entire political spectrum have brought him close
to U.S. and Chirac-era red lines, and a more risk-averse
PARIS 00003919 002 OF 006
reading of what is politically possible in Beirut has led him
to different tactical conclusions. However, remaining in
synch with the U.S. remains a guiding principle of his
Lebanon policy. Visiting Iraq, he announced France's return
as an independent actor, not as reinforcement for the U.S.
Declaring that the U.S. "has lost the war," on the one hand,
he re-engages France in Iraq on the other, calling for
greater EU and UN involvement in support of political
reconciliation and institutional reconstruction that would
permit gradual U.S. military disengagement. On Kosovo, the
pattern has been similar. A distinct voice and tactical
differences with the U.S. -- insisting on the need for the
appearance of a credible negotiating process, including
consideration of options other than independence -- are
offset by a bottom-line requirement to work closely with the
U.S. to achieve a common strategic objective.
KEY POLICY ISSUES: WHERE THE FRENCH ARE COMING FROM
--------------------------------------------- -------
¶4. (C) We expect that, time permitting, Kouchner would want
to address the range of Middle East issues, Darfur,
Afghanistan, Kosovo, and NATO. Herein follows a snapshot of
where the French are on these and other possible subjects of
discussion, and where differences over policy or analysis
lie. Among Kouchner's top priorities since taking office are
Lebanon, Iraq, Israeli-Palestinian peace, and Iran.
¶5. (C) Lebanon: Kouchner surprised many by his quick
plunge into Lebanese politics, organizing a national
reconciliation process designed to secure agreement on a new
president and a new national government consistent with
UNSCRs that preserve Lebanon's sovereignty and limit Syrian
(and Iranian) influence. Our partnership with France over
Lebanon remains a top priority for the French, but we have
divergent views on the stakes involved (the French fear a
return to civil war more than a rolling back of gains made
over the past two years to limit Syrian interference) and on
tactics (the French prefer to press the Lebanese to seek a
candidate of "convergence" and are reluctant to give the lead
to the March 14 majority). Kouchner in particular is wedded
to a process that accords parliamentary speaker Nabih Berri a
prominent role in reaching a solution, partly due to
longstanding ties between the two men. He does not seem
nave about Berri, but has been prepared to accord him a key
role that we do not think is deserved. In his last visit to
Beirut, Kouchner challenged Berri to enter into dialogue with
March 14 without preconditions. A frank discussion of the
limits of our continued partnership is needed as well as our
different views of the stakes and tactics to employ. The
French concede that the presidential election process will
play out until late November, which argues for Washington and
Paris to stay in close and constant contact as the various
Lebanese factions seek to play us off against the other.
¶6. (C) Israeli-Palestinian Peace: Kouchner's just-concluded
visit to Israel, the West Bank, Jordan, Egypt, and Lebanon
gave him a chance to discuss our efforts at achieving
progress on the Israeli/Palestinian negotiations and probe
for a potential French role in our planned regional meeting
in November. He will press for us to step up our efforts to
ensure that Israel and the Palestinians are ready to present
evidence of a concrete accord with tangible results rather
than another declaration of principles. In addition to
asking what role interested parties like France and the
Quartet can play in the regional meeting (about whose details
the French are impatiently waiting), Kouchner has publicly
discussed a possible role for Syria in such a gathering.
This seems to be an outgrowth of French policy on Lebanon,
which includes offering Damascus a possible place at any
regional meeting we would organize on Middle East peace, as
well as a reopening of a bilateral dialogue with Paris in
exchange for good behavior on Lebanon during the Lebanese
presidential election period. Kouchner, who has publicly
suggested an eventual visit to Damascus is possible if Syria
behaves, will meet his Syrian counterpart in New York and
probably hopes to have a clear message to deliver about
possible Syrian participation in the November meeting (which
Kouchner wants to back a week to accommodate the Lebanese
presidential election).
¶7. (C) Iraq: Kouchner's trip to Iraq confirmed his
reputation for the dramatic. While its paternity is
uncertain, it was clearly something that Kouchner wanted to
do and believed in -- and one which Sarkozy wholeheartedly
PARIS 00003919 003 OF 006
supported. Nevertheless, France has dramatically "turned the
page" in its relationship with Baghdad, and Kouchner has made
good on his intention to spur the EU to play a more prominent
role in Iraqi reconstruction as part of what he hopes will be
a strong multilateral effort with the UN in the lead. The
French are still developing ideas, however, about what they
might do bilaterally. Kouchner is deeply pessimistic about
the Iraqi internal political situation but has not repeated
his readiness to host a reconciliation process similar to the
one he launched for Lebanon. Although he has repeatedly
criticized U.S. military intervention to overthrow Saddam
Hussein (whom he nevertheless said deserved to be overthrown)
and subsequent policy (he most recently said the U.S. has
already been defeated in Iraq), Kouchner believes a continued
U.S. troop presence is vital to prevent the stark
humanitarian situation becoming an all-out civil war. He
advocates a phased withdrawal but only one accompanied by a
rebuilt Iraqi army and police force.
