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Viewing cable 09TELAVIV421, THE RESULTS ARE OFFICIAL AND THE COALITION COUNTDOWN
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Reference ID | Created | Released | Classification | Origin |
---|---|---|---|---|
09TELAVIV421 | 2009-02-19 14:33 | 2011-08-24 01:00 | UNCLASSIFIED//FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY | Embassy Tel Aviv |
VZCZCXYZ0004
RR RUEHWEB
DE RUEHTV #0421/01 0501433
ZNR UUUUU ZZH
R 191433Z FEB 09
FM AMEMBASSY TEL AVIV
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC 0570
INFO RUEHXK/ARAB ISRAELI COLLECTIVE
UNCLAS TEL AVIV 000421
SENSITIVE
SIPDIS
E.O. 12958: N/A
TAGS: PGOV PINR KDEM IS
SUBJECT: THE RESULTS ARE OFFICIAL AND THE COALITION COUNTDOWN
COMMENCES
¶1. (SBU) SUMMARY: The official results of the February 10
elections confirmed that Kadima has a one-seat lead over Likud,
established Yisrael Beiteinu Party (YBP) as the third largest party,
and consigned the Labor Party to fourth place. President Peres
embarked on consultations with twelve parliamentary faction leaders
on the evening of February 18 and aims to conclude these discussions
within two days and announce which MK he will entrust with forming a
government. While Kadima recommended its leader Tzipi Livni to head
a broad-based, centrist government and Likud recommended chairman
Netanyahu, Yisrael Beiteinu leader Avigdor Lieberman surprised the
pundits by recommending Netanyahu - with the recommendation that
Netanyahu form a broad-based government starting with the three
largest parties: Likud, Kadima and Yisrael Beiteinu. Given
Netayahu's right-wing majority bloc, the President may not keep with
tradition and give the leader of the party with the plurality
(Kadima) the first opportunity to form a majority government. This
decision poses a considerable dilemma for Peres who is expected to
move to a decision within a few days. Peres by law must task a
member of the Knesset by February 25 at the latest. End Summary.
-------------------------
THE PARTY VERSUS THE BLOC
-------------------------
¶2. (SBU) Kadima's slender victory - 28 Knesset seats to Likud's 27
in the 120-member Knesset -- is not the sole source of Livni's
vulnerability. Despite its second-place finish in the elections,
Likud is able to speak of a "camp" or "right-wing bloc" of support
and has now garnered the endorsement of 50 members of Knesset --
excluding the conditional support of the leader of the Yisrael
Beiteinu Party (YBP - 15 seats). Netanyahu could form a narrow
right-wing coalition of 65 with YBP support if he were able to
reconcile their demands for a more secular state with those of the
Haredi (ultra-Orthodox religious) parties. Even without YBP, Likud
has far more declared support from its allies in the 18th Knesset
than Kadima, which has no allies at this time.
¶3. (SBU) Party endorsements, however, are only part of the scenario
which the President must take into account. The latest word on
Labor's position is that they will endorse neither of the leading
parties and will go into opposition, but this could change. The
left-wing Meretz, which ran on an anti-YBP campaign, says it will
not endorse either the leader of Kadima or Likud, parties that
Meretz fears will reach out to YBP. The same may be said of the
three Arab parties. Israel's real-politik dictates, however, that
what the party leaders say to the president and what they do once
coalition talks commence may be unrelated.
-------------------------------------------
LIEBERMAN & COMPANY: POWERBROKERS UNLIMITED
-------------------------------------------
¶4. (SBU) Two days after the polls closed on February 10, the YBP
leader Avigdor Lieberman left Israel for vacation in Byelorussia.
His right-hand man, MK Stas Misezhnikov - most recently the chairman
of the Knesset's powerful finance committee, moved swiftly to stake
out YBP goals. Before any coalition contacts commenced, the YBP
submitted a list of demands to Likud and Kadima regarding civil
marriage and citizenship. The media had barely digested the
maneuver before Livni had phoned Lieberman to inform him of her
agreement to all his terms, sparking major speculation that a
Livni-Lieberman alliance was in the making. The coalition
arithmetic, however, still fell short. Most commentators have
argued that if Peres were to task Livni with forming a government
she would fail just as she did after winning the Kadima primaries in
September 2008.
¶5. (SBU) On February 19, Lieberman confounded all the pundits'
predictions that he would not recommend anyone to the President (or
perhaps recommend himself), by endorsing Netanyahu, while urging the
Likud leader to form a broad-based government that starts with the
three largest parties. "Bibi (Netanyahu) needs to get used to the
idea of a broad-based government rather than a narrow one,"
Lieberman told reporters, adding: "and Tzipi (Livni) needs to get
used to the idea that there won't be any rotation." (Note: There
has been much speculation regarding whether Livni and Netanyahu
would repeat the power-sharing precedent established by Shimon Peres
and Yitzhak Shamir, who each served two years as PM during the early
1980's. Livni has been open-minded about such a prospect, but
Netanyahu rejected it.)
