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Viewing cable 07SANTODOMINGO668, FURTHER ON REGIONAL DRUGS SUMMIT AND CALLS FOR
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
07SANTODOMINGO668 | 2007-03-23 20:18 | 2011-08-24 01:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Embassy Santo Domingo |
VZCZCXYZ0000
PP RUEHWEB
DE RUEHDG #0668/01 0822018
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
P 232018Z MAR 07
FM AMEMBASSY SANTO DOMINGO
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC PRIORITY 7769
INFO RUEHZA/WHA CENTRAL AMERICAN COLLECTIVE PRIORITY
RUEHBO/AMEMBASSY BOGOTA PRIORITY 1644
RUEHCV/AMEMBASSY CARACAS PRIORITY 0745
RUEHPU/AMEMBASSY PORT AU PRINCE PRIORITY 4530
RUEHSP/AMEMBASSY PORT OF SPAIN PRIORITY 1780
RUEHUNV/USMISSION UNVIE VIENNA PRIORITY 0019
RUEAWJA/DEPT OF JUSTICE WASHDC PRIORITY
RUCOWCV/CUSTOMS CARIBBEAN ATTACHE MIAMI FL PRIORITY
RHMCSUU/FBI WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEAHLC/HOMELAND SECURITY CENTER WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
RUEFHLC/HQS DHS WASHDC PRIORITY
RUMISTA/CDR USSOUTHCOM MIAMI FL PRIORITY
RHEHOND/DIR ONDCP WASHINGTON DC PRIORITY
UNCLAS SANTO DOMINGO 000668
SIPDIS
SIPDIS
SENSITIVE
DEPARTMENT OF STATE FOR WHA DAS DUDDY, WHA/CAR NICHOLS AND
SEARBY, INL/LP AARIAS; DEPT PASS DEA FOR APLACIDO; PASS
ONDCP FOR PATRICK WARD; SOUTHCOM FOR JIATF SOUTH, ALSO FOR
POLAD
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PREL SNAR KCRM CO HA VE TD DR
SUBJECT: FURTHER ON REGIONAL DRUGS SUMMIT AND CALLS FOR
INCREASED U.S. SUPPORT IN CARIBBEAN
REF: A. SANTO DOMINGO 0355
¶B. SANTO DOMINGO 0597
¶1. (U) Following is an amplified version of Santo Domingo 597
with addition of U.S. and Dominican positions, new text in
paras. 10 and 11, and comment.
¶2. (U) Summary. On March 16, OAS Secretary General Insulza,
President Preval of Haiti, President Uribe of Colombia, and
Prime Minister Manning of Trinidad and Tobago joined
Dominican President Fernandez to sign a non-binding
declaration on measures to counter threats posed by the
trafficking of drugs through the Caribbean corridor. Though
the declaration carefully avoided specific reference to the
United States, Preval and Manning used the summit to
criticize the United States bluntly for a perceived reduction
of aid in the fight against narcotrafficking. Fernandez,
too, noted a perceived reduction in aid, while President
Uribe stood out as strong supporter of U.S. efforts in the
region and a critic of European resistance to aerial
spraying. Representatives from the United Nations, the
Organization of American States, the European Union
(Germany), Venezuela, Spain, France, the Netherlands, and the
United States were invited attendees. End Summary.
------------------
Summit Declaration
------------------
-- Academics criticize the United States
¶3. (SBU) While the declaration drafting process began on
March 13, it was underpinned by the March 12 presentations of
eight academics and experts speaking in their individual
capacities. By and large, this group proved critical of the
United States. Typically, presenters noted the United States
to be the source of demand driving the drug trade, suggested
the USG was inappropriately fixated on interdiction and
supply reduction, and claimed that the USG was reducing the
amounts of counter-narcotics assistance (including funds for
U.S. demand reduction) in order to fund U.S. military
commitments in Afghanistan and Iraq. Particularly noteworthy
for his criticism was University of Miami Professor Bruce
Bagley, a recognized expert in international narcotics
trafficking. Bagley has been examining the
Colombia-Dominican Republic drug nexus since at least 1998.
-- Declaration drafts
¶4. (SBU) The Haitian technical delegation headed by National
Security Minister Martin Joseph submitted a moderately worded
draft the morning of the 13th, which was set aside. The
subsequently submitted Dominican draft declaration
(Spanish-language text only) was examined by drafters.
Participating vigorously in the drafting process were
representatives from the Dominican Republic, Haiti,
Venezuela, Columbia, the United States, and the OAS
Inter-American Drug Control Commission (CICAD), as well as
independent expert Diana Pardo of contracted organizing
entity Newlink Political Consulting and Research. Also
present during negotiations were representatives from
CARICOM, France, and MINUSTAH.