¶8. (C) Iran: The Presidency has taken the lead on French
policy regarding Iran, but Kouchner has recently and most
bluntly warned that the confrontation over Iran's nuclear
program could lead to military action ("war," in his words,
which have left some of his handlers fretting). He and
others in the French government repeatedly stress that
pressing ahead with ongoing diplomatic efforts (including a
possible third round of UNSC sanctions) must be exhausted
before any potentially "catastrophic" resort to force.
Before seeing you, he will have met with Russian counterparts
to explain France's tough line, including Paris, urging of
other EU members to impose sanctions outside the UNSC if
necessary. Indeed, France's public hard line seems to be
causing others in the EU to rethink their reluctance to
undertake such sanctions. Kouchner's ministry was involved
in quiet Iranian efforts to open a new channel to France in
the nave hope of splitting France from the P-5 1. He might
raise an idea floated by one of his subordinates of a
senior-level U.S./French channel that might include the UK to
discuss possible U.S. military action.
¶9. (SBU) Europe/European Security issues: Strengthening
European security is an important Sarkozy priority. He
consistently claims that a strong European Security and
Defense Policy (ESDP) is "complementary" rather than
"competitive" with NATO. In his first major foreign policy
speech on August 27, Sarkozy urged EU nations to accept a
larger share of defense spending to overcome the shortage of
EU defense capabilities and cope with global security
threats. He highlighted the imbalance in spending between EU
nations, stating "we cannot carry on with four countries
paying for security for all the rest." European Defense
Agency figures indicate that Britain, France, Italy, and
Germany account for 75% of EU defense expenditures; of these
four, only Britain and France meet the NATO benchmark of 2%
of GDP (NOTE: The latest French figures on defense spending
vary between 1.96 and 2.42%, depending on whether the
gendarmerie, a force to guarantee civil order, is included).
¶10. (S/NF) NATO/France: In one of his first acts as
President, Sarkozy launched a defense white paper commission
to review France,s defense and security priorities; one
component of the report (expected in March 2008) is a review
of France,s relationship with NATO. The defense white
paper could set the stage for a re-integration into the NATO
military command. The public debate over a deeper French
role in the Alliance was launched this month when Defense
Minister Morin gave a speech to defense sector experts in
which he openly questioned customary French reticence about
NATO. At the same time, our interlocutors have uniformly
cautioned against raising expectations and warned that we
should not expect to see any major policy shifts in the
immediate future (likely not until the defense white paper is
well under way). Many (including, significantly, Prime
Minister Fillon) remain concerned that abrupt moves toward
NATO could be controversial domestically, and argue that, at
a minimum, ESDP needs to be strengthened in parallel.
¶11. (C) NATO/Afghanistan: France has approximately 1,000
military personnel based in Kabul, Afghanistan (with
additional personnel deployed in surrounding regions such as
Tajikistan and the Indian Ocean). The GOF will beef up its
training support to the Afghanistan National Army through
deployment of 150 additional trainers for Operational
PARIS 00003919 004 OF 006
Mentoring and Liaison teams (OMLTs) by the end of this year.
For air support, the French have moved three French Mirage
planes from Dushanbe to Kandahar this month, with an
additional three scheduled to transfer in October. The
September 10 French-German summit reaffirmed plans by the two
countries to support the German-led EU police training
mission in Afghanistan, although bureaucratic delays, lack of
funding and a change of personnel has delayed deployment of
this mission. On July 30, SACEUR sent a letter officially
requesting six medium lift helicopters to provide rotary-wing
support in ISAF (to replace the U.S. helicopters which are
scheduled to depart early 2008). This request is still under
consideration by the GOF.
¶12. (C) NATO/Georgia: The GOF is ready to give a positive
signal to Georgia at the NATO summit in Bucharest (April 2-4,
2008), but it prefers that NATO offer "something less than
membership." France is opposed to a Georgia Membership
Action Plan (MAP) for several reasons, including: concern
over creating additional tensions with Russia, a desire to
define the territorial limits of NATO and worries over
Georgia,s internal problems with separatist regions. The
GOF notes that NATO membership should not create new lines of
division and that territorial conflicts should be resolved
prior to membership (i.e. NATO required that Hungary sign a
border treaty with Romania prior to becoming a member);
Georgia does not meet these criteria. Therefore, the GOF
does not support the USG proposal to have the NAC visit
Georgia at the same time as the Secretary General,s visit at
the beginning of October. The GOF is considering whether
NATO could define with Georgia a different kind of status and
a different approach to security in their area, possibly
combined with incentives including abolishing visa
requirements with the EU. The GOF is convinced that Germany,
no less than France, opposes NATO membership for Georgia.
