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Viewing cable 09BRASILIA1170, BRAZIL ON IRAN: A SOFT VOICE IN THE CHORUS
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
09BRASILIA1170 | 2009-09-18 15:10 | 2011-07-11 00:00 | CONFIDENTIAL | Embassy Brasilia |
VZCZCXRO9259
PP RUEHBC RUEHDE RUEHDIR RUEHKUK RUEHTRO
DE RUEHBR #1170/01 2611510
ZNY CCCCC ZZH
P 181510Z SEP 09
FM AMEMBASSY BRASILIA
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 5114
INFO RUCNIRA/IRAN COLLECTIVE
RUEHRG/AMCONSUL RECIFE 9950
RUEHRI/AMCONSUL RIO DE JANEIRO 8211
RUEHSO/AMCONSUL SAO PAULO 4565
RUCNDT/USMISSION USUN NEW YORK 0328
C O N F I D E N T I A L SECTION 01 OF 03 BRASILIA 001170
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 09/18/2019
TAGS: KNNP MNUC PARM IAEA IR PREL AORC BR
SUBJECT: BRAZIL ON IRAN: A SOFT VOICE IN THE CHORUS
REF: A. STATE 95073
¶B. STATE 94757
¶C. STATE 91633
¶D. BRASILIA 1038
BRASILIA 00001170 001.2 OF 003
Classified By: Charge D'Affaires Lisa Kubiske for reasons 1.4 (b) and (
d).
¶1. (C) Summary. Brazilian MRE Undersecretary for Political
Affairs Roberto Jaguaribe, recently returned from a
diplomatic mission to Tehran, told Charge D'Affaires on
September 16 that additional dialogue rather than sanctions
will be most the most effective means of pressuring Iran to
develop a responsible nuclear program. Jaguaribe emphasized
that Iran's nuclear program enjoys broad internal support and
will not ultimately be stopped, so the goal should be to push
Iran to follow international nuclear guidelines. He said
that top Iranian officials draw a distinction between IAEA
directives, which they are attempting to follow, and UNSC
resolutions, which they view
as unfair and in some cases illegitimate. Jaguaribe said he
told the Iranians they are still not meeting their IAEA
responsibilities, but he believes they are making progress.
The Undersecretary did not discount the possibility of Brazil
making a statement on Iran at UNGA but said any such remarks
would be "balanced," referencing Iran's lack of full
compliance along with Brazil's basic skepticism toward
sanctions as a motivating tool. End summary.
Back from Tehran
----------------
¶2. (C) Upon returning from his September 9-10 visit to
Tehran, Undersecretary Jaguaribe took great care in his
meeting with CDA to give not only the Brazilian but also the
Iranian perspective to the points made in reftels A, B, and
¶C. While in Iran, he met with Foreign Minister Manouchir
Mottaki, National Security Council official Said Jalili, and
Parliamentiary Foreign Policy Chair Aladdin Bourojerdi, among
others. He issued joint press statements in Iran with each
of these men to the effect that dialogue, not sanctions, was
the key to solving the dispute at hand. In his meeting with
CDA, Jaguaribe's core message was not substantively
different, but he went into greater detail on areas in which
he had pressed Iran, areas where he saw Iran as
non-compliant, and thoughts on how to influence them toward
compliance. The Undersecretary's basic view of post-election
Iran had not changed. He characterized the nation a
compromised democracy, but with a robust civil society that
will make them ultimately open to substantive negotiation.
Brazil's Message to Iran
------------------------
¶3. (C) Jaguaribe was careful to point out that, despite the
friendly press conferences and the desire to schedule
an Ahmadinejad visit to Brasilia in December, he raised
specific criticisms with Iranian officials about their
nuclear program. Most notably, he said that he told Mottaki
and others that Iran was still not carrying out all its IAEA
responsibilities, despite the late August decision to allow
inspectors at Natanz and Arak. He also viewed the September
9 proposal to the P5 1 by the Iranian government, which was
forwarded to him by the Iranians, as far too general to be an
effective point of departure for further discussion.
Jaguaribe said he had asked the Iranians to be more specific
in their dialogue, and he told us that he thought the
Iranians could be brought around to the point where they
would make more specific proposals.
