PART THREE. THE WANDERINGS OF HURIN AND OTHER WRITINGS NOT FORMING PART OF THE QUENTA SILMARILLION. I THE WANDERINGS OF HURIN. In The Wanderings of Hurin ('WH') it is not convenient to use the device of numbered paragraphs, and commentary (pp. 298 ff.) is here related to numbered notes in the text. The earliest account of Hurin after his release by Morgoth is found in the Tale of Turambar (II.112 - 15, 135-6), leading to that in the Sketch of the Mythology (IV.32) and in Q (IV.132); see also AB 1 and AB 2 (IV.306, V.141). It is not necessary to say anything about these here, since in none of them is there any suggestion that Hurin returned to Hithlum (or went to Brethil) before he came to Nargothrond. I have described (p. 103) how the manuscript of the Grey Annals (GA) ends with strange abruptness at the foot of a page, and said that 'it always seemed to me strange that my father should have abandoned the Grey Annals where he did, without at least writing the inscription that was carved on the stone'. At some later time (see ibid.) he entered roughly on the manuscript the inscription on the stone, and the words of conclusion to the tale, derived from the last part of the Narn (NE). The explanation of this was simple, when I discovered, misplaced among miscellaneous papers, manuscript pages that are very obviously the continuation of the Grey Annals (the first of these pages is indeed numbered continuously with the last page of the main manuscript); this continuation, it is plain, was already lost in my father's lifetime. The original conclusion was in fact exactly as in the addition made to GA when he presumed the original ending lost, except that the title of the work was then Glaer nia Chin Hurin, as in NE (p. 160, $349). Subsequently my father had added the words 'and was made by Men', as in the conclusion added to GA (p. 103), and later again he changed the title to Narn i Chin Hurin, as he did also in NE. In the scarcely changing script of the main manuscript this 'lost' text stopped here, but was then continued on the same page in a different ink and script, with the date 500 twice written against this further entry and each time struck out. It is said by some that Morwen on a time came in her witless wandering to that stone and read it, and died afterwards, though haply she did not understand the tale that it told, and in that was less tormented than Hurin. For all that Morgoth knew of the working of his curse Hurin knew also; but lies and malice were mingled with the truth, and he that sees through the eyes of Morgoth, willing or unwilling, sees all things crooked. [Written in the margin later: Some fate of Morwen must be devised. Did Morwen and Hurin meet again?](1) At this point the ink and to a slight degree the style of the script change again. The following narrative is the first account of Hurin's release since the Quenta of 1930. 500. Especially Morgoth endeavoured to cast an evil light upon all that Thingol and Melian had done (for he hated and feared them most); and when at last he deemed the time ripe, in the year after the death of his children, he released Hurin from bondage and let him go whither he would. He feigned that in this he was moved by generosity to a defeated enemy, but in truth his purpose was that Hurin should further his malice. And little though Hurin trusted aught that Morgoth said or did, he went forth in grief, embittered by the lies of the Dark Lord. Twenty-eight years Hurin was captive in Angband, and at his release was in his sixtieth year,(2) but great strength was in him still, in spite of the weight of his grief, for it suited the purpose ] of Morgoth that this should be so. He was sent under guard as far as the east-marches of Hithlum, and there he was let go free. None that had known him [in] youth could mistake him still, .] though he had grown grim to look on: his hair and beard were white and long, but there was a fell light in his eyes. He walked unbowed, and yet carried a great black staff; but he was girt with his sword. Great wonder and dread fell on the land when it was noised in Hithlum that the Lord Hurin had returned. The Easterlings were dismayed, fearing that their Master would prove faithless again and give back the land to the Westrons, and that they would be enslaved in their turn. For watchmen had reported that Hurin came out of Angband. 'There was a great riding,' they said, 'of the black soldiers of Thangorodrim over the Anfauglith, and with them came this man, as one that was held in honour.' Therefore the chieftains of the Easterlings dared not lay hands on Hurin, and let him walk at will. In which they were wise; for the remnant of his own people shunned him, because of his coming from Angband, as one in league and honour with Morgoth; and indeed all escaped captives were held in suspicion of spying and treachery in those days, as has been told. Thus freedom only increased the bitterness of Hurin's heart; for even had he so wished, he could not have roused any rebellion against the new lords of the land. All the following that he gathered was a small company of the homeless men and outlaws chat lurked in the hills; but they had done no great deed against the Incomers since the passing of Turin, some five years before. Of Turin's deeds in Brodda's hall Hurin now learned from the ' outlaws the true tale,. and he looked on Asgon {3} and his men, and he said: 'Men are changed here. In thraldom they have found thrall hearts. I desire no longer any lordship among them, nor elsewhere in Middle-earth. I will leave this land and wander alone, unless any of you will go with me, to meet what we may. For I have no purpose now, unless I find chance to avenge the wrongs of my son.' Asgorn {4} and six other desperate men were willing to go with him; and Hurin led them to the halls of Lorgan, who still called himself the Lord of Hithlum. Lorgan heard of their coming and was afraid, and he gathered other chieftains and their men in his house for defence. But Hurin coming to the gates looked on the Eastrons {5} in scorn. 'Fear not!' he said. 'I should have needed no companions, if I had come to fight with you. I am come only to take leave of the lord of the land. I have no liking for it any more, since you have defiled it. Hold it while you may, until your Master recalls you to the slave-tasks that fit you better.' Then Lorgan was not ill-pleased to think that he would so soon and easily be rid of the fear of Hurin, without crossing the will of Angband; and he came forward. 'As you will, friend,' he said. 'I have done you no ill, and have let you be, and of this I hope you will bring a true tale, if you come again to the Master.' Hurin eyed him in wrath. 'Friend me not, thrall and churl!' he said. 'And believe not the lies that I have heard: that I have ever entered into the service of the Enemy. Of the Edain am I and so remain, and there shall be no friendship between mine and yours for ever.' Then hearing that Hurin had not after all the favour of Morgoth, or forswore it, many of Lorgan's men drew their swords to put an end to him. But Lorgan restrained them; for he was wary, and more cunning and wicked than the others, and quicker therefore to guess at the purposes of the Master. 'Go then, greybeard, to evil fortune,' he said. 'For that is your doom. Folly and violence and self-hurt are all the deeds of your kin. Fare you ill!' 'Tol acharn!' said Hurin. 'Vengeance comes. I am not the last of the Edain, whether I fare ill or well.' And with that he departed, and left the land of Hithlum. 501. Of the wanderings of Hurin there is no tale told, until he came at last late in this year to Nargothrond. It is said that he had then gathered to him other fugitives and masterless men in the wild, and came south with a following of a hundred or more. But why it was that he went to Nargothrond is uncertain, save that so his doom and the fate of the Jewels led him. Some have said that At this point the 'lost continuation' of the Grey Annals stops, at the foot of a page; but a further page is found, written in a wholly different script (a rapid italic that my father used quite frequently in the period after the publication of The Lord of the Rings), that clearly joins to the abandoned sentence 'Some have said that'. Together with the first extension of the Annals, that concerning Morwen (pp. 251-2), and then the narrative recounting Hurin's return to Hithlum, this page is a further and final link in the series of additions that were made at intervals whose length cannot be determined. [Some have said that] maybe he knew not that Glaurung was dead, and hoped in his heart distraught to take vengeance on this evil thing - for Morgoth would conceal the death of Glaurung, if he could, both because the loss was a grief to him and a hurt to his pride, and because (from Hurin especially) he would conceal all that was most valiant or successful of Turin's deeds. Yet this can scarce be so,(6) since the death of Glaurung was so bound up with the death of his children and revelation of their evil case; while the rumour of the assault of Glaurung upon Brethil went far and wide. Certainly Morgoth fenced men in Hithlum, as he was able, and little news came to them of events in other lands; but so soon as Hurin passed southward or met any wanderers in the wild he would hear tidings of the battle in the ravine of Taiglin. More likely is it that he was drawn thither to discover news of Turin; to Brethil he would not yet come, nor to Doriath. He went first seeking a way into Gondolin, and the friendship of Turgon (which indeed would have been great); but he found it not. His doom was unwilling (for Morgoth's curse was ever upon him still); and moreover since the Nirnaeth Turgon had expended every art upon the hiding of his realm. It was then that Hurin finding Here the text stops abruptly; but on the same page and clearly at the same time my father wrote the following: Hurin goes to seek Gondolin. Fails. Passes by Brethil, and his anguish is increased. They will not admit him - saying that the Halethrim do not wish any more to become enmeshed in the shadow of his kin. But A [?new] Lord (7) gives the dragon- helm to Hurin. His heart is hot against Thingol. He passes it [Doriath] by and goes on to Nargothrond. Why? To seek news, plunder, - he had been an admirer of Felagund. News of the fall of Nargothrond came to sons of Feanor, and dismayed Maedros, but did not all displease Celeg[orn] and Curufin. But when the news of the dragon's fall was heard, then many wondered concerning its hoard and who was the master? Some Orc-lord, men thought. But the Dwarves of [sic] How did Mim find it? He must come of a different race.(8) These two pieces, especially the latter, are plainly a record of emerging ideas. In the first there is what is probably the earliest reference to the story that Hurin sought but failed to find the entrance to Gondolin. In the second appears a new articulation in the unwritten history of the Dragon-helm, together with other new detail (Hurin's admiration of Felagund, and the effect of the news of the fall of Nargothrond on the sons of Feanor); and there is seen the first adumbration of a story of Hurin's adventures in Brethil before he went to Nargothrond. Before coming to the fully achieved story of Hurin in Brethil there remains one further text to consider. When my father was engaged on his later work on the Narn i Chin Hurin he made several plot-synopses arranged in annalistic form. Much of that material is not relevant here, since it is primarily concerned with the evolving story of Turin; but one of them, which begins with the birth of Turin, continues beyond his death and gives some account, though very brief, of Hurin after his release by Morgoth. I give here the conclusion of this text (certainly somewhat later than any of the writings given thus far in Part Three), taking it up a little before the death of Turin, since there are many interesting details in the annals for 490-9 bearing on the accounts given in NE and GA. The text was written legibly but very rapidly. 490-5. Turin becomes a great captain in Nargothrond under the name of Iarwaeth, and is called Mormegil Black Sword . [Altered later to read: Turin becomes a great captain in Nargothrond. He only tells that he was lord of Cuarthol, and gives out his name as Thuringud the Hidden Foe; but is called Mormegil 'Black Sword'. Gwindor reveals his true name to Finduilas, and Turin is angry.(9) 494. Morgoth stirs up the Eastrons to greater hatred of Elves and Edain, and sends Orcs to aid them and impel them. Lorgan hearing of Nienor's beauty is eager to take her by force. Morwen and Nienor flee the land and come to Doriath. They seek news of Turin.(10) 495. Tuor escapes from Hithlum by Cirith Ninniach and comes to Nivrost. He meets Gelmir and Arminas. Ulmo visits him on the shores by Mount Taras, and sends Voronwe to him. Tuor and Voronwe go to seek Gondolin which they reach in winter. Winter of 495 - 6 is the Fell Winter with ice and snow from November to March (5 months). Gelmir and Arminas come to Nargothrond and bring warn- ing of forces mustering in Narrow Land and under Eryd- wethian [sic]. They are rejected by Turin. Handir of Brethil slain in battle with the Orcs at the Crossings of Taeglin [sic]. His son Brandir the lame is chosen Chieftain, though many would have preferred his cousins Hunthor or Hardang. Turin and Orodreth defeated in Battle of Tum-halad by the dread of Glaurung. Gwindor also slain. Glaurung ravages Nargothrond, and cozens Turin. Turin breaks his word to Gwindor to endeavour to save Finduilas, who is carried off. Instead under the spell of Glaurung he goes to Dorlomin to seek Morwen and Nienor. Finduilas is slain by the Orcs near Crossings of Taeglin and buried by Men of Brethil in Haudh-en-Elleth. Tuor sees Turin near ravaged place of Eithil Ivrin but does not know who he is. Glaurung takes possession of Nargothrond.(11) 496. Early in year Turin comes to Dorlomin. He slays Brodda in his hall. Death of Sador. Turin flies with Asgon and other outlawed Edain to the Mountains, and then leaves Dorlomin by himself. He comes at last to Brethil and learns of the fate of Finduilas. Morwen and Nienor come to Nargothrond, but their escort (under Mablung) is scattered, and Morwen is lost in the wild, but Nienor is bewitched by Glaurung, and loses her memory, and runs into the wild. Nienor comes to Brethil, and is called Niniel.(12) 496- Under the name of Turambar Turin becomes chief warrior of Brethil, and men give no heed to Brandir. Brandir falls in love with Niniel, but she loves Turambar. 497. Dior Halfelven weds Lindis of Ossiriand.(13) 498. Turin weds Niniel (autumn).(14) 499. Glaurung assails Brethil. Turin goes against him with Hun- thor and Dorlas. Dorlas' heart fails and he leaves them. Hunthor is slain by a falling stone. Turin slays Glaurung. Glaurung ere death reveals to Turin and Nienor who they are. Turin slays Brandir. Nienor casts herself into Taeglin. [The following are separate additions to the text:] Turin slays Brandir and takes his own life. / Men of Brethil erect the Talbor or St[anding] Stone to their memory. / Mim comes to Nargoth- rond and takes possession of the treasure.(15) 500. Elrun and Eldun twin sons of Dior are born. Morgoth releases Hurin. Hurin goes to Hithlum.(16) 501. Hurin leaves Hithlum and with Asgon and six men goes down into the Narrow Land. Hurin leaves his companions and seeks in vain an entrance to Gondolin, but Morgoth's spies thus learn in what region it stands. Hurin comes to the Stone and there finds Morwen, who dies. Hurin is put in prison by Hardang Chief of Brethil, but is aided by Manthor his kinsman (cousin of Hardang). In uprising Hardang and Manthor are slain and Obel Halad is burned. Hurin finds Asgon again and gathers other men and goes towards Nargothrond.(17) 502. Tuor weds Idril daughter of Turgon. Hurin comes to Nargothrond and slays Mim the petty-dwarf. He and his men carry off the treasure of Glaurung and bring it to Doriath. Hurin is admitted in pity.(18) Here this plot-synopsis ends, at the foot of a manuscript page. I come now to the substantial complex of writing leading to a final text which my father ultimately entitled The Wanderings of Hurin (earlier Of the Fate of Hurin and Morwen). The final title seems not to be entirely apposite to the content of the work, which is wholly concerned with the story of Hurin in Brethil; it may have been intended to have a larger scope, to include the further story of Hurin told on the same scale, which was never written (see p. 310, note 57, and also the other title given below). There is, first, a draft manuscript and associated rough workings (often of an extreme roughness). Many pages of the draft material are the backs of University documents dated 1954, others are documents from 1957. Secondly, there is a typescript made by my father on his later typewriter (see X.300), much emended in manuscript and with some substantial passages rejected and replaced by new material in typescript; and lastly an amanuensis typescript of virtually no inde- pendent value. The work can be placed with fair certainty towards the end of the 1950s. My father's typescript, as typed, bore no title, but he wrote in ink on the top copy: Of the Fate of Hurin and Morwen Link to the Necklace of the Dwarves, 'Sigil Elu-naeth' Necklace of the Woe of Thingol The text opens thus: So ended the tale of Turin the hapless; and it has ever been held one of the worst of the deeds of Morgoth among Men in the ancient world. It is said by some that on a time Morwen came in her witless wandering to the graven stone, and knowing that her children were dead, though she understood not in what way their tale had ended, she sat beside the stone awaiting death; and there Hurin found her at last, as is after told. Less happy than hers was the lot of Hurin. This passage derives, in its first sentence, from Q (IV.131), and then from the first continuation of the Grey Annals (pp. 251-2), with the addition that Hurin found Morwen beside the stone (cf. p. 258, annal 501). The passage was struck from the typescript and replaced by the following, written on a document dating from 1957: So ended the tale of Turin the Hapless, the worst of the works of Morgoth among Men in the ancient world. But Morgoth did not sleep nor rest from evil, and this was not the end of his dealings with the House of Hador, against which his malice was unsated, though Hurin was under his Eye, and Morwen wandered distraught in the wild. Unhappy was the lot of Hurin. At the head of this my father subsequently wrote The Wanderings of Hurin, and the final amanuensis typescript was given this title also (see p. 258). The typescript continues, from 'Less happy than hers was the lot of Hurin': For all that Morgoth knew of the working of his malice Hurin knew also; but lies were mingled with the truth, and aught that was good was hidden or distorted. He that sees through the eyes of Morgoth, willing or unwilling, sees all things crooked. It was Morgoth's special endeavour to cast an evil light upon all that Thingol and Melian had done, for he feared and hated them most; and when, therefore, he deemed the time ripe, in the year after the death of Turin he released Hurin from bondage, bidding him go whither he would. He feigned that in this he was moved by pity for an enemy utterly defeated, marvelling at his endurance. 'Such steadfast- ness,' he said, 'should have been shown in a better cause, and would have been otherwise rewarded. But I have no longer any use for you, Hurin, in the waning of your little life.' And he lied, for his purpose was that Hurin should still further his malice against Elves and Men, ere he died. Then little though Hurin trusted aught that Morgoth said or did, knowing that he was without pity, he took his freedom and went forth in grief, embittered by the deceits of the Dark Lord. Twenty-eight years Hurin was captive in Angband... In this passage my father was following, with some expansion, the continuation of the Grey Annals (p. 252); from this point he followed it almost without alteration as far as 'And with that he departed, and left the land of Hithlum' (p. 254).(19) There are thus two closely similar, and for most of their length all but identical, texts of this short narrative, which may be called 'Hurin in Hithlum'; but the first of them is the continuation of the Annals, and the second is the opening of a wholly new story of Hurin in Brethil - causing a postponement of the story of 'Hurin in Nargothrond', which in the event was never reached. Seeing then that the second text of 'Hurin in Hithlum' has an entirely distinct function, there is clearly no question of regarding the story of Hurin in Brethil as a further extension of the Annals. As will be seen, my father was very evidently no longer writing annals of Beleriand: that work was now abandoned - or possibly, in his intention, left in abeyance, until the new story had been completed on the scale that he found congenial. I now give the further text of The Wanderings of Hurin (following from the words 'And with that he departed, and left the land of Hithlum'). The work is of peculiar complexity in this, that when my father was well advanced in the story he came to a clearer understand- ing (as he might have said) of the situation in Brethil at the time of Hurin's advent; and these new conceptions overtook it before it was completed in a primary form. In other words, the story grew and changed as he wrote, but in this case he did not abandon it and start again at the beginning: he returned to earlier parts of the story and reconstructed them. For the most part the text as actually typed could stand, but required continual emendation in respect of names and other details. It is not easy to find a perfectly satisfactory and readily ] comprehensible way of presenting this, but after much experimenta- tion I concluded that the best method is to give as the text the final form achieved in the typescript, but to interrupt it (pp. 265 ff.) at the point where the new conceptions first appear and give an account of the development. Two passages are concerned: the revised form of the first is marked by single asterisks on pp. 262-3, and of the second by double asterisks on pp. 264-5. It is said that the hunters of Lorgan dogged his footsteps and did not leave his trail until he and his companions went up into the mountains. When Hurin stood again in the high places he descried far away amid the clouds the peaks of the Crisaegrim, and he remembered Turgon; and his heart desired to come again to the Hidden Realm, if he could, for there at least he would be remembered with honour. He had heard naught of the things that had come to pass in Gondolin, and knew not that Turgon now hardened his heart against wisdom and pity, and allowed no one either to enter or to go forth for any cause whatsoever.(20) Therefore, unaware that all ways were shut beyond hope, he resolved to turn his steps towards the Crisaegrim; but he said nothing of his purpose to his companions, for he was still bound by his oath to reveal to no one that he knew even in what region Turgon abode. Nonetheless he had need of help; for he had never lived in the wild, whereas the outlaws were long inured to the hard life of hunters and gatherers, and they brought with them such food as they could, though the Fell Winter had much diminished their store. Therefore Hurin said to them: 'We must leave this land now; for Lorgan will leave me in peace no longer. Let us go down into the vales of Sirion, where Spring has come at last! ' Then Asgon (21) guided them to one of the ancient passes that led east out of Mithrim, and they went down from the sources of the Lithir, until they came to the falls where it raced into Sirion at the southern end of the Narrow Land.(22) Now they went with great wariness; for Hurin put little trust in the 'freedom' that Morgoth had granted him. And rightly: for Morgoth had news of all his movements, and though for a while he was hidden in the mountains, his coming down was soon espied. Thereafter he was followed and watched, yet with such cunning that he seldom got wind of it. All the creatures of Morgoth avoided his sight, and he was never waylaid or molested.(23) They journeyed southward on the west side of Sirion, and Hurin debated with himself how to part from his companions, at least for so long that he could seek for an entrance to Gondolin without betraying his word. At length they came to the Brithiach; and there Asgon said to Hurin: 'Whither shall we go now, lord? Beyond this ford the ways east are too perilous for mortal men, if tales be true.' 'Then let us go to Brethil, which is nigh at hand,' said Hurin. 'I have an errand there. In that land my son died.' So that night they took shelter in a grove of trees, first outliers of the Forest of Brethil on its northern border only a short way south of the Brithiach. Hurin lay a little apart from the others; and next day before it was light he arose while they slumbered deep in weariness, and he left them and crossed the ford and came into Dimbar. When the men awoke he was already gone far, and there was a thick morning mist about the river. As time passed and he did not return nor answer any call they began to fear that he had been taken by some beast or prowling enemy. 