¶13. (C) France-EU: President Sarkozy was instrumental in
re-activating the moribund political reform process in the
European Union with the June negotiation for a shortened
"reform treaty" that will simplify some of the EU,s
operating procedures, while side-stepping efforts towards
deepened political integration that doomed the EU
constitution in 2005. This "reform treaty" must be approved
by the other EU members and could go through ratification
over the course of 2008. The French will also take over the
rotating EU presidency from July-December 2008 and they plan
to focus on immigration, energy, the environment and European
defense during their term. Sarkozy remains firmly opposed to
EU enlargement to include Turkey. Nevertheless, he has
agreed to allow negotiations to open on 30 of 35 chapters,
all those compatible with both membership and association.
He conditioned his position on EU support for a "Committee of
Wise Men" to reflect "without taboos" on the broader
questions about the European future: i.e. what is the
European identity, what should the EU,s borders be, how to
handle common issues, and how deep can political integration
go. Sarkozy also promotes the formation of a looser
"Mediterranean Union" to coordinate policies and relations
with the broad spectrum of countries of the Mediterranean
basin. Sarkozy's tactical softening on Turkey surely sits
well with Kouchner who personally favors Turkey's joining the
EU, something he has told us directly, and about which he has
agreed to disagree with his President.
¶14. (C) France-Germany: Thus far, President Sarkozy appears
to be keeping to the tradition of meeting regularly every
couple of months with the German Chancellor. While the
summit meeting in July with Merkel was reportedly more tense
with disagreements over EADS and Sarkozy,s blunt criticism
to German FinMin Steinbruck over EU monetary policy, our
interlocutors reported that the two leaders reached general
agreement on major issues at the most recent September 10
meeting. The French public supports a strong French-German
relationship and expects the two leaders to work together
closely. This was reinforced when both leaders were heavily
involved in reaching agreement on the shortened EU "reform
treaty" in June, activating hopes of a reinvigorated
"Franco-German" engine to lead the EU. In what the French
saw as a major achievement of their Sept. 10 meeting, Merkel
signed on to Sarkozy's proposal to convene a "Committee of
Wise Men" to reflect on the EU,s future. Merkel requested,
and Sarkozy agreed, that presentation of the report should be
delayed until December 2009, so that it would not be
presented during the 2008 French presidency as a "French
PARIS 00003919 005 OF 006
vision," and it would coincide with timing for the next
European commission. Managing the relationship with Russia
remains important for both France and Germany, with the GOF
acknowledging that Germany faces a more acute challenge due
to its closer proximity and greater energy dependence on
Russia.
¶15. (S/NF) Missile Defense: The GOF was very interested in
the latest round of U.S. and Russian talks on missile defense
in Paris on September 10, including progress on negotiations
with Poland and the Czech Republic (NOTE: The next round of
experts meetings is tentatively planned for early October
prior to the meetings of Foreign and Defense Ministers in
Moscow). The GOF also agrees that many of Russia,s
objections to the planned system are politically driven,
reflecting an outdated Russian view in which it sees itself
as increasingly encircled by NATO.
¶16. (C) CFE: At a recent meeting with Quad European
Political Directors, the French expressed support for the CFE
regime and for moving forward towards ratification of the
adapted CFE reaty. This included support for the current USG
"parallel actions" plan and the U.S. proposal to turn Russian
forces in Moldova and Transnistria into an international
force with a Russian component, as long as the requirement of
eliminating ammunition was maintained. However, the GOF is
pessimistic that such efforts would succeed in keeping Russia
in the CFE. French Political Director Gerard Araud recently
informed us that he had been told in Moscow that the
"decision is already taken" to suspend Russia's observation
of CFE and he added that Kislyak had told him that no flank
limits on Russia were acceptable because it was "humiliating"
that they should have such limits on their own territory.
The GOF supports the upcoming CFE Seminar in Berlin in early
October as a chance to give the allies a chance to unify
their positions and demonstrate solidarity for the U.S.
parallel actions plan.
¶17. (C) Kosovo: Kouchner is working actively to build
consensus within the EU on recognition of an independent
Kosovo after the December 10 Troika deadline. The GOF is
reportedly optimistic about the possibility for consensus on
recognition, but less so about the prospects for consensus on
the legal basis for an ESDP mission in Kosovo. Since a new
UNSCR would provide an agreed basis, France is still pursuing
that possibility. Kosovo is on the agenda for Kouchner,s
meetings with Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov in Moscow on
September 17-18, though we have been advised Kouchner will
seek to gauge Russian flexibility, not make new proposals.