¶5. (SBU) The Bagley presentation influenced the initial
Dominican draft, which focused on the reduction of bilateral
aid to the region, as well as the issue of demand. While all
delegations ultimately proved flexible in finding consensus
on declaration language, the Haitian delegation was notable
for its initial insistence on the inclusion of language
regarding the reduction of bilateral aid. The Dominicans, in
turn, were slow to come off their initial language suggesting
the need for "state of the art" technology, specifically
radars and wiretapping equipment. Last-minute delays were
caused by Colombia's attempt to rephrase the entire
trafficking issue as a "global drug problem," given their
representatives' concern that draft language targeting
"trafficking" was implicitly directed at Colombia. Organizer
Pardo was resistant to the inclusion of language regarding
supply reduction. Notably, Venezuelan representatives were
generally non-political and cooperative, with the U.S. and
Venezuelan delegations mutually reinforcing many of each
others' points. (Note: This cooperation is encouraging for
future regional events -- even though the Venezuelan
delegation spoke privately of a hoped-for future regional
drugs summit involving President Chavez.) Interestingly,
Venezuelan negotiators acknowledged the transit of narcotics
aircraft through their airspace, but attributed this to
Venezuela's lack of technical means (i.e., radar) and pledged
future improvement.
---------------
Summit Speeches
---------------
-- United States
¶6. (U) In his speech WHA/DAS Patrick Duddy touched delicately
on Venezuela's place in the trafficking chain with a
reference to traffickers' "use of small airplanes from the
northern coast of South America," information that had been
shared "with the governments of Venezuela, Haiti, and the
Dominican Republic." The majority of Duddy's remarks,
however, dealt with an analysis of the regional drug trade,
as well as U.S. efforts to disrupt supply and to reduce
demand.
¶7. (U) Duddy characterized the issue of narcotics as an
"intertwined problem of demand...and supply" and noted both
the stabilization of U.S. demand and the expansion of
European markets. As evidence of U.S. efforts to counter
domestic demand, Duddy relayed statistics of a 23 percent
decline of U.S. teen drug use since 2001, a figure closely
approaching President Bush's goal of a 25 percent reduction
of youth drug use by 2006. As suggested by ONDCP Director
John Walters and referenced by Duddy, teen drug use is a
important marker -- it often predicts adult drug use.
¶8. (U) In terms of movement of drugs through the region,
Duddy noted a probable direct correlation between the success
of Colombian and Jamaican interdiction and enforcement
operations, on one hand, and the increased amount of drugs
transiting Hispaniola, on the other. This suggested for
Duddy that "the only viable recourse is to tighten even
further the cooperation and coordination between our
governments and law enforcement institutions, both
bilaterally and through multilateral organizations."
Speaking of Operation Rum Punch (REF A), though giving it
that name, Duddy noted the participation of multiple U.S.
agencies in the interdiction of drug flights to Hispaniola.
He further mentioned contributions to Haitian police training
and Coast Guard reform estimated at USD 40 million since
2004, as well as contributions to MINUSTAH UNPOL. Speaking
of U.S. assistance to the Dominican Republic, Duddy declared
support for Fernandez' police reform initiative to be "the
single most important element of U.S. aid to law enforcement"
in the Republic.
¶9. (U) Duddy raised the issue of supply and cultivation in
regard to successes achieved by intensive aerial spraying
under Plan Colombia, which Duddy called "an increasingly
effective tool when coupled with increased economic
development, expansion of the rule of law, and effective
actions against narco-terrorist groups."
-- Venezuela
¶10. (SBU) The public remarks of Venezuelan Drug Czar Nestor
Luis Reverol Torres reprised the non-confrontational approach
taken by the Venezuelan technical delegation. Using a
PowerPoint presentation, Reverol stressed expected future
improvements in Venezuelan interdiction, largely through the
introduction of new coastal radar systems. special maritime
interdiction units, and interceptor aircraft, while stressing
existing efforts to screen cargo at Venezuelan ports. He did
not once mention the United States.
-- Prime Minister Manning
¶11. (U) Manning took rather the opposite tact in his remarks,
pointedly criticizing the United States directly for
"abandoning the eastern Caribbean." He declared Trinidad and
Tobago to be in particular need of external funds, as it is
"willing but unable to patrol its territory," given a poor
financial situation caused by a "loss of preferential market
access and changing patterns in trade." Calling himself a
"voice in the wilderness," he said that U.S. policy in the
region does not support U.S. rhetoric that the eastern
Caribbean is the "third frontier" in the fight against
narcotics. In specific support of this contention he cited
the recent trip of President Bush to Latin America -- and
said "the fact that the President did not visit a single
Caribbean country forces us to pose the issue of how we are
seen." Manning also noted the country's supply of
significant amounts of liquefied natural gas, ammonia, and
methanol to the United States, with little U.S. reciprocity
in terms either of attention or of funds.
