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Viewing cable 09PRETORIA631, SAG'S FOREIGN POLICY: TRADING PRINCIPLES FOR POWER?
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
09PRETORIA631 | 2009-03-31 11:38 | 2011-08-24 01:00 | UNCLASSIFIED | Embassy Pretoria |
VZCZCXRO4993
RR RUEHDU RUEHJO
DE RUEHSA #0631/01 0901138
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 311138Z MAR 09
FM AMEMBASSY PRETORIA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 7942
INFO RUEHUJA/AMEMBASSY ABUJA 1289
RUEHTN/AMCONSUL CAPE TOWN 6704
RUEHDU/AMCONSUL DURBAN 0826
RUEHJO/AMCONSUL JOHANNESBURG 9049
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC
RUEHGV/USMISSION GENEVA 1287
RHEFDIA/DIA WASHINGTON DC
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 0594
RHEHAAA/WHITE HOUSE WASHDC
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 PRETORIA 000631
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PREL PGOV PHUM SA
SUBJECT: SAG'S FOREIGN POLICY: TRADING PRINCIPLES FOR POWER?
-------
Summary
-------
¶1. In a March 25 forum assessing South Africa's foreign
policy from the standpoint of global human rights, prominent
political commentator Professor Adam Habib acknowledged that
the SAG's stances in multilateral fora often disappointed
local and international rights advocates. The underlying
cause, he asserted, was the ANC's overriding concern for
promoting a more equitable balance of world power -- to the
point of a willingness to trade off real-time human rights
concerns (e.g. in Myanmar, Sudan, or Zimbabwe) for structural
reform in global institutions like the U.N. Habib
characterized the SAG's agenda as a 'realist' strategy, of
the developing South taking on the developed North for a
greater share of power even ahead of rights, a strategy that
was misunderstood by the rights community and admittedly
often ineffective. A visiting officer from Human Rights
Watch ruefully described South African foreign policy as
"naive, self-defeating, and ultimately unhelpful to victims."
End Summary.
-----------------------------------
Context: SA's Controversial Stances
-----------------------------------
¶2. On March 25, the South African Institute for
International Affairs (SAIIA) held a forum questioning the
country's fidelity to global human rights in its formulation
of foreign policy. Entitled "South Africa's Foreign
Engagement: Whither Human Rights?" the program hosted
speakers who critiqued South Africa's key votes in the U.N.
Security Council (UNSC) 2006-8 such as on Myanmar and Iran,
former President Mbeki's long-running mediation of the
political crisis in Zimbabwe, and other positions taken
within the African Union (AU) and Southern African
Development Community (SADC), such as nuanced defense of
Sudanese President Omar Al Bashir and the call for sanctions
against the new regime in Madagascar. As if calculated to
reinforce the theme, on the day of the event the SAG was
facing real-time howls of protest in the press against its
denial of a visa to the Dalai Lama, allegedly under Chinese
pressure.
---------------------------
Great Expectations, Not Met
---------------------------
¶3. Prominent policy analyst Professor Adam Habib led off the
forum by citing the world's high hopes, later dashed, for the
newly democratic South Africa as a vigorous voice of
conscience. For the human rights community, the SAG's seat
on the UNSC was "the ultimate culmination of the liberation
struggle." There was anticipation that South Africa would be
"the great advocate." Two years later, however, rights NGOs
feel betrayed, after the SAG has consistently "sided with
autocrats." (From the audience, the Danish Ambassador echoed
this disappointment, saying Nordic nations were surprised not
to see the SAG act as a middle power, bridging North and
South. "We wanted to build alliances with South Africa, but
the preference was for G-77, at any cost, always.") Some
commentators, noted Habib, believe the SAG is driven by
appeasement of Russia and China, past allies in its fight for
freedom. The SAG counters that it acts to oppose
manipulation of multilateral fora by the Western powers.
Habib proceeded to explore that claim as pivotal to
explaining the SAG's policymaking, which has so frustrated
the human rights community.
Q
-----------------------------------------
Power Re-balancing Trumps Rights Concerns
-----------------------------------------
¶4. Habib explained that while human rights are a core
element of SAG policy, they compete with a stronger impulse
to redress structural imbalances of power between developing
countries and the G-8. To grasp the SAG's agenda, stressed
Habib, rights advocates must (but seldom do) understand the
historically-rooted motivations of the ruling ANC party.