'We have become heedless of late,' said Asgon. 'The land is quiet, too quiet, but there are eyes under leaves and ears behind stones.' They followed his trail when the mist lifted; but it led to the ford and there failed, and they were at a loss. 'If he has left us, let us return to our own land,' said Ragnir.(24) He was the youngest of the company, and remembered little of the days before the Nirnaeth. 'The old man's wits are wild. He speaks with strange voices to shadows in his sleep.' 'Little wonder if it were so,' said Asgon. 'But who else could stand as straight as he, after such woe? Nay, he is our right lord, do as he may, and I have sworn to follow him.' 'Even east over the ford?' said the others. 'Nay, there is small hope in that way,' said Asgon, 'and I do not think that Hurin will go far upon it. All we know of his purpose was to go soon to Brethil, and that he has an errand there. We are on the very border. Let us seek him there.' 'By whose leave?' said Ragnir. 'Men there do not love strangers.' 'Good men dwell there,' said Asgon, 'and the [Master >] Lord of Brethil is kin to our old lords.'(25) Nonetheless the others were doubtful, for no tidings had come out of Brethil for some ] years. 'It may be ruled by Orcs for all we know,' they said. 'We shall soon find what way things go,' said Asgon. 'Orcs are little worse than Eastrons, I guess. If outlaws we must remain, I would rather lurk in the fair woods than in the cold hills.' Asgon, therefore, turned and went back towards Brethil; and the others followed him, for he had a stout heart and men said that he was born with good luck. Before that day ended they had come deep into the forest, and their coming was marked; for the Haladin were more wary than ever and kept close watch on their borders. In the [middle of the night >] grey of the morning, as all but one of the incomers were asleep, their camp was surrounded, and their watchman was held and gagged as soon as he cried out. Then Asgon leapt up, and called to his men that they should draw no weapon. 'See now,' he cried, 'we come in peace! Edain we are out of [Mithrim > Hithlum >] Dorlomin.' *'That may be so,' said the march-wardens. 'But the morn is dim. Our captain will judge you better when light is more.' Then being many times outnumbered Asgon and his men were made prisoners, and their weapons were taken and their hands bound. Thus they were brought to Ebor their captain; and he asked their names and whence they came. 'So you are Edain of the North,' he said. 'Your speech bears you out, and your gear. You look for friendship, maybe. But alas! evil things have befallen us here, and we live in fear. Manthor my lord, Master of the North-march, is not here, and I must therefore obey the commands of the Halad, the Chieftain of Brethil. To him you must be sent at once without further question. There may you speed well! ' So Ebor spoke in courtesy, but he did not hope over much. For the new Chieftain was now Hardang son of Hundad. At the death of Brandir childless he had been made Halad, being of the Haladin, the kin of Haleth, from which all chieftains were chosen. He had not loved Turin, and he had no love now at all for the House of Hador, in whose blood he had no part. Neither had he much friendship with Manthor, who was also of the Haladin. To Hardang Asgon and his men were led by devious ways, and they were blindfolded. Thus at length they came to the hall of the Chieftains in Obel Halad;(26) and their eyes were un- covered, and the guards led them in. Hardang sat in his great chair, and he looked unkindly upon them. 'From Dorlomin you come, I am told,' he said. 'But why you come I know not.* Little good has come to Brethil out of that land; and I look for none now: it is a fief of Angband. Cold welcome you will find here, creeping in thus to spy out our ways! ' Asgon restrained his anger, but answered stoutly: 'We did not come in stealth, lord. We have as great craft in woods as your folk, and we should not so easily have been taken, if we had known any cause for fear. We are Edain, and we do not serve Angband but hold to the House of Hador. We believed that the Men of Brethil were of like sort and friendly to all faithful men.' 'To those of proved faith,' said Hardang. 'To be Edain is not enough alone. And as for the House of Hador it is held in little love here. Why should the folk of that House come here now?' To that Asgon made no answer; for from the unfriendship of the [Master >] Chieftain he thought it best not to speak yet of Hurin. 'I see that you will not speak of all that you know,' said Hardang. 'So be it. I must judge as I see; but I will be just. This is my judgement. Here Turin son of Hurin dwelt for a time, and he delivered the land from the Serpent of Angband. For this I give you your lives. **But he scorned Brandir, right Chieftain of Brethil, and he slew him without justice or pity. Therefore I will not harbour you here. You shall be thrust forth, whence you entered. Go now, and if you return it will be to death!' 'Then shall we not receive our weapons again?' said Asgon. 'Will you cast us back into the wild without bow or steel to perish among the beasts?' 'No man of Hithlum shall ever again bear weapon in Brethil,' said Hardang. Not by my leave. Lead them hence. But as they were haled from the hall Asgon cried: This is the justice of Eastrons not of Edain! We were not here with Turin, either in good deed or evil. Hurin we serve. He lives still. Lurking in your wood do you not remember the Nirnaeth? Will you then dishonour him also in your spite, if he comes?' 'If Hurin comes, do you say?' said Hardang. 'When Morgoth sleeps, maybe! ' 'Nay,' said Asgon. 'He has returned. With him we came to your borders. He has an errand here, he said. He will come!' 'Then I shall be here to meet him,' said Hardang. 'But you will not. Now go!' He spoke as in scorn, but his face whitened in sudden fear that some strange thing had happened boding yet worse to come. Then a great dread of the shadow of the House of Hador fell upon him, so that his heart grew dark. For he was not a man of great spirit, such as were Hunthor and Manthor, descendants of Hiril. Asgon and his company were blindfolded again, lest they should espy out the pathways of Brethil, and they were led back to the North-march. Ebor was ill pleased when he heard of what had passed in Obel Halad, and he spoke to them more courteously. 'Alas! ' he said, 'you must needs go forth again. But see! I return to you your gear and weapons. For so would my lord Manthor do, at the least. I would he were here! But he is the doughtiest man now among us; and by Hardang's command is Captain of the guards at the Crossings of Taiglin. There we have most fear of assault, and most fighting. Well, this much I will do in his stead; but I beg you, do not enter Brethil again, for if you do, we may feel constrained to obey the word of Hardang that has now gone out to all the marches: to slay you at sight.' Then Asgon thanked him, and Ebor led them to the eaves of Brethil, and there wished them good speed. 'Well, thy luck has held,' said Ragnir, 'for at least we are not slain, though we came nigh it. Now what shall we do?' 'I desire still to find my lord Hurin,' said Asgon, 'and my heart tells me that he will come to Brethil yet.' 'Whither we cannot return,' said Ragnir, 'unless we seek a death swifter than hunger.' 'If he comes, he will come, I guess, by the north-march, between Sirion and [Taiglin >] Taeglin,' said Asgon. 'Let us go down towards the Crossings of [Taiglin >] Taeglin. There it is more likely that we may hear news.' 'Or bow-strings,' said Ragnir. Nonetheless they took Asgon's counsel, and went away westward, keeping such watch as they could from afar upon the dark eaves of Brethil. But Ebor was troubled, and sent swiftly to Manthor reporting the coming of Asgon and his strange words concerning Hurin. But of this matter rumour now ran through all Brethil. And Hardang sat in Obel Halad in doubt, and took counsel with his friends.** In the foregoing text two passages are replacements in the typescript of shorter passages that were rejected. The first of these, marked by asterisks at its beginning and end, runs from ' "That may be so," said the march-wardens' on p. 262 to '"But why you come I know not"' on p. 263. The rejected passage read as follows: 'Maybe,' answered the captain of the guards; 'but the morn is dim. Others shall judge you in a better light.' Then, being many times outnumbered, Asgorn and his men were made prisoners, and their weapons were taken and their hands bound; and in this way they were brought at last before the new Master of the Haladin. He was Harathor, brother of that Hunthor who perished in the ravine of Taeglin. By the childless death of Brandir he had inherited the lordship descending from Haldad. He had no love for the house of Hador, and no part in their blood; and he said to Asgorn, when the captives stood before him: 'From [Hithlum >] Dorlomin you come, I am told, and your speech bears it out. But why you come I know not. For reference in the following pages I shall call this passage A 1 and its replacement A 2. The second replacement passage, marked by two asterisks at beginning and end, runs from 'But he scorned Brandir' on p. 264 to 'And Hardang sat in Obel Halad in doubt, and took counsel with his friends' on p. 265. Here the rejected passage read: '... But he scorned Brandir, right Master of Brethil, and he slew him without justice or pity. For this I will take your freedom. You shall be held in bonds; and I shall not relent until good reason is shown me.' Then he ordered them to be taken and shut in a cave and there to be guarded day and night. But as they were led away Asgorn cried: 'This is the justice of Eastrons not of Edain! We were not here with Turin, either in good deed or evil. Hurin we serve, who still lives. Maybe lurking in your little wood you do not remember the Nirnaeth or his great deeds. Will you slay him to ease your griefs, if he comes?' 'If Hurin comes, do you say?' said Harathor. 'When Morgoth sleeps, maybe.' 'Nay,' said Asgorn. 'He has returned, and we came with him to your borders. He has an errand here, he said. He will come!' 'Then we will await him. And you shall too,' said Harathor, smiling grimly. But afterwards his heart misgave him, fearing that Asgorn spoke the truth and that some strange thing had happened, boding worse to follow. For he dreaded the shadow of the House of Hador, lest it should overwhelm his lesser folk, and he was not a man of great heart such as Hunthor his brother [later > such as the .1 descendants of Haldir and Hiril his sister]. The rejected text then moved straight on to 'Now Hurin, coming into Dimbar' on p. 271. The passage just given I will call B 1 and its replacement B 2. Among the draft manuscript papers is found the following text, which I will call 'C': in this my father reflected on the development of the story. Written very rapidly and roughly, with many abbreviations which I have expanded, it preceded, and was the basis for, the two replacement passages A 2 and B 2. The Wanderings of Hurin. ? Where is to come in the revelation that Asgorn and company are in jail. They do not seem to fit, yet their coming to Brethil is needed to 'cast the shadow' by arousing fear and hatred in the heart of Harathor. I suggest that the two jailings [i.e. that of Asgorn and his men and that of Hurin, told later] are too repetitive; and also Harathor is too fierce all at once. His doom is that because of the killing of Glaurung their lives are spared; but because of the killing of Brandir they are to be thrust out: he will have none of the House of Hador. Asgorn says this is cruel treatment. He demands return of their weapons, 'or how else are they to live in the wild?' But Harathor says no man of Dorlomin shall bear a weapon in Brethil. Asgorn as they are led off asks if he will treat Hurin in like orkish manner. 'We will wait and see,' said Harathor. [This paragraph was struck out as soon as written: [Manthor, captain >] The captain / of the Taiglin-guard returns their weapons, and bids them a fairly courteous farewell; but warns them that 'state of war' has been declared (which gives the Master / Warden right to issue orders to all under duty-rota) and that if they cross again into Brethil he or any other captain or watchman will shoot them. They go off but lurk in watch of the crossings, but miss Hurin, who entered out of Dimbar. Hurin should not enter by Taiglin-crossing, nor be found by Haud-en-Elleth. (This has no significance in his case, and overworks the Haud.)] Asgorn and company are blindfolded as they are brought to Obel Halad and are put out by the same way as they entered (so as to learn no more of the ways of Brethil). They therefore lurk near the eaves in that region, and so miss Hurin who crossed the Brithiach and went to the Crossings of Taiglin. The region nigh Brithiach and along Sirion for some way was the land of Manthor (brother of Hunthor who fell in the ravine). But Manthor, as one of the chief warriors and of the kin of the Haladin, was in command of the chief forces kept near the Crossings of Taiglin. (Manthor was not liked by Harathor, for many had wished to elect him Warden - it being... law to do so. And maybe Manthor too desired the Wardenship.) The captain of the guards near Brithiach was Enthor [> was therefore a chief henchman, called Ebor, of Manthor's (appointed by him)] younger brother of Hunthor and Manthor. So Manthor heard soon of what had happened: for all this family had been supporters and admirers of Turin, and were proud of their kinship with the House of Hador. So Enthor [> Ebor] sent messengers to Manthor to tell him that Hurin might come, escaping from Angband. In the last part of the Narn (NE) the emergence of Hunthor (< Tor- barth) can be followed, from his origin in Albarth, at first simply one of those who volunteered to accompany Turin to the attack on Glaurung and named only because he fell and was drowned at Cabed-en-Aras. In the first of these rejected passages (A 1, p. 265) the new lord of Brethil after the death of Brandir is Harathor, 'brother of that Hunthor who perished in the ravine of Taeglin'; and it is expressly said of him that 'he had no love for the house of Hador and no part in their blood'. These words, repeated in the revision A 2 (p. 263), are of great importance in the story. An essential element in the older history of the People of Haleth was the intermingling of the line of their lords with that of the House of Hador which came about through the 'double marriage' of Hador's son Galion with the daughter (unnamed) of Haleth the Hunter, and of his daughter Glorwendil with Haleth's son Hundor (GA $171 and commentary). This double marriage was preserved in the later transformed history of the Edain, when the genealogical place of Haleth the Hunter had been taken by Halmir (p. 236); the resulting relationships can be displayed thus: Hador Halmir Hareth = Galdor Gloredel = Haldir Hareth = Galdor Hurin Handir Hurin Turin Brandir Turin But the complexity was further increased by the introduction of another connection with the House of Beor in the marriage of Beldis to Handir of Brethil (see the tables on pp. 231, 237): Bregor Bregil Bregolas Handir = Beldis Baragund Brandir Morwen = Hurin Turin Thus Turin was the second cousin of Brandir on the 'Hadorian' side, and he was also his second cousin on the Haladin side; while in the 'Beorian' line he was Brandir's second cousin once removed - a genealogical situation to delight the heart of Hamfast Gamgee. Pointing out these relationships in an isolated note of this time, my father observed that 'Turin would be more readily accepted by the Haladin when his true name and lineage were known or guessed', since he was akin to their lords in these ways. Harathor, on the other hand, 'had no love for the house of Hador and no part in their blood' (although he also was Turin's second cousin, his great-aunt Hareth being Turin's grandmother). The genealogical table of the Haladin (p. 237) belongs to this stage: Harathor is shown as the seventh lord of the Haladin, succeeding Brandir, and as the brother of Hunthor: they are the sons of Hundad, son of Hundar who died in the Nirnaeth. The hostility of the new lord to the House of Hador was an essential idea in the story of Hurin in Brethil from the beginning; but in the last paragraph of the discussion C (p. 267) we see the emergence of a family within the larger clan who, on the contrary, took pride in their kinship with the House of Hador, and were thus divided in spirit from the new lord. In C the significance of Hunthor is moved a stage further: he becomes the dead brother of Manthor (and must therefore, as will be seen in a moment, cease to be the brother of Harathor). Manthor had indeed already entered the story in the original drafting of WH, but he did not make his appearance until the discovery of Hurin beside the Haud-en-Elleth (p. 275 in the final version), as captain of the guard in those parts; now in C he becomes a kinsman of Hurin, and an upholder of the values and virtues of the Edain. How his kinship with the House of Hador was introduced is seen from the correction made to the ending of the rejected passage B 1 (p. 266): '[Harathor] was not a man of great heart such as Hunthor his brother' > '... such as the descendants of Haldir and Hiril his sister'.* Hiril here enters the line of the People of Haleth, and the family tree is extended by a fourth child of Halmir: Haldir, Hundar, Hareth, and Hiril. In the replacement B 2 (p. 264) the phrase becomes 'he was not a man of great spirit, such as were Hunthor and Manthor, descendants of Hiril'. (That Manthor's mother was the daughter of Hiril is stated later in the text of WH, p. 289.) In C Harathor was still so named, but he must have been on the point of receiving a new name, and must have already received a new lineage, separating him from those with 'Hadorian' sympathies, Hunthor and Manthor. The new name, Hardang, appears in the re- placement text A 2 (p. 263) - and the occurrence of this name in the plot-sequence from the Narn papers shows incidentally that that text was written when my father's work on The Wanderings of Hurin was far advanced, if not completed. It is said there (p. 256) that when Brandir the Lame was chosen to be the Chieftain of Brethil 'many would have preferred his cousins Hunthor or Hardang', and (p. 258) that Manthor was a kinsman of Hurin and a cousin of Hardang. This new 'family within the larger clan' was entered in roughly made alterations to the table of the Haladin (p. 237), of which I give the essentials in compressed form: (* Before Hiril was introduced as a second daughter of Halmir, his daughter Hareth was first named Hiriel (p. 235, footnote).) Halmir Haldir Hundar Hareth Hiril = Gloredel = Galdor Handir Hundad Hurin Meleth Brandir Hardang Turin Hunthor Manthor Hardang's birthdate is given as 470, Hunthor's as 467, and Manthor's as 469. It also appears from C (p. 267) that a new conception of the social organisation of the Men of Brethil had entered, and with it a new meaning of the name Haladin: Manthor is said to be 'one of the chief warriors and of the kin of the Haladin', and that 'many had wished to elect him Warden'. In this connection, an isolated note (written on the reverse of that on the relationships of Turin referred to on p. 268) states: The title of the chieftains of Brethil should be not lord nor Master. They were elected from the family of Haldad - called the Haladin, that is 'wardens'. For hal(a) = in the old tongue of Beor's house and Haldad's 'watch, guard'. Halad was a warden. (Haldad = watch- dog.) These new conceptions appear in the revision A 2 (p. 263), where Hardang is said to have been made Halad, 'being of the Haladin, the kin of Haleth, from which all chieftains were chosen'. It is also said, following the discussion in C, that Hardang was no friend to Manthor, 'who was also of the Haladin'. In contrast, in the first form of the passage (p. 265) Harathor is called 'the new Master of the Haladin', where Haladin clearly still means the whole people. In the last paragraph of C (p. 267) a younger brother of Hunthor and Manthor appears, Enthor, 'captain of the guards near Brithiach' (in the additions made to the genealogical table of the Haladin this name Enthor was given to Hiril's husband, not otherwise named; and Meleth's husband is apparently named Agathor). The removal of the name Enthor in this sentence and substitution of 'a chief henchman, called Ebor, of Manthor's (appointed by him)' suggests that my father intended to cut out the words 'younger brother of Hunthor and Manthor', but omitted to do so; this is supported by the fact that Ebor, when he appears in the revision A 2 (p. 263), refers to 'Manthor my lord, Master of the North-march', who was not there. Manthor was not there because, as stated in C, he was 'in command of the chief forces kept near the Crossings of Taiglin'; Asgon and his companions entered Brethil from the north, near the Brithiach, and they left by the same way, meeting Ebor again and retrieving their weapons. The only obscure point concerns the failure of Asgon's party to encounter Hurin on his return. My father was in two minds about this. The rejected fourth paragraph in C (p. 267) shows him (having decided that Asgorn and his men were not imprisoned) taking the view that they were ejected from Brethil near the Crossings: it is 'the captain of the Taiglin-guard' who restores their weapons; and they remain lurking in that neighbourhood. Thus they missed Hurin, 'who entered out of Dimbar' (i.e. came into Brethil from the north after crossing the Brithiach, as Asgorn had done). Hurin, he wrote, must not enter Brethil at the Crossings and be found lying beside the Haud-en-Elleth (as the story was already in the draft manuscript). But he at once, and understandably, thought better of this, and (in the fifth paragraph) retained the existing story that Hurin was found by the guards near the Crossings; he said now that Asgorn and his men were put out of Brethil in the same region as they entered, and that they lurked 'near the eaves in that region' - hence their failure to meet with Hurin. But in the replacement passage B 2 (p. 265) he has them decide not to stay near the north eaves of the forest, and they go down towards the Crossings. I return now to the text, left at the end of the second passage of rewriting (B 2) on p. 265. It must be borne in mind that the typescript from this point belongs to the stage before the important alterations in the narrative entered in the two replacement passages discussed above. Thus for a long way 'the Master of Brethil' remains Harathor; the term Halad was not yet devised, and his dwelling was not yet named Obel Halad. Rather than rewrite the existing text after the new conceptions had arisen, my father found it sufficient to correct it. These corrections are very numerous but for the most part repetitive and systematic (as 'Master' to 'Halad' or 'Chieftain'), and to record each case in the text would make it unreadable. I have therefore ignored the rejected names and titles (this applies also to the short passage on pp. 263-4 between the two rewritten sections: here Hardang is in fact a correction on the typescript of Harathor). Now Hurin, coming into Dimbar, summoned his strength and went on alone towards the dark feet of the Echoriad.(27) All the land was cold and desolate; and when at last it rose steeply before him and he could see no way to go further, he halted and looked about him in little hope. He stood now at the foot of a great fall of stones beneath a sheer rock-wall, and he did not know that this was all that was now left to see of the old Way of Escape: the Dry River was blocked and the arched gate was buried.(28) Then Hurin looked up to the grey sky, thinking that by fortune he might once more descry the Eagles, as he had done long ago in his youth.(29) But he saw only the shadows blown from the East, and clouds swirling about the inaccessible peaks; and wind hissed over the stones. But the watch of the Great Eagles was now redoubled, and they marked Hurin well, far below, forlorn in the failing light. And straightaway Sorontar himself, since the tidings seemed great, brought word to Turgon. But Turgon said: 'Nay! This is past belief! Unless Morgoth sleeps. Ye were mistaken.' 'Nay, not so,' answered Sorontar. 'If the Eagles of Manwe were wont to err thus, Lord, your hiding would have been in vain.' 'Then your words bode ill,' said Turgon; 'for they can mean only that even Hurin Thalion hath surrendered to the will of Morgoth. My heart is shut.' But when he had dismissed Sorontar, Turgon sat long in thought, and he was troubled, remembering the deeds of Hurin. And he opened his heart, and he sent to the Eagles to seek for Hurin, and to bring him, if they could, to Gondolin. But it was too late, and they saw him never again in light or in shadow. For Hurin stood at last in despair before the stern silence of the Echoriad, and the westering sun, piercing the clouds, stained his white hair with red. Then he cried aloud in the wilderness, heedless of any ears, and he cursed the pitiless land: 'hard as the hearts of Elves and Men'. And he stood at last upon a great stone, and spreading wide his arms, looking towards Gondolin, he called in a great voice: 'Turgon, Turgon! Remember the Fen of Serech!' And again: 'Turgon! Hurin calls you. O Turgon, will you not hear in your hidden halls?' But there was no answer, and all that he heard was wind in the dry grasses. 