------------------------------
THE PRESIDENT'S DEFAULT OPTION
------------------------------
¶6. (SBU) Much as President Peres may wish to keep with tradition
and offer the task of forming a government to the leader of the
largest party, he is not required to do so by law. Netanyahu's
Likud, at the last count, has the support of Shas with 11 seats, the
Jewish Home party's 3, and the National Union's 4. Having agreed to
most of Yisrael Beiteinu's platform demands in general terms, and in
light of Avigdor Lieberman's recommendation to the President, Likud
may now add their 15 seats and even 5 from United Torah Judaism
(UTJ) -- if Netanyahu can square the circle between YBP's insistence
on civil marriage legislation and the vehement opposition of Shas
and UTJ.
-------------------------------------------
LABOR: DOWN BUT NOT ENTIRELY OUT OF THE GAME
-------------------------------------------
¶7. (SBU) Lieberman's man-of-the-hour status is misleading. There
are more than three parties with a stake in the political game and
the paradox of Israeli politics is that often significant power at
the top depends on maintaining control of several small (often
ideological or single-issue) players at the base of the pyramid.
One of the largest of the smaller players is the Labor party which,
according to its chairman Ehud Barak, is destined for the opposition
benches. The record shows, however, that when coalition
negotiations commence, Labor is always loathe to enter the political
wilderness of the opposition. Labor should not be ruled out as a
possible coalition partner, and Netanyahu has made clear that Barak
remains his top choice for Defense Minister.
--------------------------
SHAS: PROMISE US THE MONEY
---------------------------
¶8. (SBU) Shas preserved its 11 seats in the 2009 elections, but has
less leverage now than it did in the fall of 2008 when it blocked
Livni's efforts to form a government after she failed to promise
sufficient money for child allowances demanded by Shas. Shas, like
Labor, abhors the opposition, and has endorsed Netanyahu. But Shas
is also supportive of including Kadima in a broad coalition
government. On the peace process, Shas' opposition to negotiations
on Jerusalem put them more squarely in the Likud camp than in
Kadima's (as this was the other key issue that led to Livni's
failure to form a government with members of the 17th Knesset in
2008). Yisrael Beiteinu's demands are problematic for Shas (and
UTJ) but do not necessarily rule out compromise.
--------------------------------------------- ----
THE PRESIDENT'S CHOICE IS THE PEOPLE'S PREFERENCE
--------------------------------------------- ----
¶9. (SBU) President Peres is no longer a member of the Knesset, but
he still retains the unofficial title of Israel's oldest and most
experienced parliamentarian. He will bring all his skills and very
substantial historical memory into play over the coming days. He is
devoting two days to consultations with the 12 faction leaders whose
parties crossed the two percent threshold of the popular vote to win
seats in the Knesset. The latest reports indicate that Peres will
announce his choice of which party leader is to form a government
early next week. It is not beyond the authority of the President to
suggest to Netanyahu and Livni that they engage in dialogue --
something they have so far avoided - and there are already press
reports that indicate the President may summon Livni and Netanyahu
to private meetings on February 20. However, the law does not
permit the President to engage in any way in the process of the
formation of a government. Amid considerable anticipation that the
President may call on Kadima and Likud to form a government together
or agree to a power-sharing system of rotational leadership, the
President has been cautious in his statements, saying only that he
intends to "comply with the people's desire and the people do not
want me to impose anything."
-----------------------------
BRINKMANSHIP VERSUS THE CLOCK
-----------------------------
¶10. (SBU) If the statements of Tzipi Livni are anything to go by,
she has made it clear that the only scenario in which she would
contemplate collaboration with Netanyahu is in the framework of a
government she will head. In a first reaction to Avigdor
Lieberman's recommendation of Netanyahu to the President and his
call for a broad-based government, Livni said: "Kadima and I have a
plan of action ranging from advancing the peace process to fighting
terror and domestic issues that require fixing and I'm not about to
change any of it and I will not provide a fig-leaf for a government
of diplomatic paralysis. That's what I have said and that's how I
plan to proceed." Commentators are already interpreting this as a
Kadima ploy to raise the negotiating stakes, and perhaps in this
vein Livni and fellow Kadima members announced on the afternoon of
February 19 their intention to head to the opposition. Netanyahu,
for his part, has said he will invite Kadima to join his government
after he has knitted together his right wing. The two positions
would appear to be mutually exclusive, and this creates an
opportunity for the President to encourage the two contenders to
work together. The deadline established by law gives the first
candidate designated by the President a maximum of 42 days to put a
coalition together.
CUNNINGHAM