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Viewing cable 07ATHENS171, REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE" MANIFESTO CLAIMS
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
07ATHENS171 | 2007-01-25 16:24 | 2011-06-03 08:00 | SECRET | Embassy Athens |
Appears in these articles: www.tanea.gr |
VZCZCXYZ0030
OO RUEHWEB
DE RUEHTH #0171/01 0251624
ZNY SSSSS ZZH
O 251624Z JAN 07 ZDK
FM AMEMBASSY ATHENS
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC IMMEDIATE 7946
INFO RUEHSQ/AMEMBASSY SKOPJE PRIORITY 1013
RUEHTI/AMEMBASSY TIRANA PRIORITY 1188
RHMCSUU/FBI WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAIIA/CIA WASHDC PRIORITY
S E C R E T ATHENS 000171
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: DECL: 01/23/2017
TAGS: PGOV PREL PTER GR
SUBJECT: "REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE" MANIFESTO CLAIMS
RESPONSIBILITY FOR EMBASSY RPG ATTACK
REF: A) ATHENS 77 B) ATHENS 94 C) ATHENS 95 D) STATE
7147
Classified By: AMBASSADOR CHARLES RIES. REASON: 1.4 (B) AND (D).
SUMMARY
¶1. (S) On January 24, the left-wing group "Revolutionary
Struggle" officially claimed responsibility for the January
12 RPG attack on the Embassy in a manifesto passed to the
weekly Greek newspaper "Pondiki." The statement cites
opposition to U.S. foreign policy as the motive for the
attack -- and, by specifically criticizing FM Bakoyannis and
Minister of Public Order Polydoras, appears to mark them as
potential future targets. The statement's focus on Greek
public figures and institutions supports the argument both
the U.S. and GOG have made since January 12: that this was
an attack on both U.S. and Greek interests. Public reaction
since the RPG attack appears to support this view, a change
from the tacit public acceptance of domestic terrorist
incidents. While there has been some political fallout for
the Karamanlis government, this too has been comparatively
restrained.
¶2. (S) Greek authorities are undertaking a comprehensive,
professional and high priority investigation of the January
12 PRG attack on the Chancery. The two-way information flow
has been good, and U.S. agencies' representatives have good
access. We have shared all relevant information in our hands
with Greek authorities, and are confident that they have
shared their information equally fully with us. The
investigation is proceeding along several tracks. Our main
concern is constant press leaks -- likely the consequence of
political and personal rivalries in an election year -- that
have hampered the investigations effectiveness, primarily by
the near-identification of the chief suspect. Ambassador and
DCM have emphasized to both government and top PASOK
officials that such leaks work against both U.S. and Greek
interests. A second attack might be in the offing, based on
analysis of past incidents, but may be against a Greek
government target. Embassy has requested and received
funding for 24-hour surveillance detection and will shortly
submit recommendations to address the Embassy's greatest
security challenge: offices situated only 65 feet from a
major Athens avenue. END SUMMARY.
REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE ISSUES ITS MANIFESTO
¶3. (S) Authorities have been anticipating a statement from
"Revolutionary Struggle;" the explanatory manifesto was
received by the Greek weekly tabloid "Pondiki" following an
anonymous call. "Revolutionary Struggle" claims the attack
was in reponse to U.S. policies in Palestine, Lebanon, and
Iraq, also citing detainees in Guantanamo. It contains
invective against "CIA and FBI agents and assassins" housed
at U.S. Embassies, and suggests that the Greek National
Police's Counter-Terrorism Unit houses "American agents."
¶4. (S) In addition, the lengthy document criticizes Greek
officials and institutions. Its opening paragraph refers to
the Foreign Minister as "the slave of the Americans,
Bakoyiannis," and implies that Minister of Public Order
Polydoras is also too close to the U.S. While there are no
explicit threats against either, the mention of both by name
suggests they are potential targets. But they are not the
only ones. The manifesto blasts the "extraordinary military
'tribunals'" and the judges currently presiding over the
appeal of the November 17 terrorists. It adds that, if
"Revolutionary Struggle" had its way, the first building that
would be torn down would be the U.S. Embassy, the second
would be the Greek parliament, perhaps suggesting that MPs
are also possible targets.
¶5. (S) In contrast to the manifestos issued by the earlier
terrorist group "17 November," the document does not provide
details of how the attack was organized and executed. The
style is also different, shorter, less ideological and more
direct/journalistic. Some have interpreted this as a sign
that the group's members have a lower level of education than
some of 17N's leaders. The Minister of Public Order told us
he thought the writer had media experience.
INVESTIGATION RUNNING ON SEVERAL TRACKS
¶6. (S) Since the investigation began on January 12, it has
proceeded along several tracks. The first has focused on a
prominent Greek anarchist with a police record who is seen as
the most logical suspect. This investigation is being
handled by an extremely restricted group within the police
department. However, the fact that the individual was
described thoroughly (identified in all but name) in the
January 14 press has complicated police tracking efforts.
¶7. (S) The second line of inquiry, pursued by a broader
police working group, is focused on interviewing witnesses,
checking phone records of those offering information, and
tracking the origin of the Chinese RPG used in the attack.
Police believe that the RPG, which was not a type purchased
by any GOG entity, was likely among those looted from
Albanian arsenals during 1997. (Greek officials report
positive cooperation with counterparts in Tirana and Skopje.)
Police also have high expectations (perhaps overly so) for
what FBI enhancement of surveillance video shot by Embassy
cameras may reveal when analysis is completed later this
week.