'Even so they hissed in Serech at the sunset,' he said. And as he spoke the sun went behind the Mountains of Shadow, and a darkness fell about him, and the wind ceased, and there was silence in the waste. Yet there were ears that had heard the words that Hurin spoke, and eyes that marked well his gestures; and report of all came soon to the Dark Throne in the North. Then Morgoth smiled, and knew now clearly in what region Turgon dwelt, though because of the Eagles no spy of his could yet come within sight of the land behind the encircling mountains. This was the first evil that the freedom of Hurin achieved.{30} As darkness fell Hurin stumbled from the stone, and fell, as one aswoon, into a deep sleep of grief. But in his sleep he heard the voice of Morwen lamenting, and often she spoke his name; and it seemed to him that her voice came out of Brethil. Therefore, when he awoke with the coming of day, he arose and returned; and he came back to the ford, and as one led by an unseen hand [he passed along the river Taeglin, until ere evening of the third day he reached the place >] he went along the eaves of Brethil, until he came in four days' journey to the Taeglin, and all his scanty food was then spent, and he was famished. But he went on like the shadow of a man driven by a dark wind, and he came to the Crossings by night, and there he passed over into Brethil. The night-sentinels saw him, but they were filled with dread, so that they did not dare to move or cry out; for they thought that they saw a ghost out of some old battle-mound that walked with darkness about it. And for many days after men feared to be near the Crossings at night, save in great company and with fire kindled. But Hurin passed on, and at evening of the sixth day he came at last to the place I of the burning of Glaurung, and saw the tall stone standing near the brink of Cabed Naeramarth. But Hurin did not look at the stone, for he knew what was written there, and his eyes had seen that he was not alone. Sitting in the shadow of the stone there was a figure bent over its knees. Some homeless wanderer broken with age it seemed, too wayworn to heed his coming; but its rags were the remnants of a woman's garb. At length as Hurin stood there silent she cast back her tattered hood and lifted up her face slowly, haggard and hungry as a long-hunted wolf. Grey she was, sharp-nosed with broken teeth, and with a lean hand she clawed at the cloak upon her breast. But suddenly her eyes looked into his, and then Hurin knew her; for though they were wild now and full of fear, a light still gleamed in them hard to endure: the elven-light that long ago had earned her her name, Edelwen, proudest of mortal women in the days of old. 'Edelwen! Edelwen!' Hurin cried; and she rose and stumbled forward, and he caught her in his arms. 'You come at last,' she said. 'I have waited too long.' 'It was a dark road. I have come as I could,' he answered. 'But you are late,' she said, 'too late. They are lost.' 'I know,' he said. 'But thou art not.' 'Almost,' she said. 'I am spent utterly. I shall go with the sun. They are lost.' She clutched at his cloak. 'Little time is left,' she said. 'If you know, tell me! How did she find him?' But Hurin did not answer, and he sat beside the stone with Morwen in his arms; and they did not speak again. The sun went down, and Morwen sighed and clasped his hand and was still; and Hurin knew that she had died. So passed Morwen the proud and fair; and Hurin looked down at her in the twilight, and it seemed that the lines of grief and cruel hardship were smoothed away. Cold and pale and stern was her face. 'She was not conquered,' he said; and he closed her eyes, and sat on unmoving beside her as night drew down. The waters of Cabed Naeramarth roared on, but he heard no sound and saw nothing, and he felt nothing, for his heart was stone within him, and he thought that he would sit there until he too died. Then there came a chill wind and drove sharp rain in his face; and suddenly he was roused, and out of a black deep anger rose in him like a smoke, mastering reason, so that all his desire was to seek vengeance for his wrongs, and for the wrongs of his kin, accusing in his anguish all those who ever had had dealings with them. He arose and lifted Morwen up; and suddenly he knew that it was beyond his strength to bear her. He was hungry and old, and weary as winter. Slowly he laid her down again beside the standing stone. 'Lie there a little longer, Edelwen,' he said, 'until I return. Not even a wolf would do you more hurt. But the folk of this hard land shall rue the day that you died here!' Then Hurin stumbled away, and he came back towards the ford of Taeglin; and there he fell beside the Haud-en-Elleth, and a darkness overcame him, and he lay as one drowned in sleep. In the morning, before the light had recalled him to full waking, he was found by the guards that Hardang had commanded to keep special watch in that place. It was a man named Sagroth who first saw him, and he looked at him in wonder and was afraid, for he thought he knew who this old man was. 'Come!' he cried to others that followed. 'Look here! It must be Hurin. The incomers spoke truly. He has come!' 'Trust you to find trouble, as ever, Sagroth!' said Forhend. 'The Halad will not be pleased with such findings. What is to be done? Maybe Hardang would be better pleased to hear that we had stopped the trouble at his borders and thrust it out.' 'Thrust it out?' said Avranc. He was Dorlas' son,{31} a young man short and dark, but strong, well-liked by Hardang, as his father had been. 'Thrust it out? Of what good would that be? It would come again! It can walk - all the way from Angband, if it is what you guess. See! He looks grim and has a sword, but he sleeps deep. Need he wake to more woe? [Added:] If you would please the Chieftain, Forhend, he would end here.' Such was the shadow that now fell upon the hearts of men, as the power of Morgoth spread, and fear walked far and wide; but not all hearts were yet darkened. 'Shame upon you!' cried Manthor the captain, who coming behind had heard what they said. 'And upon you most, Avranc, young though you are! At least you have heard of the deeds of Hurin of Hithlum, or did you hold them only fireside fables? What is to be done, indeed! So, slay him in his sleep is your counsel. Out of hell comes the thought! ' 'And so does he,' answered Avranc. 'If indeed he is Hurin. Who knows? ' 'It can soon be known,' said Manthor; and coming to Hurin as he lay he knelt and raised his hand and kissed it. 'Awake!' he cried. 'Help is near. And if you are Hurin, there is no help that I would think enough.' 'And no help that he will not repay with evil,' said Avranc. 'He comes from Angband, I say.' 'What he may do is unknown,' said Manthor. 'What he has done we know, and our debt is unpaid.' Then he called again in a loud voice: 'Hail Hurin Thalion! Hail, Captain of Men!' Thereupon Hurin opened his eyes, remembering evil words that he had heard in the drowse before waking, and he saw men about him with weapons in hand. He stood up stiffly, fumbling at his sword; and he glared upon them in anger and scorn. 'Curs!' he cried. 'Would you slay an old man sleeping? You look like Men, but you are Orcs under the skin, I guess. Come then! Slay me awake, if you dare. But it will not please your black Master, I think. I am Hurin Galdor's son, a name that Orcs at least will remember.' 'Nay, nay,' said Manthor. 'Dream not. We are Men. But these are evil days of doubt, and we are hard pressed. It is perilous here. Will you not come with us? At least we can find you food and rest.' 'Rest?' said Hurin. 'You cannot find me that. But food I will take in my need.' Then Manthor gave him a little bread and meat and water; but they seemed to choke him, and he spat them forth. 'How far is it to the house of your lord?' he asked. 'Until I have seen him the food that you denied to my beloved will not go down my throat.' 'He raves and he scorns us,' muttered Avranc. 'What did I say?' But Manthor looked on him with pity, though he did not understand his words. 'It is a long road for the weary, lord,' he said; 'and the house of Hardang Halad is hidden from strangers.' 'Then lead me thither!' said Hurin. 'I will go as I can. I have an errand to that house.' Soon they set forth. Of his strong company Manthor left most to their duty; but he himself went with Hurin, and with him he took Forhend. Hurin walked as he could, but after a time he began to stumble and fall; and yet he always rose again and struggled on, and he would not allow them to support him. In this way at last with many halts they came to the hall of Hardang in Obel Halad deep in the forest; and he knew of their coming, for Avranc, unbidden, had run ahead and brought the tidings before them; and he did not fail to report the wild words of Hurin at his waking and his spitting forth of their food. So it was that they found the hall well guarded, with many men in the [fenced courtyard >] outer garth, and men at the doors. At the gate of the [court >] garth the captain of the guards stayed them. 'Deliver the prisoner to me! ' he said. 'Prisoner!' said Manthor. 'I have no prisoner, but a man you should honour.' 'The Halad's words, not mine,' said the captain. 'But you may come too. He has words for you also.' Then they led Hurin before the Chieftain; and Hardang did not greet him, but sat in his great chair and eyed Hurin up and down. But Hurin returned his gaze, and held himself as stiffly as he could, though he leaned on his staff. So he stood a while in silence, until at last he sank to the ground. 'Lo!' he said. 'I see that there are so few chairs in Brethil that a guest must sit on the floor.' 'Guest?' said Hardang. 'Not one bidden by me. But bring the old carl a stool. If he will not disdain it, though he spits on our food.' Manthor was grieved at the discourtesy; and hearing one laugh in the shadow behind the great chair he looked and saw that it was Avranc, and his face darkened in wrath. 'Your pardon, lord,' he said to Hurin. 'There is misunder- standing here.' Then turning to Hardang he drew himself up. 'Has my company a new captain then, my Halad?' he said. 'For otherwise I do not understand how one who has left his duty and broken my command should stand here unrebuked. He has brought news before me, I see; but it seems he forgot the name of the guest, or Hurin Thalion would not have been left to stand.' 'The name was told to me,' answered Hardang, 'and his fell words also which bear it out. Such are the House of Hador. But it is the part of a stranger to name himself first in my house, and I waited to hear him. Also to hear his errand hither - since he says that he has one. But as for your duty, such matters are not dealt with before strangers.' Then he turned towards Hurin, who sat meanwhile bent on the low stool; his eyes were closed, and he seemed to take no heed of what was said. 'Well, Hurin of Hithlum,' said Hardang, 'what of your errand? Is it a matter of haste? Or will you not perhaps take thought and rest and speak of it later more at your ease? Meanwhile we may find you some food less distasteful.' Hardang's tone was now more gentle, and he rose as he spoke; for he was a wary man, and [struck out: in his heart not over sure of his seat in the Master's chair; and] he had marked the displeasure on the faces of others beside Manthor. Then suddenly Hurin rose to his feet. 'Well, Master Reed of the Bog,' he said. 'So you bend with each breath, do you? Beware lest mine blow you flat. Go take thought to stiffen you, ere I call on you again! Scorner of grey hairs, food-niggard, starver of wanderers. This stool fits you better.' With that he cast the stool at Hardang, so that it smote him on the forehead; and then he turned to walk from the hall. Some of the men gave way, whether in pity or in fear of his wrath; but Avranc ran before him. 'Not so swift, carl Hurin!' he cried. 'At least I no longer doubt your name. You bring your manners from Angband. But we do not love orc-deeds in hall. You have assaulted the Chieftain in his chair, and a prisoner you now shall be, whatever your name.' 'I thank you, Captain Avranc,' said Hardang, who sat still in his chair, while some staunched the blood that flowed from his brow. 'Now let the old madman be put in bonds and kept close. I will judge him later.' Then they put thongs about Hurin's arms, and a halter about his neck, and led him away; and he made no more resistance, for the wrath had run off him, and he walked as one in a dream with eyes closed. But Manthor, though Avranc scowled at him, put his arm about the old man's shoulder and steered him so that he should not stumble. But when Hurin was shut in a cave [struck out: nigh to the one in which Asgorn and his men were still imprisoned] and Manthor could do no more to help him, he returned to the hall. There he found Avranc in speech with Hardang, and though they fell silent at his coming, he caught the last words that Avranc spoke, and it seemed to him that Avranc urged that Hurin should be put to death straightway. 'So, Captain Avranc,' he said, 'things go well for you today! I have seen you at like sports before: goading an old badger and having him killed when he bites. Not so swift, Captain Avranc! Nor you, Hardang Halad. This is no matter for lordly dealing out of hand. The coming of Hurin, and his welcome here, concerns all the folk, and they shall hear all that is said, before any judgement is given.' 'You have leave to go,' said Hardang. 'Return to your duty on the marches, until Captain Avranc comes to take command.' 'Nay, lord,' said Manthor, 'I have no duty. I am out of your service from today. I left Sagroth (32) in charge, a woodsman somewhat older and wiser than one you name. In due time I will return to my own marches.*(33) But now I will summon the folk. As he went to the door Avranc seized his bow to shoot Manthor down, but Hardang restrained him. 'Not yet,' he said. But Manthor was unaware of this (though some in the hall had marked it), and he went out, and sent all he could find that were ' For Manthor was a descendant of Haldad, and he had a little land of his own on the east march of Brethil beside Sirion where it runs through Dimbar. But all the folk of Brethil were freemen, holding their homesteads and more or less land about them of their right. Their Master was chosen from the descendants of Haldad, out of reverence for the deeds of Haleth and Haldar; and though as yet the mastership had been given, as if it were a lordship or kingdom, to the eldest of the eldest line, the folk had the right to set anyone aside or to remove him, for grave cause. And some knew well enough that Harathor had tried to have Brandir the Lame passed over in his own favour. willing to go as messengers to bring together all the masters of homesteads and any others that could be spared. [Struck out: It was the custom of the Haladin {34} that in all matters other than war the wives were also summoned to counsel and had equal voices with the husbands.] Now rumour ran wild through the woods, and the tales grew in the telling; and some said this, and some that, and the most spoke in praise of the Halad and set forth Hurin in the likeness of some fell Orc-chieftain; for Avranc was also busy with messengers. Soon there was a great concourse of folk, and the small town {35} about the Hall of the Chieftains was swelled with tents and booths.{36} But all the men bore arms, for fear lest a sudden alarm should come from the marches. When he had sent out his messengers Manthor went to Hurin's prison, and the guards would not let him enter. 'Come!' said Manthor. 'You know well that it is our good custom that any prisoner should have a friend that may come to him and see how he fares and give him counsel.' 'The friend is chosen by the prisoner,' the guards answered; 'but this wild man has no friends.' 'He has one,' said Manthor, 'and I ask leave to offer myself to his choice.' 'The Halad forbids us to admit any save the guards,' they said. But Manthor who was wise in the laws and customs of his people replied: 'No doubt. But in this he has no right. Why is the incomer in bondage? We do not bind old men and wanderers because they speak ill words when distraught. This one is imprisoned because of his assault upon Hardang, and Hardang cannot judge his own cause, but must bring his grievance to the judgement of the Folk [struck out: and some other must sit in the chair at the hearing]. Meanwhile he cannot deny to the prisoner all counsel and help. If he were wise he would see that he does not in this way advance his own cause. But maybe another mouth spoke for him?' 'True,' they said. 'Avranc brought the order.' 'Then forget it,' said Manthor. 'For Avranc was under other orders, to remain on his duty on the marches. Choose then between a young runagate, and the laws of the Folk.' Then the guards let him in to the cave; for Manthor was well esteemed in Brethil, and men did not like the [masters >] chieftains who tried to overrule the folk. Manthor found Hurin sitting on a bench. There were fetters on his ankles, but his hands were unbound; and there was some food before him untasted. He did not look up. 'Hail, lord! ' said Manthor. 'Things have not gone as they should, nor as I would have ordered them. But now you have need of a friend.' 'I have no friend, and wish for none in this land,' said Hurin. 'One stands before you,' answered Manthor. 'Do not scorn me. For now, alas! the matter between you and Hardang Halad must be brought to the judgement of the Folk, and it would be well, as our law allows, to have a friend to counsel you and plead your case.' 'I will not plead, and I need no counsel,' said Hurin. 'You need this counsel at least,' said Manthor. 'Master your wrath for the time, and take some food, so that you may have strength before your enemies. I do not know what is your errand here, but it will speed better, if you are not starved. Do not slay yourself while there is hope! ' 'Slay myself?' cried Hurin, and he staggered up and leant against the wall, and his eyes were red. 'Shall I be dragged before a rabble of wood-men with fetters upon me to hear what death they will give me? I will slay myself first, if my hands are left free.' Then suddenly, swift as an old trapped beast, he sprang forward, and before Manthor could avoid him he snatched a knife from his belt. Then he sank down on the bench. 'You could have had the knife as a gift,' said Manthor, 'though we do not deem self-slaughter a noble deed in those who have not lost their reason. Hide the knife and keep it for some better use! But have a care, for it is a fell blade, from a forge of the Dwarves. Now, lord, will you not take me for your friend? Say no word; but if you will now eat with me, I will take that for yea.' Then Hurin looked at him and the wrath left his eyes; and together they drank and ate in silence. And when all was finished, Hurin said: 'By your voice you have overcome me. Never since the Day of Dread have I heard any man's voice so fair. Alas! alas! it calls to my mind the voices in my father's house, long ago when the shadow seemed far away.' 'That may well be,' said Manthor. 'Hiril my foremother was sister of thy mother, Hareth.' 'Then thou art both kin and friend,' said Hurin. 'But not I alone,' said Manthor. 'We are few and have little wealth, but we too are Edain, and bound by many ties to your people. Your name has long been held in honour here; but no news of your deeds would have reached us, if Haldir and Hundar had not marched to the Nirnaeth. There they fell, but [seven o] three of their company returned, for they were suc- coured by Mablung of Doriath and healed of their wounds.(37) The days have gone dark since then, and many hearts are overshadowed, but not all.' 'Yet the voice of your Chieftain comes from the shadows,' 'said Hurin, 'and your Folk obey him, even in deeds of dis- honour and cruelty.' 'Grief darkens your eyes, lord, dare I say it. But lest this should prove true, let us take counsel together. For I see peril of evil ahead, both to thee and to my folk, though maybe wisdom may avert it. Of one thing I must warn thee, though it may not please thee. Hardang is a lesser man than his fathers, but I saw no evil in him till he heard of thy coming. Thou bringest a shadow with thee, Hurin Thalion, in which lesser shadows grow darker.' 'Dark words from a friend!' said Hurin. 'Long I lived in the Shadow, but I endured it and did not yield. If there is any darkness upon me, it is only that grief beyond grief has robbed me of light. But in the Shadow I have no part.' 'Nevertheless, I say to thee,' said Manthor, 'that it follows behind thee. I know not how thou hast won freedom; but the thought of Morgoth has not forgotten thee. Beware.' 'Do not dote, dotard, you would say,' answered Hurin. 'I will take this much from you, for your fair voice and our kinship, but no more! Let us speak of other things, or cease.' Then Manthor was patient, and stayed long with Hurin, until the evening brought darkness into the cave; and they ate once more together. Then Manthor commanded that a light should be brought to Hurin; and he took his leave until the morrow, and went to his booth with a heavy heart. The next day it was proclaimed that the Folkmoot for Judge- ment should be held on the morning following, for already five hundred of the headmen had come in, and that was by custom deemed the least number which might count as a full meeting of the Folk. Manthor went early to find Hurin; but the guards had been changed. Three men of Hardang's own household now stood at the door, and they were unfriendly. 'The prisoner is asleep,' their leader said. 'And that is well; it may settle his wits.' 'But I am his appointed friend, as was declared yesterday,' said Manthor. 'A friend would leave him in peace, while he may have it. To what good would you wake him?' 'Why should my coming wake him, more easily than the feet of a jailer?' said Manthor. 'I wish to see how he sleeps.' 'Do you think all men lie but yourself?' 'Nay, nay; but I think that some would fain forget our laws when they do not suit their purpose,' answered Manthor. Nonetheless it seemed to him that he would do little good to Hurin's case if he debated further, and he went away. So it was that many things remained unspoken between them until too late. For when he returned day was waning. No hindrance was now offered to his entry, and he found Hurin lying on a pallet; [added:] and he noted with anger that he now had fetters also upon his wrists with a short chain between them. 'A friend delayed is hope denied,' said Hurin. 'I have waited long for thee, but now I am heavy with sleep and my eyes are dimmed.' 'I came at mid-morning,' said Manthor, 'but they said that thou wert sleeping then.' 'Drowsing, drowsing in wanhope,' said Hurin; 'but thy voice might have recalled me. I have been so since I broke my fast. That counsel of thine at least I have taken, my friend; but food doth me ill rather than good. Now I must sleep. But come in the morning! ' Manthor wondered darkly at this. He could not see Hurin's face, for there was little light left, but bending down he listened to his breathing. Then with a grim face he stood up and took up under his cloak such food as remained, and went out. 'Well, how did you find the wild man?' said the chief guard. 'Bemused with sleep,' answered Manthor. 'He must be wake- ful tomorrow. Rouse him early. Bring food for two, for I will come and break fast with him.'(38) The next day, long before the set time at mid-morn, the Moot began to assemble. Almost a thousand had now come, for the most part the older men [struck out: and women],(39) since the watch on the marches must still be maintained. Soon all the Moot-ring was filled. This was shaped as a great crescent, with seven tiers of turf-banks rising up from a smooth floor delved back into the hillside. A high fence was set all about it, and the only entry was by a heavy gate in the stockade that closed the open end of the crescent. In the middle of the lowest tier of seats was set [added:] the Angbor or Doom-rock, I a great flat stone upon which the Halad (40) would sit. Those who were brought to judgement stood before the stone and faced the assembly. There was a great babel of voices; but at a horn-call silence fell, and the Halad entered, and he had many men of his household with him. The gate was closed behind him, and he paced slowly to the Stone. Then he stood facing the assembly and hallowed the Moot according to custom. First he named Manwe and Mandos, after the manner which the Edain had learned from the Eldar, and then, speaking the old tongue of the Folk which was now out of daily use, he declared that the Moot was duly set, being the three hundred and first Moot of Brethil, called to give judgement in a grave matter. When as custom was all the assembly cried in the same tongue 'We are ready', he took his seat upon the [stone >] Angbor, and called in the speech of Beleriand (41) to men that stood by: 'Sound the horn! Let the prisoner be brought before us!'