¶18. (C) Russia: Kouchner will have discussed a full range
of topics with Russian Foreign Minister Lavrov in their
meetings in Moscow September 17-18. Generally, the GOF
advocates an approach towards Russia that falls between
"complacency and confrontation." While Chirac's insistence
that the primacy of he Paris-Moscow relationship (in his
multipolar world) was inconsistant with even private
criticism of Russian behavior, either Sarkozy nor Kouchner
have refrained from publicly pointing to official Russian
"brutality" (Sarkozy's choice of words). That said,
Kouchner's foreign ministry continues to remind us that
France and the rest of Europe are a lot closer to Russia than
we are, and that it holds an important energy card that many
Europeans will ignore at their peril. In other words, France
and Europe will have to continue to carefully manage Russia.
They will seek, in particular, to avoid aggravating Moscow
before the Dec. 10 Kosovo Troika deadline. France recognizes
that Russian resistance to MD is politically-driven. While
welcoming the U.S. "parallel actions" proposal on CFE, the
GOF views prospects for keeping Russia in CFE as poor, and is
focused on ensuring Allied unity. France agrees that NATO
should send a positive signal to Georgia at the Bucharest
summit; however, France is looking for options other than
extending the MAP, due to Russia,s sensitivities but also
France,s uncertainty about entering into an Article V
commitment to Georgia.
¶19. (C) Africa - Darfur: The Sarkozy government and
Kouchner in particular, have taken a strong interest in
African issues from the moment they took office. One of
Kouchner's first acts was to call for and then host the June
25 ministerial meeting on Darfur. France's efforts have
played a positive role in energizing international action. A
follow-up meeting on Darfur, to be hosted jointly by the UN
PARIS 00003919 006 OF 006
and AU, is to take place on September 21 on the margins of
the UNGA, to be followed by a heads-of-state meeting of the
UN Security Council on September 25, to address Africa more
generally. The latter will be chaired by President Sarkozy
(France being the UNSC President in September). The French
have firmly supported the deployment of the hybrid UN-AU
force in Darfur (UNAMID).
¶20. (C) Africa - Chad: The French have also developed a
plan to place a peacekeeping mission in Chad and the Central
African Republic, which they see as sharing many of Darfur's
problems that would protect refugee and IDPs. The mission
would have a French-led EU military component and a UN civpol
element. The French would like the UN Security Council to
adopt a resolution approving such a mission (which is a legal
necessity before the EU can go forward) prior to the
September 25 heads-of-state UNSC meeting, with initial
deployment to follow shortly thereafter. One stumbling block
has been the issue of UN funding for Chadian gendarmes who
would serve with the mission. The U.S. and France have been
working to resolve this funding issue, which largely centers
on UN financing rules.
¶21. (C) Sarkozy,s vision for Africa: In a broader sense,
President Sarkozy has signaled his own vision of Africa,
notably in a speech he gave in Dakar, Senegal, shortly after
taking office. The speech was both praised and criticized in
France and in Africa -- on the one hand, it was quite frank
in advising Africans that they would have to take more
responsibility for their own situations and to avoid
attributing all of their problems to colonialism. On the
other hand, some observers found Sarkozy's tone condescending
and paternalistic, i.e., a vestige of the very colonial
attitude that he was suggesting that Africans needed to put
behind them. On balance, however, the speech, perhaps
intentionally provocative, signaled France's continuing
strong interest in Africa but also a hope that Africa and its
European partners could do business on a more pragmatic and
less emotionally-charged basis than has been the case during
much of the post-colonial period.
¶22. (S) Colombia: In June of this year, the French pushed
Colombian President Alvaro Uribe to release 200 FARC
prisoners in an effort to move negotiations for the release
of FARC hostages, namely Franco-Colombian Ingrid Betancourt,
forward. While this prisoner release has not resulted in
negotiations by the FARC, the French are now backing
Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez,s offer to negotiate a
hostage deal between the Colombian government and FARC
guerrillas. President Sarkozy has spoken by phone to Chavez
twice over the past few weeks and Chavez will most likely
visit France in the coming months. That said, the French
want to show they are doing everything they can to liberate
Betancourt while publicly downplaying to the extent possible
a role for Chavez. Ingrid Betancourt remains a major media
personality in France and the GOF is under a great deal of
political pressure to show the government "will leave no
stone unturned." Sarkozy is likely aware that without a
gesture from the FARC, the Colombians are unlikely to make
any further concessions including prisoner releases.
Kouchner recently met with Colombian Foreign Minister Araujo,
and Sarkozy will meet with Colombian president Uribe on the
margins of the UNGA on September 25. Betancourt is
reportedly high on the bilateral agenda.
Please visit Paris' Classified Website at:
http://www.state.sgov.gov/p/eur/paris/index.c fm
Stapleton