-- President Preval
¶12. (U) Preval began his remarks by quoting from sections of
the latest USG report on narcotics (INSCR) regarding Haiti,
to the effect that "Haiti is a privileged land for
traffickers" and a "weak state." This led to a plea to the
Haitian people for peace, as "political violence breeds
impunity." Unlike Manning, Preval continued by stressing the
regional responsibility for increased cooperation and the
need for governments to improve education systems, youth
prevention programs, and opportunities for civic
participation.
¶13. (U) Preval highlighted his suggestion of a greater role
for the United States as a "larger consumer country." Preval
insisted that the United States must mobilize additional
resources to attack demand (termed as "consumer networks")
within its own territory. He further called on the World
Bank, Inter-American Development Bank, the European Union,
and the United States for increased direct assistance, and he
asked U.S. religious communities and human rights
organizations to motivate the U.S. government toward action.
His final call was for all to "work together without
hypocrisy" and "without accusing each other."
-- President Uribe
14 (U) Speaking forcefully and extemporaneously for roughly
thirty minutes, Uribe repeatedly expressed Colombia's "will
to beat illicit drugs in all their dimensions." He spoke at
length and favorably regarding aerial spraying, noting "what
is dangerous is not the scientific protocol of spraying
itself, but rather the exploitation of the jungle to plant
drugs (illicit crops) and the chemical precursors used in
processing."
¶15. (U) In speaking on spraying, Uribe referenced U.S.
assistance, asked CICAD for additional studies to demonstrate
the safety of spraying, confirmed that the Colombian people
were not against the practice, and challenged the European
Union to fund manual eradication, should they not be able to
overcome their objections to aerial application of
herbicides. He further challenged citizens of "sister
nations" to come forward with claims regarding
extra-territorial spraying, stating that "our decision is to
eradicate drugs, not to have arguments with our neighbors."
¶16. (U) Uribe's remarks strongly backed Plan Colombia and
suggested that alternative development, while useful, is not
a prerequisite for eradication operations, as "drugs cause a
displacement of Colombians abroad that impoverishes the
nation." A first step must be the "democratic application of
force" (alternately described as authority or coercion) which
he finds "necessary to get the people accustomed to drug
trafficking to stop."
¶17. (U) Part of this democratic application appears to be the
air bridge denial program, which he commended and suggested
be expanded throughout the region. Another part would be the
criminalization of narcotics possession, which he intends to
submit to the Colombian legislature as a proposed
constitutional reform. A further component is the frequent
use of the extradition process, which he asserts the
Colombian people do not reject (as opposed to drug
traffickers whom he directly calls "terrorists.")
¶18. (U) For Uribe, the best application of force is
coordinated. Accordingly, he calls on the United States to
coordinate interdiction activities with both Colombia and
Venezuela and calls on the OAS to help prepare an
inter-American convention dealing with interdiction.
¶19. (U) Again reiterating Colombia's commitment to eradicate
narcotics trafficking, Uribe concluded with an outright
rejection of legalization, using an ecological argument ("Who
can guarantee that they won't cut down the entire Amazon
jungle?"), before promising to share whatever Colombian
resources possible with the region in the fight against drugs.
¶20. (U) Uribe's remarks brought a partial standing ovation
and were so well received that both Manning and Fernandez
rose from their seats to shake Uribe's hand.
-- President Fernandez
¶21. (U) Fernandez' remarks were made at the beginning of the
Summit. Though brief and introductory, they effectively
"split the baby" by noting U.S. commitment to the
counternarcotics fight since the early 1980s, but also
faulting the United States for a reduction in resources
dedicated following the attacks of September 11. This
reduction, as detailed by Bagley, alarms Fernandez; Fernandez
sees that there has been a significant increase in both
narcotics use and narcotics-related crimes in the region
during the last five years. His solution, proposed in brief
remarks at the close of the session, was for increased
regional cooperation and coordination and for the
international community to make aircraft, ships, radars, and
other assets available to Caribbean nations through mid- to
long-term lease or purchase arrangements.
-------
Comment
-------
¶22. (SBU) The general demands of Caribbean governments for
increased external support in the war against drugs, were not
new, but they appeared to increase in pitch paralleling the
increase in criminality in the region. This summit was
clearly born out of that demand and, likewise, from the
desire to cast domestic failings as the responsibility of
outside entities. The demand for external support does not
take into account a critical "ground truth" - the United
States already provides significant amounts of assistance to
the region on a continuing basis. But for the presentations
made by Colombia and the United States, the ultimate message
of this summit could well have been an incorrect one -- that
the lack of U.S. interest and support permits the growth of
narcotics trafficking and crime. The summit spin reminds us
that just providing the technical and financial assistance to
the region is not enough. Public diplomacy must accompany
it. The United States must make frequent and public
reassurances of commitment to the region, an important part
of which will necessarily involve high-level participation in
regional summits, as well as visits by prominent persons when
possible.
¶23. (U) The final text of the official summit declaration in
English, Spanish, and French has been transmitted
electronically to WHA/CAR.
¶24. (U) Drafted by Michael Garuckis.
HERTELL