(42) The horn sounded twice, but for some time no one entered, and the sound of angry voices could be heard outside the fence. At length the gate was thrust open, and six men came in bearing Hurin between them. 'I am brought by violence and misuse,' he cried. 'I will not walk slave-fettered to any Moot upon earth, not though Elven- kings should sit there. And while I am bound thus I deny all authority and justice to your dooms.' But the men set him on the ground before the Stone and held him there by force. Now it was the custom of the Moot that, when any man was brought before it, the Halad should be the accuser, and should first in brief recite the misdeed with which he was charged. Whereupon it was his right, by himself or by the mouth of his friend, to deny the charge, or to offer a defence for what he had done. And when these things had been said, if any point was in doubt or was denied by either side, then witnesses were sum- moned. Hardang,(43) therefore, now stood up and turning to the assembly he began to recite the charge. 'This prisoner,' he said, 'whom you see before you, names himself Hurin Galdor's son, once of Dorlomin, but long in Angband whence he came hither. Be that as it may.'(44) But hereupon Manthor arose and came before the Stone. 'By your leave, my lord Halad and Folk!' he cried. 'As friend to the prisoner I claim the right to ask: Is the charge against him any matter that touches the Halad in person? Or has the Halad any grievance against him?' 'Grievance?' cried Hardang, and anger clouded his wits so that he did not see Manthor's trend. 'Grievance indeed! This is not a new fashion in headgear for the Moot. I come here with wounds new-dressed.' 'Alas!' said Manthor. 'But if that is so, I claim that the matter cannot be dealt with in this way. In our law no man may recite an offence against himself; nor may he sit in the seat of judgement while that charge is heard. Is not this the law?' 'It is the law,' the assembly answered. 'Then,' said Manthor, 'before this charge is heard some other than Hardang son of Hundad must be appointed to the Stone.' Thereupon many names were cried, but most voices and the loudest called upon Manthor. 'Nay,' said he, 'I am engaged to one part and cannot be judge. Moreover it is the Halad's right in such a case to name the one who should take his place, as doubtless he knows well.' 'I thank you,' said Hardang, 'though I need no self-chosen lawman to teach me.' Then he looked about him, as if con- sidering whom he should name. But he was in a black anger and all wisdom failed him. If he had named any of the headmen there present, things might have gone otherwise. But in an evil moment he chose, and to all men's wonder he cried: 'Avranc Dorlas' son! It seems that the Halad needs a friend also today, when lawmen are so pert. I summon you to the Stone.' Silence fell. But when Hardang stepped down and Avranc came to the Stone there was a loud murmuring like the rumour of a coming storm. Avranc was a young man, not long wedded, and his youth was taken ill by all the elder headmen that sat there. [For he was not loved for himself. >] And he was not loved for himself; for though he was bold, he was scornful, as was Dorlas his father before him. / And dark tales were [struck out: still] whispered concerning Dorlas [struck out: his father, who had been Hardang's close friend];(45) for though naught was known for certain, he was found slain far from the battle with Glaurung, and the reddened sword that lay by him had been the sword of Brandir.(46) But Avranc took no heed of the murmur, and bore himself airily, as if it were a light matter soon to be dealt with. 'Well,' he said, 'if that is settled, let us waste no more time! The matter is clear enough.' Then standing up he continued the recital. 'This prisoner, this wild man,' he said, 'comes from Angband, as you have heard. He was found within our borders. Not by chance, for as he himself declared, he has an errand here. What that may be he has not revealed, but it cannot be one of good will. He hates this folk. As soon as he saw us he reviled us. We gave him food and he spat on it. I have seen Orcs do so, if any were fools enough to show them mercy. From Angband he comes, it is clear, whatever his name be. But worse followed after. By his own asking he was brought before the Halad of Brethil - by this man who now calls himself his friend; but when he came into hall he would not name himself. And when the Halad asked him what was his errand and bade him rest first and speak of it later, if it pleased him, he began to rave, reviling the Halad, and suddenly he cast a stool in his face and did him great hurt. It is well for all that he had nothing more deadly to hand, or the Halad would have been slain. As was plainly the prisoner's intent, and it lessens his guilt very little that the worst did not happen, for which the penalty is death. But even so, the Halad sat in the great chair in his hall: to revile him there was an evil deed, and to assault him an outrage. 'This then is the charge against the prisoner: that he came here with evil intent against us, and against the Halad of Brethil in special (at the bidding of Angband one may guess); that gaining the presence of the Halad he reviled him, and then sought to slay him in his chair. The penalty is under the doom of the Moot, but it could justly be death.' Then it seemed to some that Avranc spoke justly, and to all that he had spoken with skill. For a while no one raised a voice upon either side. Then Avranc, not hiding his smile, rose again and said: 'The prisoner may now answer the charge if he will, but let him be brief and not rave!' But Hurin did not speak, though he strained against those that held him. 'Prisoner, will you not speak?' said Avranc, and still Hurin gave no answer. 'So be it,' said Avranc. 'If he will not speak, not even to deny the charge, then there is no more to do. The charge is made good, and the one that is appointed to the Stone must propound to the Moot a penalty that seems just.' But now Manthor stood up and said: First he should at least be asked why he will not speak. And to that question reply may be made by his friend.' 'The question is put,' said Avranc with a shrug. 'If you know the answer give it.' 'Because he is fettered [added: hand and foot],'(47) said Manthor. 'Never before have we dragged to the Moot in fetters a man yet uncondemned. Still less one of the Edain whose name deserves honour, whatsoever may have happened since. Yes, "uncondemned" I say; for the accuser has left much unsaid that this Moot must hear before judgement is given.' 'But this is foolishness,' said Avranc. 'Adan or no, and what- ever his name, the prisoner is ungovernable and malicious. The bonds are a needed precaution. Those who come near him must be protected from his violence.' 'If you wish to beget violence,' answered Manthor, 'what surer way than openly to dishonour a proud man, old in years of great grief. And here is one now weakened by hunger and long journeying, unarmed among a host. I would ask the folk here assembled: do you deem such caution worthy of the free men of Brethil, or would you rather that we used the courtesy of old?' 'The fetters were put on the prisoner by the order of the Halad,' said Avranc. 'In this he used his right for the restraint of violence in his hall. Therefore this order cannot be gainsaid save by the full assembly.' Then there went up a great shout 'Release him, release him! Hurin Thalion! Release Hurin Thalion!' Not all joined in this cry, yet there were no voices heard on the other side. 'Nay, nay! ' said Avranc. 'Shouting will not avail. In such a case there must be a vote in due form.' Now by custom in matters grave or doubtful the votes of the Moot were cast with pebbles, and all who entered bore with them each two pebbles, a black and a white for nay and for yea. But the gathering and counting would take much time, and meanwhile Manthor saw that with each moment the mood of Hurin grew worse. 'There is another way more simple,' he said. 'There is no danger here to justify the bonds, and so think all who have used their voice. The Halad is in the Moot-ring, and he can remit his own order, if he will.' 'He will,' said Hardang, for it seemed to him that the mood of the assembly was restive, and he hoped by this stroke to regain its favour. 'Let the prisoner be released, and stand up before you!' Then the fetters were struck off Hurin's hands and feet. Straightway he stood up, and turning away from Avranc he faced the assembly. 'I am here,' he said. 'I will answer my name. I am Hurin Thalion son of Galdor Orchal,(48) Lord of Dorlomin and once a high-captain in the host of Fingon King of the North-realm. Let no man dare to deny it! That should be enough. I will not plead before you. Do as you will! Neither will I bandy words with the upstart whom you permit to sit in the high seat. Let him lie as he will! [Struck out: But if my friend wishes to speak and to set forth the truth of what has chanced, let him do so. Listen who will!] 'In the name of the Lords of the West, what manner of folk are you, or to what have you become? While the ruin of Darkness is all about you will you sit here in patience and hear this runagate guard ask for a doom of death upon me - because I broke the head of an insolent young man, whether in a chair or out of it? He should have learned how to treat his elders before you made him your Chieftain forsooth. 'Death? 'Fore Manwe, if I had not endured torment for twenty years and eight, if I were as at the Nirnaeth, you would not dare to sit here to face me. But I am not dangerous any longer, I hear. So you are brave. I can stand up unbound to be baited. I am broken in war and made tame. Tame! Be not too sure!' He lifted up his arms and knotted his hands. But here Manthor laid a restraining hand on his shoulder, and spoke earnestly in his ear. 'My lord, you mistake them. Most are your friends, or would be. But there are proud freemen here too. Let me now speak to them! ' Hardang and Avranc said naught, but smiled one to another, for Hurin's speech, they thought, did his part no good. But Manthor cried: 'Let the Lord Hurin be given a seat while I speak. His wrath you will understand better, and maybe forgive, when you have heard me. 'Hear me now, Folk of Brethil. My friend does not deny the main charge, but he claims that he was misused and provoked beyond bearing. My masters [struck out: and good wives],(49)I was captain of the march-wardens that found this man asleep by the Haud-en-Elleth. Or asleep he seemed, but he lay rather in weariness on the brink of awaking, and as he lay he heard, as I fear, words that were spoken. 'There was a man called Avranc Dorlas' son, I remember, as one of my company, and he should be there still, for such were my orders. As I came behind I heard this Avranc give counsel to the man who had first found Hurin and guessed at his name. Folk of Brethil, I heard him speak thus. "It would be better to slay the old man asleep and prevent further trouble. And so the Halad would be pleased," said he. 'Now maybe you will wonder less that when I called him to full waking and he found men with weapons all about him, he spoke bitter words to us. One at least of us deserved them. Yet as for despising our food: he took it from my hands, and he did not spit upon it. He spat it forth, for it choked him. Have you never, my masters, seen a man half-starved who could not swallow food in haste though he needed it? And this man was in great grief also and full of anger. 'Nay, he did not disdain our food. Though well he might, if he had known the devices to which some who dwell here have fallen! Hear me now and believe me, if you may, for witness can be brought. In his prison the Lord Hurin ate with me, for I used him with courtesy. That was two days ago. But yesterday he was drowsed and could not speak clearly, nor take counsel with me against the trial today.' ] 'Little wonder in that!' cried Hardang. Manthor paused and looked at Hardang. 'Little wonder indeed, my lord Halad,' he said; 'for his food had been drugged.' Then Hardang in wrath cried out: 'Must the drowsy dreams of this dotard be recited to our weariness?' 'I speak of no dreams,' answered Manthor. 'Witness will will answer now. I took away from the prison food of which Hurin had eaten some. Before witnesses I gave it to a hound, and he lies still asleep as if dead. Maybe the Halad of Brethil did not contrive this himself, but one who is eager to please him. But with what lawful purpose? To restrain him from violence, forsooth, when he was already fettered and in prison? There is malice abroad among us, Folk of Brethil, and I look to the assembly to amend it!' At this there was great stir and murmur in the Moot-ring; and when Avranc stood up calling for silence, the clamour grew greater. At last when the assembly had quieted a little Manthor said: 'May I now continue, for there is more to be said?' 'Proceed!' said Avranc. 'But let your wind be shortened. And I must warn you all, my masters, to hear this man warily. His good faith cannot be trusted. The prisoner and he are close akin.' These words were unwise, for Manthor answered at once: 'It is so indeed. The mother of Hurin was Hareth daughter of Halmir, once Halad of Brethil, and Hiril her sister was the mother of my mother. But this lineage does not prove me a liar. More, if Hurin of Dorlomin be akin to me, he is kinsman of all the House of Haleth. Yea, and of all this Folk. Yet he is treated as an outlaw, a robber, a wild man without honour! 'Let us proceed then to the chief charge, which the accuser has said may bear the penalty of death. You see before you the broken head, though it seems to sit firm on its shoulders and can use its tongue. It was hurt by the cast of a small wooden stool. A wicked deed, you will say. And far worse when done to the Halad of Brethil in his great chair. 'But my masters, ill deeds may be provoked. Let any one of you in thought set himself in the place of Hardang son of Hundad. Well, here comes Hurin, Lord of Dorlomin, your kins- man, before you: head of a great House, a man whose deeds are sung by Elves and Men. But he is now grown old, dispossessed, grief-laden, travel-worn. He asks to see you. There you sit at ease in your chair. You do not rise. You do not speak to him. But you eye him up and down as he stands, until he sinks to the floor. Then of your pity and courtesy you cry: "Bring the old carl a stool!" 'O shame and wonder! He flings it at your head. 0 shame and wonder rather I say that you so dishonour your chair, that you so dishonour your hall, that you so dishonour the Folk of Brethil! 'My masters, I freely admit that it would have been better, if the Lord Hurin had shown patience, marvellous patience. Why did he not wait to see what further slights he must endure? Yet as I stood in hall and saw all this I wondered, and I still wonder and I ask you to tell me: How do you like such manners in this man that we have made Halad of Brethil?' Great uproar arose at this question, until Manthor held up his hand, and suddenly all was still again. But under cover of the noise Hardang had drawn near to Avranc to speak with him, and surprised by the silence they spoke too loud, so that Manthor and others also heard Hardang say: 'I would I had not hindered thy shooting!'(50) And Avranc answered, I will seek a time yet.' But Manthor proceeded. 'I am answered. Such manners do not please you, I see. Then what would you have done with the caster of the stool? Bound him, put a halter on his neck, shut him in a cave, fettered him, drugged his food, and at last dragged him hither and called for his death? Or would you set him free? Or would you, maybe, ask pardon, or command this Halad to do so?' Thereupon there was even greater uproar, and men stood up on the turfbanks, clashing their arms, and crying: 'Free! Free! Set him free!' And many voices were heard also shouting: 'Away with this Halad! Put him in the caves! ' Many of the older men who sat in the lowest tier ran forward and knelt before Hurin to ask his pardon; and one offered him a staff, and another gave him a fair cloak and a great belt of silver. And when Hurin was so clad, and had a staff in hand, he went to the [added: Angbor] Stone and stood up on it, in no wise as a suppliant, but in mien as a king; and facing the assembly he cried in a great voice: 'I thank you, Masters of Brethil here present, who have released me from dishonour. There is then justice still in your land, though it has slept and been slow to awake. But now I have a charge to bring in my turn. 'What is my errand here, it is asked? What think you? Did not Turin my son, and Nienor my daughter, die in this land? Alas! from afar I have learned much of the griefs that have here come to pass. Is it then a wonder that a father should seek the graves of his children? More wonder it is, meseems, that none here have yet ever spoken their names to me. 'Are ye ashamed that ye let Turin my son die for you? That two only dared go with him to face the terror of the Worm? That none dared go down to succour him when the battle was over, though the worst evils might thus have been stayed? 'Ashamed ye may be. But this is not my charge. I do not ask that any in this land should match the son of Hurin in valour. But if I forgive those griefs, shall I forgive this? Hear me, Men of Brethil! There lies by the Standing Stone that you raised an old beggar-woman. Long she sat in your land, without fire, without food, without pity. Now she is dead. Dead. She was Morwen my wife. Morwen Edelwen, the lady elven-fair who bore Turin the slayer of Glaurung. She is dead. 'If ye, who have some ruth, cry to me that you are guiltless, then I ask who bears the guilt? By whose command was she thrust out to starve at your doors like an outcast dog? 'Did your Chieftain contrive this? So I believe. For would he not have dealt with me in like manner, if he could? Such are his gifts: dishonour, starvation, poison. Have you no part in this? Will you not work all his will? Then how long, Masters of Brethil, will you endure him? How long will you suffer this man called Hardang to sit in your chair?' Now Hardang was aghast at this turn, and his face went white with fear and amazement. But before he could speak, Hurin pointed a long hand at him. 'See! ' he cried. 'There he stands with a sneer on his mouth! Does he deem himself safe? For I am robbed of my sword; and I am old and weary, he thinks. Nay, too often has he called me a wild man. He shall see one! Only hands, hands, are needed to wring his throat full of lies.' With that Hurin left the Stone and strode towards Hardang; but he gave back before him, calling his household-men about him; and they drew off towards the gate. Thus it appeared to many that Hardang admitted his guilt, and they drew their weapons, and came down from the banks, crying out upon him.(51) Now there was peril of battle within the hallowed Ring. For others joined themselves to Hardang, some without love for him or his deeds, who nonetheless held to their loyalty and would at least defend him from violence, until he could answer before the Moot. Manthor stood between the two parties and cried to them to hold their hands and shed no blood in the Moot-ring; but the spark that he had himself kindled now burst to flame beyond his quenching, and a press of men thrust him aside. 'Away with this Halad!' they shouted. 'Away with Hardang, take him to the caves! Down with Hardang! Up Manthor! We will have Manthor!' And they fell upon the men that barred the way to the gate, so that Hardang might have time to escape. But Manthor went back to Hurin, who now stood alone by the Stone. 'Alas, lord,' he said, 'I feared that this day held great peril for us all. There is little I can do, but still I must try to avert the worst evil. They will soon break out, and I must follow. Will you come with me?' Many fell at the gate on either side ere it was taken. There Avranc fought bravely, and was the last to retreat. Then as he turned to flee suddenly he drew his bow and shot at Manthor as he stood by the Stone. But the arrow missed in his haste and hit on the Stone, striking fire beside Manthor as it broke. 'Next time nearer!' cried Avranc as he fled after Hardang. Then the rebels burst out of the Ring and hotly pursued Hardang's men to the Obel Halad, some half mile away. But before they could come there Hardang had gained the hall and shut it against them; and there he was now besieged. The Hall of the Chieftains stood in a garth with a round earthwall all about it rising from a dry outer dyke. In the wall there was only one gate, from which a stone-path led to the great doors. The assailants drove through the gate and swiftly surrounded all the hall; and all was quiet for a while. But Manthor and Hurin came to the gate; and Manthor would have a parley, but men said: 'Of what use are words? Rats will not come out while dogs are abroad.' And some cried: 'Our kin have been slain, and we will avenge them! ' 'Well then,' said Manthor, 'allow me at least to do what I can!' 'Do so!' they said. 'But go not too near, or you may receive a sharp answer.' Therefore Manthor stood by the gate and lifted up his great voice, crying out to both sides that they should cease from this kin-slaying. And to those within he promised that all should go free who came forth without weapons, even Hardang, if he would give his word to stand before the Moot the next day. 'And no man shall bring any weapon thither,' he said. But while he spoke there came a shot from a window, and an arrow went by the ear of Manthor and stood deep in the gate-post. Then the voice of Avranc was heard crying: 'Third time shall thrive best!' Now the anger of those without burst forth again, and many rushed to the great doors and tried to break them down; but there was a sortie, and many were slain or hurt, and others also in the garth were wounded by shots from the windows. So the assailants being now in mad wrath brought kindlings and great store of wood and set it by the gate; and they shouted to those within: 'See! the sun is setting. We give you till nightfall. If you do not come forth ere then, we will burn the hall and you in it!' Then they all withdrew from the garth out of bowshot, but they made a ring of men all round the outer dyke. The sun set, and none came from the hall. And when it was dark the assailants came back into the garth bearing the wood, and they piled it against the walls of the hall. Then some bearing flaming pine-torches ran across the garth to put fire in the faggots. One was shot to his death, but others reached the piles and soon they began to blaze. Manthor stood aghast at the ruin of the hall and the wicked deed of the burning of men. 'Out of the dark days of our past it comes,' he said, 'before we turned our faces west. A shadow is upon us.' And he felt one lay a hand on his shoulder, and he turned and saw Hurin who stood behind him, with a grim face watching the kindling of the fires; and Hurin laughed. 'A strange folk are ye,' he said. 'Now cold, now hot. First wrath, then ruth. Under your chieftain's feet or at his throat. Down with Hardang! Up with Manthor! Wilt thou go up?' 'The Folk must choose,' said Manthor. 'And Hardang still lives.' 'Not for long, I hope,' said Hurin. Now the fires grew hot and soon the Hall of the Haladin was aflame in many places. The men within threw out upon the faggots earth and water, such as they had, and great smoke went up. Then some sought to escape under its cover, but few got through the ring of men; most were taken, or slain if they fought. There was a small door at the rear of the hall with a jutting porch that came nearer to the garth-wall than the great doors in front; and the wall at the back was lower, because the hall was built on a slope of the hillside. At last when the roof-beams were on fire, Hardang and Avranc crept out of the rear-door, and they reached the top of the wall and stole down into the dyke, and they were not marked until they tried to climb out. But then with shouts men ran upon them, though they did not know who they were. Avranc flung himself at the feet of one that would seize him, so that he was thrown to the ground, and Avranc sprang up and away and escaped in the mirk. But another cast a spear at Hardang's back as he ran, and he fell with a great wound. When it was seen who he was, men lifted him up and laid him before Manthor. 'Set him not before me,' said Manthor, 'but before the one he misused. I have no grudge against him.' 'Have you not?' said Hardang. 'Then you must be sure of my death. I think that you have always begrudged that the Folk chose me to the chair and not you.' 'Think what you will!' said Manthor and he turned away. Then Hardang was aware of Hurin who was behind. And Hurin stood looking down on Hardang, a dark form in the gloom, but the light of the fire was on his face, and there Hardang saw no pity. 'You are a mightier man than I, Hurin of Hithlum,' he said. 