While the ANC is indeed aligned with the pro-rights,
anti-colonialist thrust of the first generation of liberation
leaders, it "has also observed the unraveling of nationalist
PRETORIA 00000631 002 OF 003
experiments in Africa -- due to the machinations of the big
powers," creating an overriding focus on global power
dynamics. In Habib's view, Mbeki attempted to balance the
two impulses in a form of 'principled pragmatism,' neither
kow-towing nor openly antagonizing the West but seeking a
middle road of reform through engagement. "The goal is a
more equal world order -- but subverted from within," said
Habib. Such a "realist" strategy, of the developing South
taking on the developed North for power even more than for
rights, is one that inevitably fuels resentment among rights
advocates.
---------------------------------------------
SAG: Pro-Africa, Pro-South; UN "Brinkmanship"
---------------------------------------------
¶5. Habib outlined how the ANC's 'realist' drive to level the
world's playing field manifests itself in initiatives on
multiple levels -- within Africa, in developing countries'
fora, and on the broad U.N. stage. Stabilization of Africa
through conflict mediation and military peace-keeping was
high on Mbeki's agenda, along with regional governance
architectures (e.g. AU, NEPAD, SADC, etc.) and investment
incentives, all "to put Africa on the map" of world
institutions. At the next tier, the SAG is a strong
proponent of "South-South collaboration" such as via the
non-aligned movement (NAM), in the area of nuclear
nonproliferation, and on issues like Iran and Palestine.
South Africa conceived the India-Brazil-South-Africa (IBSA)
bloc that served as a kernel of the G-20, which in turn
marshalled the collective strength of smaller nations to
bring world trade talks to a standstill. Finally, at the
global multilateral level, the SAG pursues a "brinkmanship"
strategy in the U.N., targeting causes which are dear to the
big powers and obstructively using those as wedges to accrue
bargaining power for the South.
--------------------------------------------- -----
SA Agenda: Explicable, but Often Counterproductive
--------------------------------------------- -----
¶6. In response to audience attacks on SAG policy as
reprehensible and "inexplicable," Habib was at pains to
emphasize that he was explaining the ANC's approach but not
defending it wholly. The Dalai Lama refusal was "outrageous,
and of course, stupid -- and it created exactly the kind of
controversy the government wanted to avoid." The SAG's 'no'
vote on Myanmar sanctions was ostensibly an objection to the
resolution's being tabled in the UNSC, an arena the SAG feels
is prone to manipulation by the lead powers -- but instead of
only blocking it, South Africa could have led the charge to
introduce the measure in the U.N. Human Rights Council. In
effect, the SAG "was wrong to trade Burmese civil liberties
for the sake of systemic reform." Brinkmanship to rebalance
power had worked to constructive effect in trade talks,
however, and with respect to Al Bashir it was defensible: "Is
Bashir a thug? Yes! But do we temper justice to advance
peace? Yes! South Africa is perhaps the prime example of
that."
------------------------------------------
Power vs. Rights -- an "Artificial Divide"
------------------------------------------
¶7. Summing up, Habib said he was equally critical of the
SAG's policies and the human rights community's "simplistic"
advocacy, which between them had created an artificial divide
Qadvocacy, which between them had created an artificial divide
between nationalism and liberalism, or between structural
issues of global power and fundamental civil liberties. "The
human rights community ignores the systemic angle... (It)
doesn't understand equity or power. We need an equal playing
field through U.N. reforms and resources." The ICC was
important, indeed, to encourage accountability over and above
the mechanisms of the nation state, but it was even more
crucial that justice apply equally to all. Bashir must be
brought before the ICC, said Habib, but only if George W.
Bush and Condaleeza Rice were included as well.
--------------------------------------
HRW: SAG Policy is Naive and Unhelpful
--------------------------------------
¶8. Human Rights Watch (HRW) officer Jon Philip countered
Habib's presentation with the consensus view of rights NGOs,
PRETORIA 00000631 003 OF 003
that SAG policy was misguided in intent and harmful in its
effect of projecting mixed messages. "We see naivete in
South Africa's foreign policy," he said, "in this notion that
by reforming international institutions they will somehow
advance the human cause." Systemic reform was a long-term
goal, and a hopeful ideal, whereas human rights abuses were
occurring real-time to real people. The SAG was laden with
baggage from its apartheid past, when it should be more
progessive and forward-looking. SAG policymakers were unduly
suspicious of rights groups, "as if we were somehow
co-sponsors of the abuses of the West." Soft on Sudan and
Zimbabwe, but tough on Madagascar, the AU risked looking
hypocritical and biased in the world's eyes. In sum, to HRW,
South Africa's approach to foreign policy was "naive,
self-defeating, and ultimately unhelpful to victims."
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