¶8. (S) Third, police are pursuing pieces of information
(some potentially credible, some clearly not) that indicates
the attackers may have come from outside Greece, and were
therefore not the standard-issue Greek radicals most have
assumed them to be. The "Revolutionary Struggle" manifesto
may challenge this thesis. Embassy RSO, Legatt, and SIMO are
working together closely on all aspects of the investigation,
meeting regularly with the Greek police teams involved.
¶9. (S) Recently, both police and press have speculated that
another attack might take place soon. This is based on past
incidents of domestic terrorism; the terrorist group
"November 17" generally instigated two-three incidents prior
to claiming responsibility in a written statement. Press
sources note that RPGs are usually packaged in groups of six;
presuming that some were used for "target practice," the
theory is that this would leave several still available for
subsequent attacks. Some accounts have even stretched the
line of speculation further, suggesting that the next targets
might be GOG ministries. While there is no firm basis for
such speculation, the possibility of course cannot be ruled
out.
BUT POLITICALLY-MOTIVATED PRESS LEAKS HAMPER EFFECTIVENESS
¶10. (S) Although impressed with the energy and thoroughness
of the investigation, we have been disappointed by leaks from
PASOK-affiliated police officers directly to Greek media --
which has been constant since day one. While in most cases
the details leaked are insignificant, the near-identification
of a primary suspect has, without doubt, hampered the overall
investigation.
¶11. (S) Politics is clearly behind the leaks. With
elections this year, after the RPG attack opposition PASOK
contrasted its record with the New Democracy government --
reminding the public that its administration had succeeded in
breaking the back of Greece's biggest domestic terrorist
threat, "November 17" (a group responsible for decades of
violent attacks, including the killing of 5 Americans).
PASOK-aligned journalists jumped on board, criticizing
Karamanlis for purportedly re-structuring the police
counter-terrorism team. The criticism seemed to hit home
when Karamanlis asked former Anti-Terrorist Squad Chief Syros
to take on the job again (in addition to his current
responsibilities as Deputy Chief of Police). (We think
Karamanlis made the assignment in the perhaps unrealistic
hope of obtaining political peace, and to show he was leaving
no stars on the bench.) But Syros -- whose links to PASOK
were formed while serving under former PASOK Minister of
Public Order Chrysochoides -- is also fighting for survival
in the police force's promotion cycle this March. While we
respect his experience and conduct of the investigation
itself, we assess that he is a major source of press leaks,
which are designed to bolster his own public image and win a
promotion.
AMBASSADOR TO MPO, OPPOSITION: STOP THE LEAKS NOW
¶12. (S) On January 19 Ambassador conveyed to Minister of
Public Order Polydoras (through MPO diplomatic advisor
Ailianos) that, while the Embassy was satisfied with the
overall level of cooperation, we were concerned that press
leaks were harming the investigation. The leaks could
clearly delay the apprehension of the perpetrators, and
worked against both U.S. and Greek interests. Also on
January 19, Ambassador delivered the same message to
opposition leader George Papandreou. DCM and SIMO Chief
reached out to former MPO Chrysochoides (Minister under the
PASOK government, leaving office in 2004), stressing that
while the Embassy was not taking sides in the on-going
political/factional struggle now being played out in the
press, we were very concerned that the struggle, and, most
importantly, the leaks were impairing an effective
investigation. On January 21, DCM passed our assessment to
PM Karamanlis through diplomatic advisor Bitsios.
CONTINUED FOCUS ON EMBASSY SECURITY
¶13. (S) In order to keep the Embassy community fully
informed, Ambassador hosted a Town Hall meeting for Embassy
employees on January 15. The country team has emphasized to
all employees the need to review security practices, both at
the Embassy and at their residence. All employees have been
advised to vary times and routes; the Ambassador, DCM and
other recognizable Embassy officials will be particularly
cognizant of this requirement. Embassy requested (ref C) and
received (ref D) funding for immediate implementation of
24-hour surveillance detection teams. In addition, Embassy
will shortly submit a cable of both short and long-term
recommendations on how OBO and DS can contribute to our
mutual goal of hardening Embassy security at its most
vulnerable point -- offices located 65 feet from the major
Vassilisis Sofias thoroughfare.
PUBLIC REACTION: ATTACK BAD FOR U.S., BAD FOR GREECE
¶13. (S) While some press reports have dug deep into the
details of election-year political scapegoating, overall the
attack appears to be viewed not only as an attack on the U.S.
but also on Greece -- a point the Embassy has stressed from
the outset. That does not mean that the Greek public's
anti-Americanism has lessened significantly. However, it
appears that, after the arrest and trial of key members of
noted left-wing terrorist group "17 November" and the
successful staging of the Olympic Games, the Greek "person on
the street" no longer has the same level of tolerance for
domestic terrorism. One recent opinion poll suggests that 6
of 10 Greeks now support increased use of surveillance
cameras to deter crime. That is a turnaround for a Greek
public allergic to all forms of "Big Brother" monitoring.
COMMENT
¶14. (S) Some media have questioned whether, as a result of
the January 12 attack, the U.S. will refuse to consider
extending participation in the Visa Waiver Program to Greece.
The Embassy has avoided public response on this point.
There is no evidence that Greek terrorists past or present
had or have the means or intention to undertake terrorist
activities outside of Greece. In fact, any attempt to do so
would be to operate without the terrorists' key advantages:
relative anonymity and a support network. In any case, at
this point we are broadly satisfied with the professionalism
and pace of the investigation and consider it important to
keep the VWP perspective open. Any presumptive shut-off of
VWP consideration would likely backfire, generating political
resentment and impeding bilateral cooperation on this case.
RIES