'I had such fear of your shadow that all wisdom and largesse forsook me. But now I do not think that any wisdom or mercy would have saved me from you, for you have none. You came to destroy me, and you at least have not denied it. But your last lie against me I cast back upon you ere I die. Never' - but with that blood gushed from his mouth, and he fell back, and said no more. Then Manthor said: 'Alas! He should not have died thus. Such evil as he wrought did not merit this end.' 'Why not?' said Hurin. 'He spoke hate from a foul mouth to the last. What lie have I spoken against him?' Manthor sighed. 'No lie wittingly maybe,' he said. 'But the last charge that you brought was false, I deem; and he had no chance to deny it. I would that you had spoken to me of it before the Moot!' Hurin clenched his hands. 'It is not false!' he cried. 'She lies where I said. Morwen! She is dead! ' 'Alas! lord, where she died I do not doubt. But of this I judge that Hardang knew no more than I till you spoke. Tell me, lord: did she ever walk further in this land?' 'I know not. I found her as I said. She is dead.' 'But, lord, if she came no further, but finding the Stone there sat in grief and despair by the grave of her son, as I can believe, then...' 'What then?' said Hurin. 'Then, Hurin Hadorion, out of the darkness of your woe know this! My lord, so great a grief, and so great a horror of the things that there came to pass is upon us that no man and no woman since the setting up of the Stone has ever again gone nigh to that place. Nay! the Lord Orome himself might sit by that stone with all his hunt about him, and we should not know. Not unless he blew his great horn, and even that summons we should refuse!' 'But if Mandos the Just spake, would you not hear him?' said Hurin. 'Now some shall go thither, if you have any ruth! Or would you let her lie there till her bones are white? Will that cleanse your land?' 'Nay, nay!' said Manthor. 'I will find some men of great heart and some women of mercy, and you shall lead us thither, and we will do as you bid. But it is a long road to wend, and this day is now old in evil. A new day is needed.' The next day, when the news that Hardang was dead went abroad, a great throng of people sought for Manthor, crying that he must be Chieftain. But he said: 'Nay, this must be laid before the full Moot. That cannot be yet; for the Ring is unhallowed, and there are other things more pressing to do. First I have an errand. I must go to the Field of the Worm and the Stone of the Hapless, where Morwen their mother lies un- tended. Will any come with me?' Then ruth smote the hearts of those that heard him; and though some drew back in fear, many were willing to go, but among these there were more women than men. Therefore at length they set off in silence on the path that led down along the falling torrent of Celebros. Wellnigh eight leagues was that road, and darkness fell ere they came to Nen Girith,(52) and there they passed the night as they could. And the next morning they went on down the steep way to the Field of Burning, and they found the body of Morwen at the foot of the Standing Stone. Then they looked upon her in pity and wonder; for it seemed to them that they beheld a great queen whose dignity neither age nor beggary nor all the woe of the world had taken from her. Then they desired to do her honour in death; and some said: 'This is a dark place. Let us lift her up, and bring the Lady Morwen to the Garth of the Graves and lay her among the House of Haleth with whom she had kinship.' But Hurin said: 'Nay, Nienor is not here, but it is fitter that she should lie here near her son than with any strangers. So she would have chosen.' Therefore they made a grave for Morwen above Cabed Naeramarth on the west side of the Stone; and when the earth was laid upon her they carved on the Stone: Here lies also Morwen Edelwen, while some sang in the old tongue the laments that long ago had been made for those of their people who had fallen on the March far beyond the Mountains. And while they sang there came a grey rain and all that desolate place was heavy with grief, and the roaring of the river was like the mourning of many voices. And when all was ended they turned away, and Hurin went bowed on his staff. But it is said that after that day fear left that place, though sorrow remained, and it was ever leafless and bare. But until the end of Beleriand women of Brethil would come with flowers in spring and berries in autumn and sing there a while of the Grey Lady who sought in vain for her son. And a seer and harp-player of Brethil, Glirhuin, made a song saying the Stone of the Hapless should not be defiled by Morgoth nor ever thrown down, not though the Sea should drown all the land. As after indeed befell, and still the Tol Morwen stands alone in the water beyond the new coasts that were made in the days of the wrath of the Valar. But Hurin does not lie there, for his doom drove him on, and the Shadow still followed him. Now when the company had come back to Nen Girith they halted; and Hurin looked back, out across Taeglin towards the westering sun that came through the clouds; and he was loth to return into the Forest. But Manthor looked eastward and was troubled, for there was a red glow in the sky there also.(53) 'Lord,' he said, 'tarry here if you will, and any others who are weary. But I am the last of the Haladin and I fear that the fire which we kindled is not yet quenched. I must go back swiftly, lest the madness of men bring all Brethil to ruin.' But even as he said this an arrow came from the trees, and he stumbled and sank to the ground. Then men ran to seek for the bowman; and they saw a man running like a deer up the path towards the Obel, and they could not overtake him; but they saw that it was Avranc. Now Manthor sat gasping with his back to a tree. 'It is a poor archer that will miss his mark at the third aim,' he said. Hurin leaned on his staff and looked down at Manthor. 'But thou hast missed thy mark, kinsman,' he said. 'Thou hast been a valiant friend, and yet I think thou wert so hot in the cause for thyself also. Manthor would have sat more worthily in the chair of the Chieftains.' 'Thou hast a hard eye, Hurin, to pierce all hearts but thine own,' said Manthor. 'Yea, thy darkness touched me also. Now alas! the Haladin are ended; for this wound is to the death. Was not this your true errand, Man of the North: to bring ruin upon us to weigh against thine own? The House of Hador has conquered us, and four now have fallen under its shadow: Brandir, and Hunthor, and Hardang, and Manthor. Is that not enough? Wilt thou not go and leave this land ere it dies?' 'I will,' said Hurin. 'But if the well of my tears were not utterly dried up, I would weep for thee, Manthor; for thou hast saved me from dishonour, and thou hadst love for my son.' 'Then, lord, use in peace the little more life that I have won for thee,' said Manthor. 'Do not bring your shadow upon others!' 'Why, must I not still walk in the world?' said Hurin. 'I will go on till the shadow overtakes me. Farewell!' Thus Hurin parted from Manthor. When men came to tend his wound they found that it was grave, for the arrow had gone deep into his side; and they wished to bear Manthor back as swiftly as they could to the Obel to have the care of skilled leeches. 'Too late,' said Manthor, and he plucked out the arrow, and gave a great cry, and was still. Thus ended the House of Haleth, and lesser men ruled in Brethil in the time that was left. But Hurin stood silent, and when the company departed, bearing away the body of Manthor, he did not turn. He looked ever west till the sun fell into dark cloud and the light failed; and then he went down alone towards the Haud-en-Elleth. Both my father's typescript and the amanuensis typescript end here, and this is clearly the designed conclusion of 'Hurin in Brethil'; but in draft manuscript material there are some suggestions (very slight) as to the course of the narrative immediately beyond this point.(54) There are also a few other brief writings and notes of interest.(55) My father never returned to follow the further wanderings of Hurin.(56) We come here to the furthest point in the narrative of the Elder Days that he reached in his work on The Silmarillion (in the widest sense) after the Second War and the completion of The Lord of the Rings. There are bits of information about the succeeding parts - not much - but no further new or revised narrative; and the promise held out in his words (p. 258) 'Link to the Necklace of the Dwarves, Sigil Elu-naeth, Necklace of the Woe of Thingol' was never fulfilled. It is as if we come to the brink of a great cliff, and look down from highlands raised in some later age onto an ancient plain far below. For the story of the Nauglamir and the destruction of Doriath, the fall of Gondolin, the attack on the Havens, we must return through more than a quarter of a century to the Quenta Noldorinwa (Q), or beyond. The huge abruptness of the divide is still more emphasised by the nature of this last story of the Elder Days, the Shadow that fell upon Brethil.(57) In its portrayal of the life of Brethil into which Hurin came for its ruin, the intricacies of law and lineage, the history of ambition and conflicting sentiment within the ruling clan, it stands apart. In the published Silmarillion I excluded it, apart from using Hurin's vain attempt to reach Gondolin and his finding of Morwen dying beside the Standing Stone. Morwen's grave is made by Hurin alone; and having made it, 'he passed southwards down the ancient road that led to Nargothrond'. To have included it, as it seemed to me, would have entailed a huge reduction, indeed an entire re-telling of a kind that I did not wish to undertake; and since the story is intricate I was afraid that this would produce a dense tangle of narrative statement with all the subtlety gone, and above all that it would diminish the fearful figure of the old man, the great hero, Thalion the Steadfast, furthering still the purposes of Morgoth, as he was doomed to do. But it seems to me now, many years later, to have been an excessive tampering with my father's actual thought and intention: thus raising the question, whether the attempt to make a 'unified' Silmarillion should have been embarked on. NOTES. 1. With the beginning of this passage cf. Q (IV.131): 'Some have said that Morwen, wandering woefully from Thingol's halls, when she found Nienor not there on her return, came on a time to that stone and read it, and there died.' - For the abandoned idea that it was Turin who met Morwen in her wandering see pp. 161-2. 2. Hurin was born in 441 (GA $141). - At this point the first side of the 'lost manuscript' ends. The text on the reverse was struck through and replaced by a new text on a new sheet, all but identical in content but finely written - suggestive of confidence in this further extension of the Grey Annals. 3. Asgon reappears here, without introduction, from NE (Unfinished Tales p. 109), one of the men who fled with Turin from Brodda's hall; in the condensed account in GA ($297) he was not named. 4. The spellings Asgorn here, but Asgon in the preceding paragraph (see note 3), are clear. See note 21. 5. The term Eastron has not been used before. 6. 'Yet this can scarce be so': i.e., ignorance of Glaurung's death can scarcely be the reason for Hurin's going to Nargothrond. 7. The space marked by a caret evidently awaited the name of the new Lord of Brethil. 8. 'He must come of a different race': is this the first reference to the Petty-dwarves? 9. (Annal 490-5) The name Iarwaeth has appeared in GA $268 (see also p. 142, commentary on $277, at end), but Thuringud 'the Hidden Foe' is found nowhere else: cf. Finduilas' name for Turin, Thurin 'the Secret', Unfinished Tales pp. 157, 159). 10. (Annal 494) The statements that Morgoth stirred up the Eastrons (see note 5) to greater hatred of the Elves and Edain, and that Lorgan sought to take Nienor by force, are entirely new. In GA ($274) it is clear that Morwen and Nienor left Dor-lomin because the lands had become more safe. 11. (Annal 495) Cirith Ninniach, the final name of the Rainbow Cleft, is found in the later Tale of Tuor (Unfinished Tales p. 23), where also the meeting of Tuor with Gelmir and Arminas is re- counted (pp. 21 - 2); the name was added to the map (p. 182, square c 4). On the story of their coming to Nargothrond and its relation to the Grey Annals see pp. 141 - 2, commentary on $277. It may be mentioned here that in another 'plot-synopsis' concern- ing Turin my father referred to the two Elves by the names Faramir and Arminas, adding in a note: 'Faramir and Arminas were later Earendil's companions on voyage'. The 'Narrow Land' is the Pass of Sirion. The form Eryd- wethian occurs in the typescript text of 'Gelmir and Arminas' (p. 142). '[Handir's] son Brandir the lame is chosen Chieftain, though many would have preferred his cousins Hunthor or Hardang': there has been no previous suggestion of a disagreement over the succession to Brandir; judging by the outspokenness of the people of Brethil as recorded in NE, they would surely have used it against Brandir if they had known of it. - The name Hunthor replaced Torbarth as that of the 'kinsman of Brandir', who died at Cabed-en-Aras, in NE (this change was not made in GA: see p. 156). He appears in the genealogical table of the Haladin (p. 237), but his descent had by this time been changed: for this, and for Hardang, another cousin, see pp. 268-70. The defeat of Tum-halad has not previously been attributed to 'the dread of Glaurung', nor has it been said that Turin gave his word to Gwindor that he would endeavour to save Finduilas. On the form Haudh-en-Elleth see p. 148, $301. The story that Tuor and Voronwe saw Turin journeying northward at Eithil Ivrin has appeared in an inserted annal entry in GA ($299), but no more was said there than that 'they saw Turin pass, but spoke not with him'. For the fullest account see the later Tale of Tuor, Unfinished Tales pp. 37-8. 12. (Annal 496) The death of Sador in the fighting in Brodda's hall is told in NE (Unfinished Tales p. 108), where also Asgon of Dor-lomin first appears (p. 109). 13. (Annal 497) Lindis of Ossiriand: no mention has been made before of the wife of Dior Thingol's heir. See further The Tale of Years, pp. 349-51. 14. (Annal 498) In GA ($319) Turin and Niniel were married 'at the mid-summer' of 498, and she conceived in the spring of 499. 15. (Annal 499) Of course Glaurung did not reveal to Turin 'who he was': he did not need to. But this is without significance: it was a short-hand when writing very fast (in the same annal my father wrote 'Nargothrond' for 'Brethil' and 'Tuor' for 'Turin'), and means that it was through the words of Glaurung that Turin and Nienor came to know that they were brother and sister. The name Talbor of the memorial stone raised at Cabed-en- Aras has not been given before. For previous mentions of Mim and the treasure of Nargoth- rond, and his death at the hand of Hurin, see the Tale of Turambar, II.113 - 14; the Sketch of the Mythology, IV.32; the Annals of Beleriand (AB 1 and AB 2), IV.306 and V.141; and Q, IV.132 and commentary IV.187 - 8. 16. (Annal 500) The names Elrun and Eldun of the sons of Dior appear in emendations made to Q (IV.135) and AB 2 (V.142 and note 42), replacing Elboron and Elbereth. It has not been said that they were twin brothers (in the Genealogies associated with - AB 1, of which some extracts were given in V.403, their birth- dates were three years apart, 192 and 195, - later 492, 495: these latter are found in the genealogical table of the House of Beor, p. 231). In AB 2 (following AB 1) Hurin was released by Morgoth in the year 499 (IV.306, V.141), and 'he departed and sought for Mor- wen'; in the continuation of GA (p. 252) the year was 500, as here. 17. (Annal 501) In AB 2 (following AB 1) Hurin and his companions (described simply as 'men'; in Q, IV.132, as 'a few outlaws of the woods') came to Nargothrond in 500 (see note 16), whereas in this text, after his visit to Brethil, he sets out for Nargothrond in 501 and comes there in 502. The earlier sources do not say that he found Morwen (cf. the note written against the first continu- ation of GA, p. 252: 'Some fate of Morwen must be devised. Did Morwen and Hurin meet again?'), nor do they know of his attempting to return to Gondolin (see the end of the continuation of GA, pp. 254-5, where this is first referred to, though without mention of the discovery by Morgoth's spies of the region where Gondolin lay). The story of Hurin in Brethil was now in existence and probably in its final form (see p. 269). - A first mention of Obel Halad, replacing Ephel Brandir, is found in a note pencilled on the typescript of NE (p. 148, $302). 18. (Annal 502) In AB 2 Tuor wedded Idri1 in 499 (V. 141); the date in The Tale of Years is (with some hesitation) 502 (pp. 346 ff.). On the bringing of the treasure of Nargothrond to Doriath see IV.188. 19. Only the following points in the WH version need be noted. After the words (p. 252) 'it suited the purpose of Morgoth that this should be so' my father added to the typescript later: 'and the needs of his body had been well served to this end'; and 'unless I find chance to avenge the wrongs of my children' (where GA has 'the wrongs of my son', p. 253) was changed to 'unless I find chance to hear more news of my kin, or to avenge their wrongs, if I may.' Where the GA continuation has Asgon and then Asgorn (note 4), WH has Asgorn, corrected to Asgon, and further on in the narrative Asgon as typed (see note 21). Eastrons of GA is here Easterlings. On the amanuensis typescript Hurin's words Tol acharn were corrected to Tul acharn. 20. The passage recounting Hurin's ignorance of what had happened in Gondolin to his crossing the Brithiach into Dimbar was a good deal changed at the time of typing, though for the most part this was a matter of rearrangement. Here the text as first typed read: He knew not the things that had come to pass there, since Tuor brought thither the message of Ulmo, as is yet to be told; and now Turgon, refusing the counsel of the Lord of Waters, allowed none to enter or to go forth for any cause whatsoever, hardening his heart against pity and wisdom. Tuor had reached Gondolin in 495 (GA $299). 21. Asgon was an emendation of the name as typed, Asgorn. This was a regular change, until the form Asgon appears in the text as typed: I print Asgon throughout, except in passages that were rejected before the name was changed. 22. Here the text as first typed read: Hurin came down from the sources of the Lithir, which fell tumbling into Sirion and was held to be the south bounds of the Narrow Land. There Sirion was already too wide and deep to cross, and too perilous for any but the young and hardiest to swim; so Hurin and his men journeyed on, seeking the fords of the Brithiach. The name Lithir was written against a river already shown on the original form of the second map: p. 182, squares C 6 to D 7. 23. At this point there followed in the draft manuscript and in the typescript as first typed: 'and though this seemed to him to bode evil rather than good, after a time he grew less heedful.' 24. The name Ragnir is found also as that of a blind servant of Morwen's in Dor-lomin (Unfinished Tales p. 71). In a rejected phrase in the draft manuscript this companion of Asgon's is called 'Ragnir the tracker'. 25. Asgon supposed that the Lord of Brethil was still Brandir the Lame. Cf. what is said of Brandir's successor Hardang a little further on: 'he had no love now at all for the House of Hador, in whose blood he had no part.' 26. On Obel Halad see note 17. 27. Echoriad: the Encircling Mountains about Gondolin. The form Echoriath in the published Silmarillion derives from the later Tale of Tuor; but Echoriad here is much later. 28. The old story in the tale of The Fall of Gondolin (II.189) that those of the fugitives from the sack of Gondolin who fled to the Way of Escape were destroyed by a dragon lying in wait at its outer issue, a story that survived into Q (IV.144), had been abandoned, and was excluded from The Silmarillion on the basis of the present passage: see II.213, second footnote, and IV.194. 29. Cf. GA $161 (p. 57), of the escape of Hurin and Huor into Dimbar forty-three years before this time: they 'wandered in the hills beneath the sheer walls of the Crisaegrim. There Thorondor espied them, and sent two Eagles that took them and bore them up...' 30. At this point in the draft manuscript my father wrote: Later when captured and Maeglin wished to buy his release with treachery, Morgoth must answer laughing, saying: Stale news will buy nothing. I know this already, I am not easily blinded! So Maeglin was obliged to offer more - to undermine resistance in Gondolin. Almost exactly the same note is found on the slip giving in- formation about the new meaning of the name Haladin (p. 270); but here, after the words 'undermine resistance in Gondolin', my father continued: 'and to compass the death of Tuor and Earendel if he could. If he did he would be allowed to retain Idril (said Morgoth).' Thus the story in Q was changed (IV.143): [Meglin] purchased his life and freedom by revealing unto Morgoth the place of Gondolin and the ways whereby it might be found and assailed. Great indeed was the joy of Morgoth... Both the present passage in WH (telling that Morgoth learned from Hurin's wandering 'in what region Turgon dwelt') and that from Q were used in the published Silmarillion (pp. 228, 242), 'the very place of Gondolin' for 'the place of Gondolin' being an editorial addition. 31. There was a series of alterations to the names of the men of Manthor's company near the Crossings of Taeglin (and some speeches were reassigned among the speakers). In the draft manuscript the names were Sagroth; Forhend son of Dorlas; and his friend Farang. In the typescript as typed they were Sagroth; Forhend; and his friend Farang son of Dorlas. The son of Dorlas is the one who, plays an important part in the story. By emendation to the typescript the statement that Farang was the friend of Forhend was removed, and - further on in the narrative - the name Farang became Faranc; then, near the end of WH, it became Avranc, and this name was substituted throughout the text from his first appearance. I print throughout the final formulation only. 32. Sagroth was here emended to Galhir, but later Sagroth was reinstated. Galhir was perhaps intended to be another member of Manthor's company, rather than a replacement of the name Sagroth. 33. The footnote at this point was typed at the same time as the text. The statement concerning Manthor's domain in the east of Brethil preceded that in the text C (p. 267): 'The region nigh Brithiach and along Sirion for some way was the land of Manthor'. Haldar was the son of Haldad, founder of the line, and twin brother of the Lady Haleth (p. 221, $25). With the last sentence cf. the plot-synopsis, p. 256: 'Brandir the lame is chosen Chieftain, though many would have preferred his cousins Hun- thor or Hardang.' The whole footnote was struck through (before the emendation of Harathor to Hardang). 34. The term Haladin is used here, in a sentence that was rejected rather than corrected, in the original sense of the whole 'People of Haleth'. 35. With the use of the word town cf. p. 148, $302. 36. The word booth is used in the old sense of 'a temporary dwelling covered with boughs of trees or other slight materials' (O.E.D.). My father may well have had in mind the Norse word bud, used in the Sagas especially of the temporary dwellings at the Icelandic parliament, and regularly rendered 'booth' in translations. 37. It is said also in the Narn plot-synopsis, of which a part is given on pp. 256 - 8, but at an earlier point (the year 472), that Haldir and Hundar were slain in the Nirnaeth, and that 'three only of their men were left alive, but Mablung of Doriath healed their wounds and brought them back.' See further pp. 236-7. 38. The draft manuscript has here: 'He must be wakeful tomorrow. It may be that better food is needed. Take care, or maybe the guards will have to stand before the Folk also.' 'What do you mean by that?' said the leader. 'Unriddle it as you will,' said Manthor. 39. 'and women' derives from the draft manuscript. Cf. the passage struck out on p. 279, concerning the summoning of wives to counsel according to the customs of Brethil. 40. Here and often subsequently Halad is an emendation of Warden; see the statement cited on p. 270, where Halad, plural Haladin, is translated 'warden(s)'. I give Halad in all these cases and do not record the changes. 41. There seems not to have been any specific reference previously to the passing out of common use of the old speech of the People of Haleth (where the draft manuscript has 'the old tongue of the Haladin', and also 'Moot of the Haladin'), and its replacement by 'the speech of Beleriand'. 42. The draft manuscript has here a passage depending on the story, still in being, of the captivity of Asgorn (Asgon) and his men (cf. the rejected sentence in the typescript, p. 278: Hurin was shut in a cave 'nigh to the one in which Asgorn and his men were still imprisoned'): 'Let the first prisoners be brought before us! ' Then Asgorn and his companions were led in, with their hands bound behind them. At that there was much murmuring; and [an old man >] Manthor stood up. 