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Viewing cable 09OSLO309, FROZEN DELIGHT: NORWAY'S TURKISH MINORITY
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
09OSLO309 | 2009-04-22 12:48 | 2011-08-24 01:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Embassy Oslo |
VZCZCXRO6068
RR RUEHDA
DE RUEHNY #0309/01 1121248
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 221248Z APR 09
FM AMEMBASSY OSLO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 7498
INFO RUEHAK/AMEMBASSY ANKARA 0238
RUEHRL/AMEMBASSY BERLIN 0628
RUEHCP/AMEMBASSY COPENHAGEN 2531
RUEHHE/AMEMBASSY HELSINKI 8079
RUEHLO/AMEMBASSY LONDON 1549
RUEHSM/AMEMBASSY STOCKHOLM 3394
RUEHDA/AMCONSUL ADANA 0029
RUEHIT/AMCONSUL ISTANBUL 0017
RHMFIUU/FBI WASHINGTON DC
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHINGTON DC
RHEFDIA/DIA WASHINGTON DC
RUEAUSA/DEPT OF HHS WASHINGTON DC
UNCLAS SECTION 01 OF 03 OSLO 000309
SENSITIVE
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: ASEC PINR PTER KCRM TU NO
SUBJECT: FROZEN DELIGHT: NORWAY'S TURKISH MINORITY
1.(SBU) SUMMARY. Turks represent one of Norway's
longest-resident immigrant communities, with the first
arriving almost fifty years ago, although most have arrived
much more recently. Norway was originally a destination for
Turkish political refugees but for the last decade or more,
Turkish immigrants have sought prosperity. Comprising
Norway's sixth largest non-Western minority group, Turks are
relatively well-integrated and not a large risk for
radicalization, although the population does face some
educational, employment and discrimination challenges. END
SUMMARY.
-------------------------------------
WHO ARE THEY AND WHERE ARE THEY FROM?
-------------------------------------
¶2. (U) There are currently just over 15,000 Turkish
immigrants (first generation) and Norwegian-born to
immigrants (second generation) in Norway. Nearly 6,000
reside in Oslo, with the rest largely spread between Bergen,
Drammen, and other cities. The first wave of immigrants
began to arrive in Norway shortly after the 1960 military
coup in Turkey, with others following the 1971 and 1980
coups. These immigrants comprised mostly of Kurds, elites,
and left-leaning intellectuals came to Norway for political
refuge and have found the Social-Democrat politics of
Scandinavia a natural fit. The far larger and more recent
group of immigrants is more conservative, less educated and
came to Norway for jobs.
3.(U) The Turkish population is quickly growing and it is
estimated that it could soon rank among the top four largest
non-Western immigrant communities in Norway. Part of this
increase is a result of family growth, through high birth
rates and family reunification. Interestingly, tourism is
also playing a role. Many of the newest immigrants are from
Turkey's numerous popular summer towns and beach resorts
which are frequented by Norwegian tourists. Individuals on
holiday visit these destinations and often meet men or women
who eventually end up moving to Norway with their significant
other.
4.(U) Politically, today most Norwegian Turks are
conservative (excluding, of course, the smaller group of
initial immigrants). Mertefe Bartinlioglu, Norway's
highest-profile Turk in politics, is on the Oslo city council
and belongs to the Hoyre (Conservative) Party, which
advocates fiscal free market policies, low taxes, and lower
government involvement with the economy.
------------------------------
HOW WELL ARE THEY INTEGRATING?
------------------------------
¶5. (U) Turks in Norway are generally considered to have
integrated well into Norwegian society, but still face
considerable problems. The community is rather tight and
cohesive. They have relatively little interaction with other
large immigrant groups with which one might expect them to
have shared interests, such as the Pakistanis, Somalis, and
Iraqis. Through work, religion, and some social
organizations, they do, however, have some association with
immigrants from the Balkans, smaller Arab groups, and the
Greeks.
6.(U) Mertefe Bartinlioglu says one problem is that the
community "has no role models" to provide motivation and a
good example, so many have difficulty finding work,
especially women. To his credit, Bartinlioglu has worked to
establish small business cooperatives (often restaurants and
catering businesses) with Turkish women who would otherwise
likely have trouble working due to lack of skills and/or
education.
7.(U) The Turkish community's education numbers are well
below average for the country, and even quite low among
immigrants in general. Turks have among the poorest
education numbers of all immigrants in Norway; a massive
40.4% of the population has only a primary school education
or less. Of registered 16-18 year old first generation
OSLO 00000309 002 OF 003
immigrants, only just over 50% are enrolled in upper
secondary education, which is quite low. Second generation
immigrants aged 16-18 fare much better, with close to 90%
enrolled in upper secondary education--basically on par with
most other immigrant groups.