Brazilian Views on IAEA Report and Amcit Demarches
--------------------------------------------- -----
¶4. (C) During the meeting, Jaguaribe agreed with the U.S.
interpretation of the main points of the IAEA report (ref C),
i.e., that Iran has refused to suspend proliferation-senstive
nuclear activities as required by the UNSC, has refused to
implement the additional protocol, and has only partially
cooperated with IAEA inspection demands. At times he
reflected Iranian views without endorsing them, such as his
reference to IAEA questions about past weaponization-related
activities as "alleged reports." Jaguaribe had no immediate
response to our demarche concerning Amcits detained in Iran
(ref B) but sounded favorably disposed. During his meetings
in Tehran, Iran gave Jaguaribe their own list of
complaints/demands toward the U.S. These included complaints
about "three U.S. Army personnel detained last month in
Kurdistan," extradition of several Iranians, and
disappearance of Iranians in Saudi Arabia and Istanbul.
BRASILIA 00001170 002.2 OF 003
Brazilian Engagement Strategy
------------------------------
¶5. (C) While trying to outline an overall engagement
strategy toward Iran, Jaguaribe emphasized repeatedly that
Iran will never give up its nuclear enrichment program,
though it may be pressured into suspending it for periods of
time. He argued that Iran's nuclear program is broadly
popular across all segments of society, including most
government opponents and members of the exile community.
Therefore, he continued, sanctions should not be used because
the pain caused by them would push Iranians "with alternative
views" toward supporting the current regime on a rare issue
in which they are in general agreement. (He believed that
oil import sanctions would be especially damaging to Iran's
economy -- and especially effective in rallying popular
Iranian support for its nuclear program.) Jaguaribe believed
that the Iranian government was ultimately persuadable to
follow international protocols, if pressured by both the
international community and its civil society. He praised
earlier U.S. efforts to initiate dialogue on the issue, and
said that continued dialogue, even if not immediately
successful, strengthens the hand of the more liberal elements
of Iranian society.
Iranian, Brazilian Views on IAEA, UNSC
--------------------------------------
¶6. (C) The Iranians pressed upon Jaguaribe their view that
IAEA safeguards (and related directives) constitute broadly
agreed upon international technical norms that the Iranians
can follow, and will work to adhere to in the future. The
Arak and Natanz inspections were cited as cases in point.
Jaguaribe left convinced that the Iranians fully believe they
are following IAEA guidelines -- a point of view that the
Undersecretary characterized to CDA as "delusional." Tehran
drew a distinction between the IAEA and the UNSC, which they
view as a body issuing political decisions that are "not
legitimate." Jaguaribe did not endorse this view but said of
the Iran-UNSC relationship, "there needs to be some movement
on both sides." (Note: Brazil has long held the position
that nuclear matters are best dealt with in the IAEA, and not
in the UNSC. End note.) He added that a UN proposal related
to nuclear disarmament would be helpful to resolve the
impasse. He praised recent U.S. efforts in this regard and
hoped more would be forthcoming.
Expanding the Chorus: Statement at UNGA
---------------------------------------
¶7. (C) Regarding the request outlined in ref A, Jaguaribe
said there was a possibility that Brazil would consider
addressing Iran's nuclear program in its UNGA statement. He
said that any such mention would be a balanced reference,
mentioning both Iran's need to meet IAEA and UNSC
responsibilties while expressing skepticism toward UNSC
sanctions as a motivating tool. He also said that Brazil
would not shy away from saying that Iran's September 9
response to the P5 1 needs to be more robust to be effective.
(Comment: We believe it is very doubtful that Brazil will
actually reference Iran in its UNGA statement. End comment.)
Comment
-------
¶8. (C) Having returned from Tehran less than a week earlier,
Jaguaribe focused on the approach he believed would work best
in resolving the disconnect between Iran's confidence that it
has given satisfactory answers about its nuclear program and
the sense in the international community that the Iranians
must be moved toward compliance. In general, Brazil can be
expected to continue a cautious approach to the issue,
keeping in mind its sometimes-competing desires to increase
commercial relations with Iran, to develop Brazilian nuclear
military technology for non-weaponmaking purposes without
drawing international attention, and to gain a permanent UNSC
seat -- with the last goal being most important. In the
short run, the easiest way for the GOB to massage the various
interests is to call for increased multilateral dialogue and
adherence to IAEA standards in order to forestall having to
take a firm position in the UN on sanctions once Brazil
assumes its temporary seat on the UNSC in January 2010.
Brazil is aware, however, that Iranian compliance with IAEA
safeguards would not necessarily equal Iran becoming a
responsible nuclear power -- as Jaguaribe mused during the
meeting. In light of its traditional hesitance to take firm
positions on contentious country-specific issues, and with
visits by Ahmadinejad to Brazil and top Brazilian officials
BRASILIA 00001170 003.2 OF 003
to Iran being planned for the next few months, Brazil will
have a soft voice in the chorus -- but may prove useful
nonetheless if senior GOB officials can be encouraged to
whisper into Iran's ear the idea that negotiation and
compliance are its best option. End comment.
KUBISKE