'By your leave, Master and Folk,' he said. 'I would ask: why are these men in bonds?' There is then a note: 'Harathor should conceal the fact that Asgorn &c. are still in durance, and Manthor should reveal why.' Here the text stops, and begins on a new page with a draft for the changed story as found in the typescript text. 43. At this point the name Hardang, for Harathor, appears in the text as typed. 44. The draft manuscript has 'Be that as it may - ', i.e. Hardang's sentence was interrupted by Manthor. 45. An addition to the draft manuscript says: 'He [Dorlas] had also been Harathor's friend, and a scorner of Brandir while Harathor desired to oust him.' That Dorlas had been a friend of Hardang (Harathor) has been mentioned earlier, at the first appearance of Dorlas' son Avranc (p. 275): 'well-liked by Hardang, as his father had been.' 46. In the story of Dorlas' death in the last part of the Narn (NE) as told in the manuscript, Brandir retained his sword. It is said subsequently in that text that 'Brandir, seeing his death in Turin's face, drew his small sword and stood in defence'; and Turin 'lifted up Gurthang and struck down Brandir's sword, and smote him to death.' By changes made to the much later amanuensis typescript of NE the story was altered to that given in Unfinished Tales: Brandir cast down his sword after the slaying of Dorlas (p. 139), facing Turin 'he stood still and did not quail, though he had no weapon but his crutch', and the words 'struck down Brandir's sword' were removed (p. 143). It seems to me unlikely that my father would have made these changes, whereby Turin's murder of Brandir becomes even worse, in order to make Dorlas' reputation seem more murky in the rumours current in Brethil: I believe that he made them precisely because he wished so to represent Turin in his encounter with Brandir - in which case, of course, the changes to the NE typescript had already been made when the present passage was written. Subsequently it was bracketed, from 'And dark tales were whispered concerning Dorlas', presumably implying doubt about its inclusion; and the matter is not referred to again. 47. 'hand and foot': an addition had been made earlier (p. 282) concerning the further fettering of Hurin on his wrists. 48. Galdor Orchal: 'Galdor the Tall'. The 'title' has not previously appeared in Elvish form. 49. With the rejected words 'and good wives' cf. note 39. 50. 'I would I had not hindered thy shooting': see p. 278. 51. The story of the events in the Moot-ring was told in the draft manuscript (written in ink over a pencilled text) in fairly close accord with the final form to the point where Hurin cries out on Harathor (as is still the name): 'Only hands, hands, are needed to wring such a throat full of lies'. Then follows: With that, in a fury, Hurin sprang off the Stone and made for Harathor. But Harathor fled before him, calling on his house- hold men to gather round him; and at the gate he turned, crying: 'It is a lie that he speaks, Men of Brethil. He raves as ever. I knew naught of this till now!' In this he spoke the truth; but too late. In their wrath few of the assembly believed him. (In the original pencilled text Harathor said more in his defence, using the argument given in the final form to Manthor (pp. 294-5): 'None of the Folk go ever to that stone, for the place is accursed. Not till now have I or any man or woman of the Folk heard tale of her coming to the stone.') At this point in the superimposed text in ink my father stopped, and wrote: 'Do not allow Harathor to defend himself. He flies in fear - and so seems to most of the Folk to acknowledge his guilt.' From here onwards the draft manuscript becomes chaotic. The pencilled text, in part illegible, continues, interspersed here and there with later passages written in ink, to the end of the story, but the 'layers' are so confused that a coherent development can scarcely be deduced. It seems, however, that at this stage the story of the siege and burning of the Hall of the Chieftains had not entered. The rout of Harathor and his supporters from the Moot-ring seems to have been followed at once by Manthor's reproaches to Hurin - a defence of the conduct of the Men of Brethil towards Turin, and a denial that Harathor could have . known anything of the coming of Morwen, which in turn leads at once to the expedition to Cabed Naeramarth and the burial of Morwen. In his words to Hurin Manthor declares himself to be now 'the last of the Haladin', but there seems to be no indication of the fate of Harathor. See further note 53. A new draft text, very roughly written but coherent, takes up at the opening of Hurin's speech to the assembly (p. 290): this was the text from which the final form was closely derived. 52. In NE (Unfinished Tales p. 136) it was 'five leagues at the least' from Ephel Brandir to Nen Girith; in an earlier draft of that passage it was seven leagues (commentary on GA $$329-32, p. 158). 53. The end of the original draft manuscript (see note 51) is partly illegible, but after the burial of Morwen 'they return and see red fire. The Obel is burning as the rebels assault the... But as they make their way an arrow comes out of the wood and Manthor falls.' This suggests that the burning of the Hall of the Chieftains originally followed the burial of Morwen, and that when that burning became a central event in the story the red glow in the sky seen from Nen Girith was retained as the sign of a further eruption of rioting on the following day. This is supported by the conclusion of the second draft manuscript, given in note 54 (at end); but the matter is very uncertain. 54. The end of the original draft manuscript (see notes 51, 53) after the death of Manthor, pencilled over by my father to make it clearer but with a gap where there is a word, or words, that he could not interpret, reads thus: þ A few men fearing the end of Brethil and desiring to flee further from Morgoth - having no homes or lands of their own - are willing to go with Hurin. They depart - and fall in [sic] But now Hurin seems to pick up strength and youth - vengeance seems to have heartened him, and he [ ] and walks now strongly. They pass into the woods and gather the last fugitives of the wood-men (the kin of the folk of Brethil). Asgorn they choose for captain, but he treats Hurin as lord, and does as he will[s]. Whither shall we go? They must [? know] a place of refuge. They go towards Nargothrond. Another, isolated page gives this version of the end: For a while he stood there grim and silent. But Manthor looked back and saw red light far away. 'I must return,' he said. The party begins to go back wearily towards Obel Halad. An arrow slays Manthor. - The voice of Faranc [see note 31] cries: 'Third time thriven. At least you shall not sit in the Chair you coveted.' They give chase but he escapes in the dark. The Moot Ring has been 'unhallowed'. The confederation breaks up. Men go each to their own homesteads. Hurin must depart. He gathers a few men who despair now of defending Brethil from the growing strength of Morgoth [and] wish to fly south. At the Taiglin crossing they fall in with Asgon, who has heard rumour of the wild deeds in Brethil, and of Hurin's coming, and are now venturing back into the land to seek him. Asgon greets him - and is glad that Harathor has been punished. Angered that no one had told Hurin of their coming. They go on and gather fugitive 'wood-men'. They elect Asgon captain but he ever defers to Hurin. Whither to go? Hurin elects to go to Nargothrond. Why? The references to 'wood-men' ('kin of the folk of Brethil') in these passages are no doubt to the men who dwelt in the woodland south of the Taeglin, described in the Narn (Unfinished Tales p. 85, and thereafter called 'the Woodmen'): There before the Nirnaeth many Men had dwelt in scattered homesteads; they were of Haleth's folk for the most part, but owned no lord, and they lived both by hunting and by husbandry, keeping swine in the mast-lands, and tilling clear- ings in the forest which were fenced from the wild. But most were now destroyed, or had fled into Brethil, and all that region lay under the fear of Orcs, and of outlaws. These hasty sketches of Hurin's immediate movements after leaving Brethil agree with what is said in the plot-synopsis (p. 258): 'Hurin finds Asgon again and gathers other men and goes towards Nargothrond'. The question 'Why?' of his decision to go there reappears from the final addition to the end of the Grey Annals (p. 255), which probably did not long precede the writing of The Wanderings of Hurin. The second draft manuscript (see note 51, at end) continues on from the point where the typescript text ends, though with a line drawn across the page beneath the words 'he went down alone towards the Haud-en-Elleth'. I give this partly illegible conclusion from the death of Manthor. ... and plucked out the arrow, and gave a great cry, and lay still. Then they wept, and they took him up, and prepared to bear him back, and they took no more heed of Hurin. But he stood silent, and turned soon away; the sun was gone down into cloud and the light failed, and he went down alone towards the Haud-en-Elleth. [Thus befell the ruin of Brethil. For >] Now it is said that I those who ... with Hardang were not all caught, and others came in hearing the news, and there was fighting in the Obel, and a great burning, until all was well nigh destroyed [see note 53]. But when the madness [written above: wrath] of men had cooled they made peace, and some said: 'What hath bewitched us? Surely Hurin begot all this evil, and Hardang and Avranc were more wise. They would have kept him out if they could.' So they chose Avranc to be their chief, since none of the House of Haleth were left, but [?? he wielded no] such authority and reverence as the Chieftains before, and the Folk of Brethil fell back again to be more like their kinsmen in the [?open] woods - each minding his own houselands and little ... and their ... was loosened. But some misliked this and would not serve under Avranc and made ready to depart, and they joined Hurin. 55. The following brief writing on the subject of Manthor is another 'discussion' like the text 'C' (pp. 266-7) and no doubt belongs to much the same time. Here as there the name is Harathor, but I suggested (p. 269) that he must have been on the point of receiving a new name, and on the same page as the present passage appear the workings leading to the name Hardang. The page begins with a draft for the last words of Hurin and Manthor at Nen Girith, closely similar to the ending both in the second draft manuscript (on which see note 51, at end) and in the final typescript (pp. 296-7). I believe that the present form was the first, and that my father set it down experimentally, as it were, and then proceeded to explain and justify it, as follows (the many contractions of words and names are expanded): I think it would be good to make Manthor a less merely 'good' character. For so his extremely zealous and cunning espousal of Hurin's cause would better be explained. Certainly he has a great natural concern for 'courtesy' - sc. civilized behaviour and mercy, and he would have been angry at the treatment of Hurin whoever he was. But (a) he was proud of his kinship with the House of Hador; (b) he had desired the Wardenship - and many had wanted to elect him. He was of the senior line, but by a daughter (Hiril). But though so far descent had been by eldest son, it had been laid down by Haleth (and Haldar her brother) that daughters and their descendants were to be eligible for election. The descendants of Hundar: Hundad, Harathor had not been men of mark or gallantry. So plainly Manthor was also using the coming of Hurin to further his ambition - or rather, the shadow of Hurin fell on him, and awoke the ambition (dormant). Note: Manthor never raises the matter of Hurin's errand, or (as was fairly plain) that Hurin came with ill-will, especially towards the rulers of Brethil and the 'anti-Turin' party. Mention should be made in the tale of Turin (dwelling in Brethil and death) - a propos of Hunthor? - of Manthor and the friendship of his branch for Turin and reverence for the House of Hador. There was some ill-feeling between the branches: on the one side akin to the House of Hador (via Gloredel and via Hareth and Hiril) and [on the other] the line of Hundar. This enlarges and defines some of the things said in the last paragraph of the discussion in the text 'C' (p. 267), where the friendship for Turin among the descendants of Hiril, and pride in their kinship with the House of Hador, were referred to, and the idea that Manthor 'desired the Wardenship' referred to as a possibility. An isolated slip, headed Names, has the following notes: The Haladin name of people directly descended from Haldar Haleth's brother (by male or female line), a family or 'nothlir' from which the Chieftains or Halbars of Brethil were chosen by the Folk. For halad sg. 'chieftain'..... halbar. The Chieftain after Brandir was Hardang. His evil-counsellor friend to be Daruin. Dorlas > Darlas Dar = mastery, lordship bor = stone. The Stone in the Ring was the halabor. The Stand- ing Stone was the Talbor. The word halbar 'chieftain', to be substituted for halad, appears in a note pencilled on the genealogical table of the Haladin, where also the name Haldar was apparently altered to Halbar: see p. 238. The name Talbor of the Standing Stone appears also in an addition to the Narn plot-synopsis (p. 257), but the stone in the Moot-ring is named Angbor 'Doom-rock' in additions to the typescript text of WH (see p. 283). These new names, and Darlas for Dorlas, Daruin for Avranc, must represent a further group of substitutions subsequent to the final text of WH, although it is odd in that case that Hardang should be included. Following these notes on the same slip of paper are notes on the name Taeglin; these were struck out, but virtually the same notes in more finished form are found on another slip: Taeglin(d) better Taeglind * taika (V taya mark, line, limit > tayak) maere, boundary, limit, boundary line. linde 'singer / singing', name (or element in names) of many rivers of quick course that make a rippling sound. mure is an Old English word of the same meaning. - It seems that the form chosen for the published Silmarillion should have been Taeglin rather than Teiglin (see p. 228, $28). 56. Some interesting remarks of my father's concerning The Wander- ings of Hurin are found on the back of one of the slips on which Professor Clyde Kilby wrote comments and criticisms of the work: The criticisms seem to me largely mistaken - no doubt because this is a fragment of a great saga, e.g. Thingol and Melian are mentioned as objects of Morgoth's malice, because Hurin's next exploit will be to bring ruin to Doriath. The outlaws are not a 'device', but already accounted for - and play a part in the story of Turin when he came to Dor Lomin. Hurin does pick them up again and they are the nucleus of the force with which he goes to Nargothrond and slays Mim and seizes the gold of the dragon. As for 'too little action,' 'too much speech', I have re-read this quite impersonally after many years when I had practically forgotten it - the speeches are bitter and pungent and in . themselves exciting. I thought the whole business from the entry of Hurin not only moving but very exciting. The reference to Thingol and Melian arose from Professor Kilby's taking exception to their only being mentioned in one place (p. 259). The response that his remarks (written, I believe, in 1966) elicited is particularly interesting in that they show that the story of Hurin's seizing the treasure of Nargothrond was still fully in being, although my father never even approached it again. Very striking is his phrase, 'Hurin's next exploit will be to bring ruin to Doriath'. 57. On the amanuensis typescript my father pencilled, beneath The Wanderings of Hurin: 'I The Shadow Falls on Brethil'. At the beginning of his discussion of the story in text C (p. 266) he said of Asgorn and his men that 'their coming to Brethil is needed to "cast the shadow" by arousing fear and hatred in the heart of Harathor.' It may be therefore that the subheading The Shadow Falls on Brethil was intended to refer only to the first part of the story of Hurin in Brethil. On the other hand, he introduced no . other sub-headings into the body of the text, and it seems equally possible that he meant this as the title of the whole story, 'II' to be the next stage of Hurin's 'wanderings', Hurin in Nargothrond. II. AELFWINE AND DIRHAVAL. In Unfinished Tales (p. 146) I referred to the existence of an 'intro- ductory note' to the Narn i Chin Hurin, found in different forms, and I gave a very condensed and selective account of the content. The two versions are in fact more distinct than this suggests, and here I print them both in full. One of them is a clear manuscript written with almost no hesitations or alterations (whether at the time or-later): this, which I will call 'A', clearly preceded the other, and I give it first. The numbered notes will be found on p. 315. Turin Turumarth.(1) Here begins that tale which AElfwine made from the Hurinien: which is the longest of all the lays of Beleriand now held in memory in Eressea. But it is said there that, though made in Elvish speech and using much Elvish lore (especially of Doriath), this lay was the work of a Mannish poet, Dirhavel, who lived at the Havens in the days of Earendel and there gathered all the tidings and lore that he could of the House of Hador, whether among Men or Elves, remnants and fugitives of Dorlomin, of Nargothrond, or of Doriath. From Mablung he learned much; and by fortune also he found a man named Andvir, and he was very old, but was the son of that Androg who was in the outlaw-band of Turin, and alone survived the battle on the summit of Amon Rudh.(2) Otherwise all that time between the flight of Turin from Doriath and his coming to Nargothrond, and Turin's deeds in those days, would have remained hidden, save the little that was remembered among the people of Nargothrond concerning such matters as Gwindor or Turin ever revealed. In this way also the matter of Mim and his later dealings with Hurin were made clear. This lay was all that Dirhavel ever made, but it was prized by the Elves and remembered by them. Dirhavel they say perished in the last raid of the sons of Feanor upon the Havens. His lay was composed in that mode of verse which was called Minlamad thent / estent.(3) Though this verse was not wholly unlike the verse known to AElfwine, he translated the lay into prose (including in it, or adding in the margins as seemed fit to him, matter from the Elvish commentaries that he had heard or seen); for he was not himself skilled in the making of verse, and the transference of this long tale from Elvish into English was difficult enough. Indeed even as it was made, with the help of the Elves as it would seem from his notes and additions, in places his account is obscure. This version into 'modern' English, that is forms of English intelligible to living users of the English tongue (who have some knowledge of letters, and are not limited to the language of daily use from mouth to mouth) does not attempt to imitate the idiom of AElfwine, nor that of the Elvish which often shows through especially in the dialogue. But since it is even to Elves now 'a tale of long ago', and depicts high and ancient persons and their speech (such as Thingol and Melian), there is in AElfwine's version, and clearly was in Dirhavel's day, much archaic language, of words and usage, and the older and nobler Elves do not speak in the same style as Men, or in quite the same language as that of the main narrative; there are therefore here retained similar elements. It is for this reason that, for example, Thingol's speech is not that of our present day: for indeed the speech of Doriath, whether of the king or others, was even in the days of Turin more antique than that used elsewhere. One thing (as Mim observed) of which Turin never rid himself, despite his grievance against Doriath, was the speech he had acquired during his fostering. Though a Man, he spoke like an Elf of the Hidden Kingdom,(4) which is as though a Man should now appear, whose speech and schooling until manhood had been that of some secluded country where the English had remained nearer that of the court of Elizabeth I than of Elizabeth II. The second text ('B') is very much briefer, and was composed on the typewriter which my father used for several of the Narn texts, and other writings such as the chapter Of the Coming of Men into the West. Many songs are yet sung and many tales are yet told by the Elves in the Lonely Isle of the Nirnaeth Arnoediad, the Battle of Unnumbered Tears, in which Fingon fell and the flower of the Eldar withered. But here I will tell as I may a Tale of Men that Dirhaval (5) of the Havens made in the days of Earendel long ago. Narn i Chin Hurin he called it, the Tale * of the Children of Hurin, which is the longest of all the lays that are now remem- bered in Eressea, though it was made by a man. For such was Dirhaval. He came of the House of Hador, it is said, and the glory and sorrow of that House was nearest to his heart. Dwelling at the Havens of Sirion, he gathered there all the tidings and lore that he could; for in the last days of Beleriand chere came thither remnants out of all the countries, both Men and Elves: from Hithlum and Dor-lomin, from Nargothrond and Doriath, from Gondolin and the realms of the Sons of Feanor in the east. This lay was all that Dirhaval ever made, but it was prized by the Eldar, for Dirhaval used the Grey-elven tongue, in which he had great skill. He used that mode of Elvish verse which is called [long space left in typescript] which was of old proper to the narn; but though this verse mode is not unlike the verse of the English, I have rendered it in prose, judging my skill too small to be at once scop and walhstod.(6) Even so my task has been hard enough, and without the help of the Elves could not have been completed. I have not added to Dirhaval's tale, nor omitted from it anything that he told; neither have I changed the order of his history. But on matters that seemed of interest, or that were become dark with the passing of the years, I have made notes, whether within the tale or upon its margins, according to such lore as I found in Eressea. That A preceded B, at whatever interval (but I do not think that it was long), is seen, among other considerations, from the use of the old name 'the Hurinien' in the opening sentence of A (whereas in B it is called Narn i Chin Hurin). This name had appeared years before in QS Chapter 17, Of Turin Turamarth or Turin the Hapless: 'that lay which is called iChurinien, the Children of Hurin, and is the longest of all the lays that speak of those days' (V.317). (For Hurinien beside iChuri- nien, and my reason for substituting Hin for Chin in Unfinished Tales, see V.322.) It is possible to state with certainty at what period these pieces were written. I said in Unfinished Tales (p. 150): 'From the point in the story where Turin and his men established themselves in the ancient dwelling of the Petty-dwarves on Amon Rudh there is no completed narrative on the same detailed plan [as in the preceding parts], until the Narn takes up again with Turin's journey northwards after the fall (* [ footnote to the text] narn among the Elves signifies a tale that is told in verse to be spoken and not sung.) of Nargothrond': from the existing materials I formed a brief narrative in The Silmarillion, Chapter 21, and gave some further citations from the texts in Unfinished Tales, pp. 150 - 4. Now the story of Turin and Beleg in Mim's hidden dwelling on Amon Rudh and the short-lived 'Land of Bow and Helm', Dor-Cuarthol, belongs (like all the rest of the huge extension of this part of the 'Turins Saga') to the period after the publication of The Lord of the Rings; and the mention in text A of the man Andvir, 'the son of that Androg who was in the outlaw-band of Turin, and alone survived the battle on the summit of Amon Rudh' (see note 2) shows that this story was fully in being (so far as it ever went) when A was written - indeed it seems likely enough that A belongs to the time when my father was working on it. It is therefore very notable that at this relatively late date he was propounding such a view of the 'transmission' of the Narn i Chin Hurin (in contrast to the statement cited in X.373, that 'the three Great Tales must be Numenorean, and derived from matter preserved in Gondor': the second of the 'Great Tales' being the Narn i Chin Hurin). Striking also is the information (in both texts) that the verse- form of Dirhaval's lay bore some likeness to the verse known to AElfwine (meaning of course the Anglo-Saxon alliterative verse), but that because AElfwine was no scop (see note 6) he translated it into (Anglo-Saxon) prose. I do not know of any other statement bearing on this. It is tempting to suspect some sort of oblique reference here to my father's abandoned alliterative Lay of the Children of Hurin of the 1920s, but this may he delusory. The second version B, in which the introductory note becomes a preface by AElfwine himself, rather than an 'editorial' recounting of what AElfwine did, was clipped to and clearly belonged with a twelve- page typescript composed ab initio by my father and bearing the title 'Here begins the tale of the Children of Hurin, Narn i Chin Hurin, which Dirhaval wrought.' This text provides the opening of the Narn in Unfinished Tales (pp. 57-8), and continues into the story of Hurin and Huor in Gondolin (omitted in Unfinished Tales) which was based very closely indeed on the version in the Grey Annals and is described on pp. 169 - 70 (then follows the story of Turin's sister Lalaeth and of his friendship with Sador Labadal, ending with the riding away of Hurin to the Battle of Unnumbered Tears, which is given in Unfinished Tales pp. 58 - 65). It is very difficult to interpret, in the story of the visit to Gondolin, the close similarity or (often) actual identity of wording in Dirhaval's lay with that of the version in the Grey Annals. The same ' question arises, despite a central difference in the narrative, in the case of the Narn version of the Battle of Unnumbered Tears and that in the Annals (see pp. 165 ff.). The Narn text is not linked, as is the Gondolin story, to the name of Dirhaval; but it is a curious fact that it begins (p. 165) 'Many songs are yet sung, and many tales are yet told by the Elves of the Nirnaeth Arnoediad, the Battle of Unnumbered Tears, in which Fingon fell and the flower of the Eldar withered - for this is identical to the opening of AElfwine's preface (text B, p. 312), except that the latter has 'are yet told by the Elves in the Lonely Isle'. NOTES. 