8.(U) Turkish women, although posting higher numbers than
their male counterparts, are still doing especially badly
compared to the greater population. Thirty-three percent
have less than an upper secondary education; the female
immigrant population average for the category is 15.1% and
the average among all females in Norway is 23.0%.
9.(U) Tertiary education, although rare among first
generation Turkish immigrants, shows some signs of promise
for the second generation, which has around 20% of 19-24 year
olds enrolled in classes. Still, this is of course very low,
even among immigrants. When comparing Turkish women, for,
example, with other groups, many have more than twice the
level of women enrolled in tertiary education as the Turks.
The small percentage of Turks fortunate enough to pursue
tertiary education do, however, enjoy support from numerous
student groups and social organizations. These can be vital
in establishing professional contacts and are often quite
helpful with setting up members in successful careers after
graduation.
10.(U) Electoral turnout is also notably low among eligible
Turkish immigrants. The average turnout among all eligible
voters in the 2007 municipal and county election was
40.3%--comparable to non-presidential elections in the U.S.
Turkish turnout, however, was a considerably lower 36.4% of
eligible voters. Women's participation was also low. The
national average was 41.7%, while only 35.8% of Turkish women
voted. Anecdotal evidence shows a higher than usual number of
Turkish-Norwegians involved in local politics, perhaps
demonstrating the potential for the second generation of
immigrants.
11.(U) Employment is one area where, although still below
where they should be, Turks have some cause for optimism.
Around 55% of persons aged 15-74 years are employed, not far
below the total immigrant average of about 63%. As is the
case nationally and virtually across the board for all
immigrants, a lower percentage of Turkish women are employed
than men. The relative difference in employment between the
genders is among the most pronounced of any community,
however, with over 53% more men working than women. For
comparison, nationally about 9% more men than women are
employed, and among all immigrants this number is about 21%.
Common forms of employment are as cooks, small restaurant
owners, cleaners, barbers, and taxi drivers. Turks are not
merely resigned to menial jobs, however. Many are successful
professionals--doctors, lawyers, business owners, etc.
Bartinlioglu, for example, is the owner of a food import
business, in addition to being a full-time city council
member.
-------------------------
IS RADICALIZATION A RISK?
-------------------------
¶12. (SBU) Discrimination can be a telling marker of both
integration and risk for radicalization. When asked if they
have experienced discrimination of any kind, 48.8% of Turks
answer "No." This may sound encouraging at first, but when
considering the average among all immigrant groups--55.6%
giving a "No" answer--it is obvious that many Turks feel they
are subject to considerably more discrimination than other
immigrants. In fact, the only immigrants that say they have
been subject to discrimination more often than the Turks are
the Iraqis, Iranians, and Somalis.
¶13. (SBU) Turks are by any measure one of Norway's most
religious immigrant communities reflecting the conservative
nature of the majority of recent immigrants. They are
rivaled in religiosity only by the Somalis and Pakistanis.
When asked how important religion is in their life, with "1"
being "not important at all" and "10" being "very important",
the overall Turkish average is about 7.5. About 50% of the
OSLO 00000309 003 OF 003
Turkish community actually answered "10". Total immigrant
average is actually not far below the Turks at around 6.9,
although the average is somewhat skewed because of the higher
importance ratings given by the far more numerous Somali and
Pakistani populations. Many communities are far less
religious. The Iranian community, for example, which is very
similar in size and integration to the Turks, scores only
around 3.9, meaning they are far less religious (in fact, the
least religious of any immigrant population). As would be
expected, religious activity is also quite high among Turks,
with most attending around 24 religious gatherings or prayers
arranged by the community per year. The immigrant average is
¶15. Again, only the Pakistanis, at 31, and the Somalis, at
25, attend more religious activities on average. Male
participation is considerably higher among all these
mentioned groups, with the exception of the Iranians.
14.(SBU) The importance of these numbers should not be
exaggerated, however. There is little indication of Turkish
radicalization in Norway. These observations have been
provided more to highlight two potential areas of concern
rather than to paint a broad picture of radicalization among
the community in its current state.
-------
COMMENT
-------
¶15. (SBU) Despite poor statistics in many areas, the large
Turkish population has a good reputation of being
successfully integrated into Norwegian society. The
community has shown no signs of radicalization. Quite to the
contrary, there is every indication that it's problems with
employment, discrimination, and education will largely remedy
themselves with the second generation. Any risk of
radicalization must therefore be considered minimal, although
if discrimination and lack of economic success were to
increase dramatically by any substantial amount this could be
cause for concern and warrant a reevaluation of their
situation. END COMMENT.
WHITNEY