1. In the old Tale of Turambar the Gnomish form of Turambar was Turumart, and in Q Turumarth, where however it was changed to Turamarth, as it was also in QS (V.321). Turumarth here must represent a reversion to the original form. 2. Andvir son of Androg appears nowhere else. It is expressly stated in a plot-outline of this part of the Narn that Androg died in the battle on the summit of Amon Rudh (see Unfinished Tales p. 154). The wording here is plain, and can hardly be taken to mean that it was Andvir (also a member of the outlaw-band) who alone survived. 3. The name of the verse is clearly Minlamad thent / estent: Minlamed in Unfinished Tales p. 146 is erroneous. 4. Cf. the 'linguistic excursus' in the Grey Annals, p. 26, where there is a reference to the speech of the Grey-elves becoming the com- mon tongue of Beleriand and being affected by words and devices drawn from Noldorin - 'save in Doriath where the language remained purer and less changed by time'. 5. The name is perfectly clearly Dirhavel in A, but is typed Dirhaval in B, which being the later should have been adopted in Unfinished Tales. 6. Against scop my father noted: 'O.English = poet', and against walhstod 'O.English = interpreter' (on the carbon copy 'inter- preter / translator'). III. MAEGLIN. The tale of Isfin and Eol and their son Meglin (in the earliest form of his name) had long roots, and I have set out its earlier history in concise form on pp. 121 - 2, $$117-20. As the text of the Grey Annals was first written the form of the story in AB 2 was repeated: Isfin left Gondolin in the year before the Battle of Unnumbered Tears, and twenty-one years later Meglin was sent alone to Gondolin (GA original annals 471 and 492, pp. 47, 84). It was at that stage that a full tale of Meglin and how he came to Gondolin was first written. This was a clear manuscript of 12 sides, fairly heavily emended both at the time of writing and later; it belongs in style very evidently with the Annals of Aman, the Grey Annals, the later Tale of Tuor, and the text which I have called the End of the Narn ('NE', see p. 145), and can be firmly dated to the same time (1951). It was on the basis of this work that revised annals concerning the story were introduced into GA (years 316, 320, and 400, pp. 47 - 8), as noticed earlier (p. 123); these were written on a page from an engagement calendar for November 1951 (p. 47). An amanuensis typescript with carbon copy was made many years later, as appears from the fact that it was typed on my father's last typewriter. This typescript took up almost all of the emendations made to the manuscript. For the present purpose I shall call the manuscript of 1951 'A' and the late typescript 'B', distinguishing where necessary the top copy as 'B(i)' and the carbon as 'B(ii)'. The B text was corrected and annotated in ball-point pen, and so also was the carbon copy - but not in the same ways; the original manuscript A also received some late emendations, which do not appear in B as typed. Moreover, a great deal of late writing in manuscript from the same time was inserted into B(i), with other similar material, overlapping in content, found elsewhere; for this my father used scrap paper supplied to him by Allen and Unwin, and two of these sheets are publication notes issued on 19 January 1970 - thus this material is very late indeed, and it is of outstanding difficulty. Although the typescript B was also very late, as evidenced by the typewriter used, details of names show that the manuscript A had actually reached many years earlier the form from which it was typed; it seems very probable that my father had it typed in order to provide a copy on which substantial further change and annotation could be carried out c.1970. Only those few changes to A made in ball-point pen and not taken up into B belong to the final period of work on the story. To set out in detail the evolution of all this material would take a very great deal of space, and for much of its length involve the simple repetition of Chapter 16 Of Maeglin in the published Silmarillion. In this case, therefore, I shall use that chapter as the text for reference, and concentrate chiefly on the very late work, which has many notable features that of their nature could have no place in the published book. I shall refer in this account to the paragraphs in The Silmarillion, numbering them for convenience of internal reference, and giving the opening words of each for ease of identification. It should be noted here that the Silmarillion text takes up emendations from both the top copy (B(i)) and carbon (B(ii)) of the typescript, and that in cases (which are numerous) where they differ in the rewriting of original passages the published text is often an amalgam of both. The Title. The manuscript A as written had no title; later my father pencilled on it Of Meglin, changing this to Of Isfin and Glindur. The typescript B has the title (as typed) Of Maeglin, with the subtitle Sister-son of Turgon, King of Gondolin. At the head of the first page of B(i) my father wrote that the text is 'An enlarged version of the coming of Maeglin to Gondolin, to be inserted in FG in its place', and noted also that 'FG = Fall of Gondolin'. This can only be a reference to the abandoned Tale of Tuor (entitled Of Tuor and the Fall of Gondolin, but retitled Of Tuor and his Coming to Gondolin for inclusion in Unfinished Tales), which belongs to the same period as the manuscript A. Thus at this very late date my father was still holding to the hope of an entirely rewritten story of the Fall of Gondolin, of which so little had actually been done (and those parts some twenty years before). The only evidence that he at any time considered the story of Maeglin as a possible component in the Quenta Silmarillion is the word Silmarillion with a query pencilled against the opening paragraphs of the manuscript; and this was struck out. $1. Aredhel Ar-Feiniel, the White Lady of the Noldor... Here, and throughout B(i), Isfin was changed to Arehel; and in the margin against the first occurrence my father wrote: This name is derived from the oldest (1916) version of FG. It is now quite unacceptable in form, unsuitable to the position and character of Turgon's sister, and also meaningless. Presumably he meant that since no etymology of Isfin was feasible it was on that account unsuitable to be the name of Turgon's sister (cf. II.344, where the original explanation of the name as 'snow-locks' or 'exceeding-cunning' is given, and the present note is referred to). Also written in the margin is '? Rodwen = High Virgin Noble' and 'Rodwen Los in Golodh..' (last letters illegible; the word 'Virgin' is also not perfectly clear). At the top of the first page of the carbon B(ii) the notes on the name are different. Here my father wrote: 'Name Isfin must be changed throughout to Feiniel (= White Lady)'. Against this he wrote an X, and 'Change Isfin to Aredhel (Noble-elf)'. Whereas in B(i), as I have noted, Isfin was changed to Aredel throughout, in B(ii) Isfin was merely circled, except in two cases where it was replaced by Feiniel, and in one case where it was replaced by Ar-Feiniel. My father was correcting the top copy and the carbon independently but at (more or less) the same time, very probably because he had the one in one place and the other in another. In the published Silmarillion I combined them as Aredhel Ar-Feiniel, although there is no warrant for this; they were evidently competing names, and the notes at the head of the carbon copy cited above suggest that Aredel (Aredhel) was his final choice. The name Nivrost was changed on both copies of B to Nevrost (not Nevrast, the usual later form). In the manuscript A it was said of Isfin that she longed to 'hunt' in the forests, emended to 'walk' and thus appearing in B. With this cf. the rider inserted into the passage in QS concerning the princes of the Noldor, where it is told that in Valinor Isfin 'loved much to ride on horse and to hunt in the forests, and there was often in the company of her kinsmen, the sons of Feanor'. Subsequently Isfin in this passage was changed to frith (see X.177, 182); this name is found in Quendi and Eldar (see p. 409 and note 34). The published text uses 'you' forms throughout. In A 'thou' forms were used throughout, but in the passage ($5) in which the march- wardens of Doriath address Isfin the 'thou' forms were altered to the 'polite' plural. Noldor was changed to Noldor throughout B(i). In A, the text begins with the date 316. $4. And Turgon appointed three lords of his household... On B(i) only, my father pencilled with reference to these opening words the names Glorfindel, Egalmoth, and Ecthelion, and also 'On etymologies of Egalmoth and Ecthelion see note'. This note is written on the same typescript page and its reverse, but is very hard to read: These names are also derived from primitive FG, but are well- sounding and have been in print. They are late popular forms of archaic AEgamloth, AEgthelion. Note amloth is said (where?) to be probably not S[indarin]. Q * ambalotse uprising-flower - referring to the flower or floreate device used as a crest fixed to point of a tall ... helmet. Name therefore = pointed helm-crest. Ecthelion must be similarly from Aegthelion. Latter element is a derivative of V stel 'remain firm'. The form with prefix 'sundoma', estel, was used in Q and S for 'hope' - sc. a temper of mind, steady, fixed in purpose, and difficult to dissuade and unlikely to fall into despair or abandon its purpose. The unprefixed stel- gave [? S verb] thel 'intend, mean, purpose, resolve, will'. So Q ? pelma 'a fixed idea,..., will.' The illegible word in 'a tall... helmet' might possibly be 'archaic'. The word sundoma is an important term in the analysis of Quendian phonological structure. Very briefly indeed, the Quendian consonantal 'base' or sundo was characterised by a 'determinant vowel' or sundoma: thus the sundo KAT has a medial sundoma 'A', and TALAT has the sundoma repeated. In derivative forms the sundoma might be placed before the first consonant, e.g. ATALAT; thus estel beside stel in this note. On the words 'These names... have been in print' (referring to the Ruling Stewards of Gondor named Egalmoth and Ecthelion) see II.211-12 and footnote, where the present note is referred to; for my [':::: remark there chat my father 'subsequently decided against naming Aredhel's escort' see p. 328. $5. But when she came to the Ford of Brithiach... 'his kinsfolk of the house of Finarfin': B still has Finrod here, and the change to Finarfin was made on B(ii) only. In A and B the march-wardens said to Isfin: 'The speediest way is by the East Road from Brithiach through eastern Brethil, and so along the north-march of this Kingdom, until you pass Esgalduin and Aros, and so come to the woods behind the Hill of Himring.' In B(ii) only, 'Esgalduin and Aros' was changed to 'the Bridge of Esgalduin and the Ford of Aros'. In the published text 'the lands that lie behind the Hill of Himring' seems to be a mere error for 'the woods...' which was not observed. $6. Then Aredhel turned back... A and B have 'the Eryd Gorgoroth', but on B(ii), and also on A at the same time, this was changed to 'the haunted valleys of the Gorgorath'; similarly A and B 'Dungorthin' > 'Nan Dungortheb' on A and B(ii). The original form of this paragraph was not changed on B(i), but was rewritten on B(ii). This rewriting did not significantly change the sense, but added that the companions of 'Feiniel' (see under $1 above) 'had no choice but to follow her, for they were not permitted to restrain her by force', and that when they returned to Gondolin 'Turgon said to them: "At least I should be glad that three whom I trust and love were not led to death by the wilfulness of one."' These additions were not included in the published text. $7. But Aredbel, having sought in vain for her companions... Where the published text has 'she held on her way' the original text, preserved in B(i), has 'she held to the East Road'; in B(ii) this was emended to 'At last she found the East Road again'. In B(ii) the name Celon was at both occurrences in the paragraph circled for correction, and at the second the name Limhir was written above (see p. 337). Of Isfin's coming to the land of Himlad (a name which first occurs in this story) the original text of A and B read: ... at that time they [Celegorm and Curufin] were from home, riding with Cranthir, east in Thargelion. But the folk of Celegorm welcomed her, and did all that she asked; and for a while she had great joy in the freedom of the woods. And ever she would ride further abroad, often alone, save it were for hounds that she led, seeking for new paths... This was rewritten on B(i) to the form it has in the published text. In a first stage of the rewriting the phrase 'save it were for hounds that she led' was bracketed with the note: 'Omit unless the presence of dogs is afterwards of importance'; in the second stage it was omitted. Against the o of Thargelion my father wrote a (sc. Thargelian), with a query. In B(ii) the rewriting was different, retaining more of the original text, including the reference to hounds; Thargelion was changed here also to Thargelian, without a query (on the latter form see pp. 336 - 7). $8. In that wood in ages past... On B(i) my father wrote the following note in the margin of the typescript against the first occurrence in the story of the name Eol, which he bracketed: Another name from prim[itive) FG - meaningless then and now. But it was not intended to have any meaning in Q[uenya] or S[indarin]. For Eol was said to be a 'Dark Elf', a term then applied to any Elves who had not been willing to leave Middle-earth - and were then (before the history and geography had been organized) imagined as wandering about, and often ill-disposed towards the 'Light-Elves'. But it was also sometimes applied to Elves captured by Morgoth and enslaved and then released to do mischief among the Elves. I think this latter idea should be taken up. It would explain much about Eol and his smithcraft. (I think the name might stay. It isn't really absolutely necessary that names should be significant.) In the old tale of The Fall of Gondolin Eol was not in fact called 'the Dark Elf', although in the soon abandoned Lay of the Fall of Gondolin (III.146) he is called 'dark Eol', and it is said that 'the Dark Elves were his kindred that wander without home'. In the Sketch of the Mythology (IV.34) he was called 'the Dark Elf Eol', and so also in the Quenta (IV.136); in AB 1 (IV.301) he is 'Eol a Dark-elf', and in AB 2 (V.136) 'Eol the Dark-elf' - so also in all the entries in GA. I do not think that 'Dark-elves' had ever been used in the sense referred to in this note, that of 'darkened Elves', Elves ensnared and corrupted by Morgoth. The words 'I think this latter idea should be taken up. It would explain much about Eol and his smithcraft' were the basis for an abandoned sketch of Eol's history given below. The original text had 'Of old he was of the kin of Thingol, but he loved him not, and when the Girdle of Melian was set about the Forest of Region he fled thence to Nan Elmoth.' In a passage of the 'Turins Saga' which was excluded in Unfinished Tales (p. 96 and note 12) because it had been used in The Silmarillion (pp. 201-2), it is told that Eol gave the sword Anglachel which he had made 'to Thingol as fee, which he begrudged, for leave to dwell in Nan Elmoth'. Against the words 'but he loved him not' my father wrote in the margin of the carbon copy, B(ii), Because Thingol was friendly with the Noldor before they left Middle-earth' (cf. X.172). On B(i) he emended the words 'he loved him not' to 'he was ill at ease in Doriath', and on an inserted page he roughed out a new story about Eol. This is in two versions, which are however largely identical. The first reads: but he was restless and ill at ease in Doriath, and when the Girdle of Melian was set about the Forest of Region where he dwelt he departed. It is thought (though no clear tale was known) that he was captured by orks and taken to Thangorodrim, and there became enslaved; but owing to his skills (which in that place were turned much to smithcraft and metalwork) he received some favour, and was freer than most slaves to move about, and so eventually he escaped and sought hiding in Nan Elmoth (maybe not without the knowledge of Morgoth, who used such 'escaped' slaves to work mischief among the Elves). The second version begins: and when he heard that Melian would put a Girdle about Doriath that none could pass..... without the leave of the king or of Melian herself, he left the Forest of Region where he had dwelt and sought for a place to dwell. But since he did not love the Noldor he found it hard to find a place where he would be unmolested. It was believed afterwards (though no certain tale was known) that in his wander- ing he was captured [@ c. as in the first version] This is possibly compatible with the story that Eol gave Anglachel to Thingol as fee to dwell in Nan Elmoth. It would be interesting to know why my father wished thus to change Eol's history - or rather, why he wished to attribute Eol's skill in metals to a time of slavery in Angband; but in any event he thought better of it, for in a scribbled note beside the two versions of the story he said that this would not do, being too repetitive of the later history of Maeglin, and that Eol's skill was derived from the Dwarves. $9. Now the traffic of the Dwarves... The opening of this paragraph read as follows in A: Now the traffic of the Dwarves followed two roads, the northern of which, going towards Himring, passed nigh Nan Elmoth, and there Eol would meet the Enfeng and hold converse with them. And, as their friendship grew, he would at times go and dwell as a guest in the deep mansions of Belegost. The only emendation to A was the replacement of the old term Enfeng (Longbeards, the Dwarves of Belegost, see pp. 108, 207 - 8) by Anfangrim, here first appearing. In B(ii) 'the deep mansions of Belegost' was changed to '... of Nogrod or Belegost'; adopting this in the published text I altered in consequence Anfangrim 'Longbeards' to the general term Naugrim. In the following passage A had originally: There he learned much of metalwork, and came to great skill therein; and he devised a metal hard and thin and yet pliable, and it was black and shining like jet. Rodeol, the metal of Eol, he named it, and he was clad therein, and so escaped many wounds. The name of the metal was changed many times. First Rodeol was altered to Glindur, then to Targlin and Morlin; then (apparently) back to Glindur, and finally to Maeglin, the form in B. The idea that the name of Eol's son was derived from that of the metal is found in the revised annal for 320 in GA (p. 48): 'Eol named him Glindur, for that was the name of the metal of Eol'; subsequently Glindur was changed to Maeglin both as the name of the metal and as the name of the son (as also in A: see under $10 below). The passage was left as it stood in B(i), but at the head of the first page of B(ii) my father wrote: 'The metal must not have same name as Maeglin'; and he emended the text to the form that it has in the published Silmarillion, with the name of the metal galvorn. (Following 'whenever he went abroad' the words 'and so escaped many wounds' were omitted in The Silmarillion, apparently through inadvertence.) To the passage 'But Eol... was no Dwarf, but a tall Elf of a high kin of the Teleri' my father wrote on the manuscript A (only) a note beginning with the words 'Not in revision' - which probably means that what follows is not in the corrections made to the copies of the typescript ('the revision'). In this note my father was copying a very faint and illegible form of it on the same page, and trying to interpret his own writing; I give it exactly as it stands: Eol should not be one of Thingol's kin, but one of the Teleri who refused to cross the Hithaeglir. But [later] he and a few others of like mood, averse to concourse of people, ... [had] crossed the [Mts] long ago and come to Beleriand. Against this note he wrote 'but the relationship to Thingol would have point', and the date 1971. Aredhel Ar-Feiniel: B(ii) has here Ar-Feiniel (emended from Isfin); see p. 318. $10. It is not said that Aredhel was wholly unwilling... In the margin of the manuscript at the mention of the birth of Eol's son my father wrote later the date 320 (cf. p. 48, $119). The sentence in A as originally written read: After some years Isfin bore to Eol a son in the shadows of Nan Elmoth, and he was named Meglin by his father, for he was dark and supple, as the metal of Eol. The fact that the metal was originally named Rodeol in A (see under $9 above) but the son Meglin (the original name) seems to suggest that the idea that the son was named from the metal only arose after the initial writing of the manuscript, despite the words 'for he was dark and supple, as the metal of Eol'. The changing forms of the son's name in A were Meglin > Targlin > Morlin > Glindur and finally Maeglin. The sentence in this form (with the name Maeglin, as of the metal also) was preserved in B(i); but in B(ii), the text on which my father declared that the same name must not be used both of Eol's son and Eol's metal and changed that of the latter to galvorn, he altered it to the form in the published text, in which Aredhel secretly gave her son the Noldorin name Lomion 'Child of the Twilight', and Eol named him Maeglin (interpreted 'Sharp Glance', see p. 337) when he was twelve years old. $12. Yet it is said that Maeglin loved his mother better... 'Turgon... had no heir; for Elenwe his wife perished in the crossing of the Helcaraxe': here A has 'Turgon ... had no heir: for his wife, Alaire, was of the Vanyar and would not forsake Valinor'. On the page of jottings that concludes the abandoned later Tale of Tuor (see Unfinished Tales p. 56) a note which I did not include says that 'Alaire remained in Aman'. That this was the case because she was a Vanya is reminiscent of the story of Amarie, beloved of Felagund, who was a Vanya, 'and was not permitted to go with him into exile' (p. 44, $109). The typescript B as typed has Alaire, but on both A and B(ii), not on B(i), my father corrected (presumptively in 1970) the name to Anaire. The substitution of Elenwe in The Silmarillion was based on the Elvish genealogies of 1959 (see pp. 229, 350), where Anaire (defined as a Vanya 'who remained in Tuna') was later corrected to 'Elenwe who perished in the Ice'; on the same table at the same time Anaire was entered as the wife of Fingolfin, with the note that she 'remained in Aman'. In a note added to the typescript of the Annals of Aman (X.128, $163) my father said that in the crossing of the Helkaraxe 'Turgon's wife was lost and he had then only one daughter and no other heir. Turgon was nearly lost himself in attempts to rescue his wife - and he had less love for the Sons of Feanor than any other'; but Turgon's wife is not named. $13. In the telling of these tales... Golodhrim: A had Noldor, changed immediately to Golodrim (Golodhrim B). In this paragraph, and in $14, the name of Eol's son (see under $$9, 10 above) passed through these forms in A: Morleg (which has not occurred before) > Morlin > Glindur > Maeglin. $$14 ff. It came to pass that at the midsummer... Against the opening sentence in A my father later wrote the date 400 (cf. p. 48, $120). The original text, preserved unchanged in both copies of B, read here: And it came to pass that the Dwarves bade Eol to a feast in Nogrod, and he rode away. Then Maeglin went to his mother and said: 'Lady, let us depart while there is time! What hope is there in the wood for thee or for me? Here we are held in bondage, and no profit more shall I find in this place. For I have learned all that my father or the [Nornwaith >] Naugrim have to teach, or will reveal to me; and I would not for ever dwell in the dark woods with few servants, and those skilled only in smith-craft. Shall we not go to Gondolin? Be thou my guide, and I will be thy guard.' Then Isfin was glad, and looked with pride upon her son. 'That indeed I will do, and swiftly,' she said; 'and no fear shall I have upon the road with a guard so valiant.' Therefore they arose and departed in haste, as secretly as they might. But Eol returned, ere his time, and found them gone; and so great was his wrath that he followed after them, even by the light of day. (For Nornwaith, replaced by Naugrim, see p. 209.) At this point there are two earlier versions of the text in A, both struck through. The first reads: But Morleg had also mistrusted his father, and he took cunning counsel, and so he went not at once by the East Road, but rode first to Celegorm and found him in the hills south of Himring. And of Celegorm he got horses surpassing swift, and the promise of other aid. Then Morleg and Isfin passed over Aros and Esgalduin far to the north where they spilled from the highlands of Dorthonion, and turned then southward, and came to the East Road far to the west. But Celegorm and Curufin waylaid the East Road and its ford over Aros, and denied it to Eol, and though he escaped from them in the darkness he was long delayed. The next version reads: For his servants reported to him that they had fled to the fords of the East Road over Aros and Esgalduin. But they were two days ahead, and had taken the swiftest of his horses, and hard though he pursued them, he came never in sight of them, until they passed over the Brithiach and abandoned their horses. But there by ill fate he saw them even as they took the secret path, which lay in the course of the Dry River; and he followed them with great stealth, step by step, and came upon them even in the darkness of the great vault where the Guards of the Way kept watch unceasing. Thus he was taken, even as they, by the Guards It is interesting to see the intervention of Celegorm and Curufin in the story here, removed at once but reappearing many years later. On the page carrying these rejected passages there follow very rapidly pencilled notes outlining the further course of the story: After they entered he entered. Taken by guards. Claims to be Isfin's husband. Words to Turgon. Isfin acknowledges it. Turgon treats Eol with honour. Eol draws a bow and shoots at Morleg in the King's hall, saying that his own son shall not be filched. But Isfin sets herself in way and is wounded. While Eol is in prison Isfin dies of venom. Eol condemned to death. Taken to the precipice of Caragdar. Morleg stands by coldly. They hurl him over the precipice and all save Idril approve. After the rejection of the passages given above my father wrote a final version, beginning again at 'even by the light of day' on p. 324: even by the light of day; for his servants reported to him that they had ridden to the East Road and the ford over Aros. But they were two days ahead, and hard though he pursued them, and had the swiftest steed, he came never in sight of them, until they [came under the shadows of the Crisaegrim, and sought for the secret path >] reached the Brithiach, and abandoned their horses. The text then continues as in The Silmarillion $23 (paragraph beginning Then Eol rode off in haste...). The final text of A was preserved in the typescript B, and in neither the top copy nor the carbon did my father change it (except for 'a feast' > 'a midsummer feast' in the latter). From here onwards, in fact, there were no further emendations or annotations made to the carbon copy B(ii), and this text no longer concerns us. But in B(i) my father inserted into the typescript a long text on separate pages; and this appears to be the last piece of substantial narrative that he wrote on the Matter of the Elder Days - it cannot be earlier than 1970 (see p. 316). It begins at the words 'It came to pass that at the midsum- mer', and continues through the flight of Maeglin and Aredhel, Eol's pursuit, and the intervention of Curufin: The Silmarillion pp. 134-6, $$14-23, where it joins the original A text at 'until they reached the Brithiach, and abandoned their horses'. As has been seen '(p. 317) this story of Maeglin was not written to stand as an element in the Quenta Silmarillion; and the detail of the narrative in this very late interpolation was somewhat reduced in the published text, chiefly by the removal of all the precise timing and numbering of days and a return to the manner of the original simpler and more remote narrative. The chief omissions and consequent alterations are as follows. $14. and he rode away. Original text: 'and he rode away, though he thought it likely that in his absence Maeglin might seek to visit the sons of Feanor in spite of his counsels, and he secretly ordered his servants to keep close watch on his wife and son.' Therefore he said to Aredhel: 'Therefore when Eol had been gone some days Maeglin went to his mother and said, $$15-16. and telling the servants of Eol that they went to seek the sons of Feanor...: 'Therefore that night as secretly as they could they made provision for a journey, and they rode away at daybreak to the north-eaves of Nan Elmoth. There as they crossed the slender stream of Celon they spied a watchman, and Maeglin cried to him: "Tell your master that we go to visit our kin in Aglon." Then they rode on over the Himlad to the Fords of Aros, and then westward along the Fences of Doriath. But they had tarried overlong. For on the first night of the three days feast, as he slept, a dark shadow of ill foreboding visited Eol, and in the morning he forsook Nogrod without ceremony and rode homeward with all speed. Thus he returned some days earlier than Maeglin had expected, coming to Nan Elmoth at nightfall of the day after their flight. There he learned from his watchman that they had ridden north less than two days before and had passed into the Himlad, on their way to Aglon. 'Then so great was Eol's anger that he resolved to follow them at once; so staying only to take a fresh horse, the swiftest that he had, he rode away that night. But as he entered the Himlad he mastered his wrath...' Against Celon is written? Limhir (see under $7 above). $16. Curufin moreover was of perilous mood; but the scouts of Aglon had marked the riding of Maeglin and Aredhel...: 'Curufin was a man of perilous mood. So far they had left him [Eol] free to go his ways, but could if they wished confine him within the bounds of Nan Elmoth and cut him off from his friendship with Dwarves, of which Curufin was jealous. Things proved little better than he feared; for the scouts of Aglon...' And before Eol had ridden far ...: So ere Eol had ridden half the way over Himlad he was waylaid by well-armed horsemen, who forced him to go with them to their lord Curufin. They reached his camp about noon; and he greeted Eol with little courtesy.' $19. It is not two days since they passed over the Arossiach ...: 'Nearly two days ago they were seen to pass the Fords of Aros, and to ride swiftly westward.' For the name Arossiach introduced into the published text see p. 338, note 2. $22. to find a kinsman thus kindly at need: 'to find one's nephew so kindly at need.' On this alteration see $23 below. By the laws of the Eldar I may not slay you at this time: here there is a footnote in the original: 'Because the Eldar (which included the Sindar) were forbidden to slay one another in revenge for any griev- ance however great. Also at this time Eol had ridden towards Aglon with no ill intent, and it was not unjust that he should seek news of Aredel and Maeglin.' $23. for he perceived now that Maeglin and Aredhel were fleeing to Gondolin: 'For he saw now that he had been cheated, and that his wife and son were fleeing to Gondolin, and he had been delayed, so that it was now more than two days since they crossed the Fords.' This narrative is followed by various notes. One of these is a genealogical table: Miriel = Finwe = Indis Feanor Turgon, Arehel = Eol Curufin Maeglin To this is added: So Curufin was half-nephew of Turgon and Areal. Eol was uncle by marriage of Curufin, but that was denied as a forced marriage".' This genealogy is the basis for Eol's words cited under $22 above, 'to find one's nephew so kindly at need'; but it is of course entirely wrong. The correct genealogy is: Miriel = Finwe = Indis Feanor Fingolfin Curufin Turgon, Aredel = Eol Curufin was not Eol's nephew (through Aredel), but his cousin (by marriage). It is a strange error, one might say unprecedented, since it is not a mere casual slip. On another page is the following long, rapidly written, and remark- ably elaborate discussion of the motives of Celegorm and Curufin. The meeting between Eol and Curufin (if not too long an inter- ruption) is good, since it shows (as is desirable) Curufin, too often the villain (especially in the Tale of Tinuviel), in a better and more honourable light - though still one of dangerous mood and con- temptuous speech. Curufin of course knew well of Eol's hatred of the Noldor, and especially of Feanor and his sons, as 'usurpers' (though in this case unjust, since the lands occupied by the 5 sons had not been peopled before by the Sindar). Also he knew of Eol's friendship with the Dwarves of Nogrod (indeed Eol could not have journeyed alone across E. Beleriand to Nogrod unless allowed by the 5 sons), among whom he had tried with some success to stir up unfriendliness to the Noldor. Which was a grievance to the 5 sons, who had, before Eol's coming to Nan Elmoth, had much profit from the help of the Dwarves. Curufin also knew that Eol's wife was of the Noldor, indeed he had long known who she was, and now shrewdly guessed that she was [?seeking] to escape from her husband at last. Curufin could have slain Eol (as he greatly wished!) and no one beyond the few men with him at his camp (who would never have betrayed him) would ever have heard of it - or much mourned it. In Elmoth it would simply be learned that Eol had ridden in pursuit of Aredel and never come back, and there were perils enough upon the road to account for that. But this would have been in Eldarin law and sentiment murder; Eol came alone, on no errand of mischief at that time, but in distress. Also [he] had answered Curufin's contempt and insults soberly or indeed with courtesy (whether it were ironic or not). Also and more cogently he was one of the Eldar, and not so far as was known under any shadow of Morgoth - unless that vague one which afflicted many others of the Sindar (? due to whispers inspired by Morgoth) - jealousy of the Noldor. Which was dangerous (whatever the faults of their rebellion) since if Morgoth had not been followed by the Exiles, it seems clear that all the Sindar would soon have been destroyed or enslaved. An important point not made clear is Curufin and Celegorm's earlier action in the matter of Aredel. She had actually stayed with them, and made no secret of who she was - indeed they knew her well from of old. Why did they not send word to Gondolin? Her escort though valiant chiefs would seem to have been so bewildered and daunted by the horrors of the valleys west of Esgalduin that they had never reached the Bridge of Esgalduin or come near to Aglond. This makes it necessary, I think, not to name the most eminent and bravest chieftains (Glorfindel, Egalmoth, and Ecthe- lion) as her escort. The answer then to the above question is this: the perils of Dungorthin etc. were universally dreaded by the Eldar, and not least by the sons of Feanor, to him [read whom] refuge south- ward into Doriath was utterly closed. It had, of course, been expressly forbidden by Turgon that Aredel should go that way. Only her wilfulness had done this. Her escort plainly endured to the utmost of their strength the perils in their search, and so doubtless in fact aided her escape, by drawing to themselves the chief attention of the evil creatures. Now there had [been] since Gondolin was 'closed' no communication at all between the sons of Feanor and Turgon. It was known of course that any of these sons (or any fully accredited messengers) bearing tidings of Aredel would at once have been admitted. But Aredel had evidently told Curufin (and later Celegorm of whom she was most fond) enough of herself, to understand that she had escaped from Gondolin by her own will and was glad to dwell [with] them and be free. Now they could only get word to Gondolin by facing evil perils, which only her rescue from misery would have seemed to them sufficient reason. More- over while she was happy and at ease they delayed - believing that even if Turgon was informed he would only have demanded her return (since his permission to her to depart was void after her disobedience). But before they had made up their minds she was again lost, and it was a long time before they knew or even guessed what had become of her. This they did eventually when Aredel again began to visit the borders of Nan Elmoth, or stray beyond them. For they held a constant watch on Nan Elmoth, mistrusting the doings and goings of Eol, and their scouts espied her at times riding in the sunlight by the wood-eaves. But now it seemed too late [to] them; and they all [? read they thought that all] they would get for any peril would be the rebuke or wrath of Turgon. And this [they] wished in no way to receive. For they were now under a shadow of fear, and beginning to prepare for war again ere the strength of Thangorodrim became insuperable. In this piece there are major difficulties, and also some minor points to mention. (1) It is said that Curufin 'knew of Eol's friendship with the Dwarves of Nogrod': in the narrative Eol's visits were to Belegost, changed on B(ii) to 'Nogrod or Belegost' (see under $9 above), but already in A the feast to which he had gone at the time of the flight of his wife and son was held at Nogrod ($14). Elsewhere among these late 'Maeglin' writings it is said of Eol: 'Lately he had visited Nogrod often; he had become very friendly with the Dwarves of Nogrod, since those of Belegost to the north had become friends of Caranthir son of Feanor.' (2) The pass is here named Aglond, though in the interpolated narrative itself it is named Aglon; see p. 338, note 3. (3) For the naming of Aredhel's escort, here rejected, see under $4 above. (4) The reference to Dungorthin rather than Dungortheb is a casual reversion to the old and long-enduring name. (5) The five sons of Feanor are three times mentioned, but I cannot explain this. It does not seem credible that the Seven Sons of Feanor, so deeply rooted and so constantly recurring in the tradition, should become five by a mere slip of forgetfulness, as in the omission of Fingolfin from the genealogy (p. 327). By this time the story had entered that one of the twin brothers Damrod and Diriel, later Amrod and Amras, the youngest of Feanor's sons, died in the burning of the ships of the Teleri at Losgar, because he 'had returned to sleep in his ship': this was stated in a pencilled note on the typescript of the Annals of Aman (X.128, $162), although no consequential alteration to any text was ever made. Possibly my father had come to believe that both Amrod and Amras died in the burning ship. (6) Lastly, the concluding sentence of the discussion, concerning the preparation for war by Celegorm and Curufin, is surprising. The Siege of Angband ended very suddenly at midwinter of the year 455. Between the rout of Glaurung in 260 and the Battle of Sudden Flame there was (in the words of the Grey Annals, p. 46) 'the long peace of wellnigh two hundred years. In that time there was naught but affrays on the north-marches ...' It is true that in 402 (p. 49) there was 'fighting on the north-marches, more bitter than there had been since the routing of Glaurung; for the Orcs attempted to pierce the pass of Aglon'; while in 422 (p. 50) Fingolfin 'began to ponder an assault upon Angband', which came to nothing, because 'most of the Eldar were content with matters as they were and slow to begin an assault in which many must surely perish'. But Maeglin and Aredhel fled to Gondolin from Nan Elmoth in 400. There has nowhere been any indication that the sons of Feanor were beginning to prepare for war 55 years before the Dagor Bragollach, with which the Siege of Angband ended. For the remainder of the narrative there are very few alterations to the top copy B(i) of the typescript, and I notice only the following: $35. It was appointed that Eol should be brought...: at the end of the paragraph my father added: For the Eldar never used any poison, not even against their most cruel enemies, beast, ork, or man; and they were filled with shame and horror that Eol should have meditated this evil deed. From this point also the published text follows the original very closely, and the small amount of editorial alteration in no way affects the narrative. I have mentioned (p. 316) that in addition to the very late emen- dations and annotations, recorded above, made to the text of Maeglin there is also much further material from the same time. These writings are primarily concerned with the geography, times, and distances of the journeys on horseback, but they are complicated and confused, often repeating themselves with slight differences of calculation, and in part virtually illegible. They contain however many curious details about the geography and the ways taken by travellers in those regions. To set out this material in ordered form, treating it page by page and attempting to trace the development in sequence, is not possible, and if it were possible unnecessary. My father himself noted: 'These calcula- tions of times in Eol's journeys though interesting (and sufficient to establish their possibility) are not really necessary in the narrative - which seems credible as it stands even when faced by a map.' What follows is a discussion with some citation of what can be learned (and still more, of what can not be learned) of the roads in East Beleriand. The numbered notes are found on pp. 338-9. Associated with this material are rather pale photocopies of the North-east and South-east sections of the map. These photocopies were taken when the map had received almost all the alterations that were ever made to it,(1) and my father used the copies, not the original, to indicate features arising from his reconsideration and development of the story of Maeglin c.1970. Since the tracks are far more readily understood visually than by description, the redrawing of the North- east section (p. 183) is reproduced again on p. 331 with the alterations shown; the markings on the South-east section are few and easily understood from a description, and for these reference is made to the redrawing on p. 185. My father had stated in a note on the back of the original 'second map' (see V.272) that the scale is 50 miles to 3-2 cm, which is the length of the sides of the squares. On the back of one of these photo- copies, however, he wrote: 'The centimetre reckoning on the original map is unnecessary, clumsy, and inaccurate. Actually 2 squares of 1 25 [inches] each = 100 miles.... The scale is therefore 40 miles to an inch. 50 miles to 1 25 inches = one square.' Although he did not precisely say so here, it looks to me as if he made the original grid on the basis of inches, but subsequently interpreted it as if it were in centimetres. The East Road. In the original text of Maeglin (p. 319, $5) the march-wardens of Doriath said to Isfin that 'the speediest way is by the East Road from Brithiach through eastern Brethil, and so along the north-march of this Kingdom, until you pass Esgalduin and Aros, and so come to the woods behind the Hill of Himring', which was not altered when the corrections were made to the text long afterwards, except by changing 'Esgalduin and Aros' to 'the Bridge of Esgalduin and the Ford of Aros' on one copy. In $6, she 'sought' the 'road' between the Mountains of Terror and the north fences of Doriath, and in $7 'she held to the East Road, and crossed Esgalduin and Aros', changed on one copy to 'At last she found the East Road again...' In one of the rejected passages in the manuscript A given under $$14 ff on p. 324 it is said that 'Morleg [Maeglin] went not at once by the East Road, but rode first to Celegorm', while in the second rejected passage (ibid.) '[Eol's] servants reported to him that they had fled to the fords of the East Road over Aros and Esgalduin'; in the third form (p. 325) 'his servants reported to him that they had ridden to the East Road and the ford over Aros.' From all these passages it is clear that when he wrote the original text of Maeglin in 1951 my father conceived of an East - West road running from the ford of Brithiach between the Mountains of Terror and the northern borders of Doriath, and across the rivers Esgalduin and Aros; and the fact that the first of these passages was allowed to stand in both typescripts seems to show that he still retained this conception in 1970. The only difference seems to be the introduction of a bridge, rather than a ford, over Esgalduin. That this was certainly the case is seen from the following passage: Eol's house (in the middle of Elmoth) was about 15 miles from the northmost point of the wood beside Celon. From that point it was about 65 miles N.W. to the Ford of Aros.(2) At that time Curufin was dwelling at the S.E. corner of the Pass of Aglond (3) about 45 miles N.E. from the Ford of Aros. The Himlad (cool-plain) behind Aglond and Himring, between the northern courses of the Rivers Aros and Celon, he claimed as his land.(4) He and his people naturally kept watch on the Ford of Aros; but they did not prevent the few hardy travellers (Elves or Dwarves) that used the road West - East past the north fences of Doriath. (Beyond the Ford was an entirely unin- habited region between the mountains north [? read in the north,] Esgalduin and Aros and Doriath: not even birds came there. It was thus called Dor Dhinen the 'Silent Land'.)(5) Beyond the Aros (some 25 miles) lay the more formidable obstacle of the Esgalduin in which no fordable point was to be found. In the 'peaceful days' before the return of Morgoth and Ungoliant, when Doriath's north borders were the mountains of Fuin (not yet evil), the West - East road passed over the Esgalduin by a bridge outside the later fence of Melian. This stone-bridge, the Esgaliant or Iant Iaur (old bridge) was still in existence, and watched by the wardens of Doriath, but its use by Eldar was not hindered. It was necessary therefore to fugitives crossing Aros to turn S.W. to the bridge; From there they would keep as close as they could to the Fences of Doriath (if Thingol and Melian were not hostile to them). At the time of this story, though many evils lurked in the Mountains the chief peril lay in passing Nan Dungortheb from which clouds and darkness would creep down almost to the Fences. Turning to the photocopy of the map, Eol's house was marked in Nan Elmoth as shown in my redrawing (p. 331). A line in green ball- point pen connects his house to a point on the northern border of the wood beside the river; and from here a green dotted line (represented as a line of dashes in the redrawing) runs across the Himlad to the 'Fords of Aros', marked in red ball-point pen.(6) The green dots then run S.W. to the bridge over Esgalduin, this being labelled 'Bridge' simply (Esgaliant or Iant Iaur in the text just cited).(7) Beyond the Iant Iaur the green dots continue S.W. for a short way and then stop: they are not shown in relation to the List Melian (the Girdle of Melian). It is stated in a note on the photocopy map that this green line marks the 'track of Maeglin and his mother, fleeing to Gondolin'. In the light of the text just cited, it is also the line of the East - West road from the Ford of Aros to the Iant Iaur; but otherwise the course of the road is not represented. The dotted line along the edge of Neldoreth is named on the map List Melian, and does not mark a road. Westward this line was indeed extended beyond Mindeb to the Brithiach, but these dots were struck out (p. 188, $38); eastwards it was extended between Esgalduin and Aros, and then between Aros and Celon, and this seems to represent the continuation of the List Melian. On account of these obscurities I excluded from the text of the chapter Of Maeglin in The Silmarillion the references to the 'East Road' and rephrased the passages; but on the map accompanying the book I marked in its course. This seems now to have been the wrong thing to do in both cases: for there certainly was an East Road, but its course is unclear and its destination unknown. Beyond Aros going east there is no indication of where it went: it is said in the passage cited above that it and the bridge by which it passed over Esgalduin were ancient works deriving from the 'peaceful days' before the return of Morgoth: it was not a road made by the Noldor for communication between the western realms and the Feanorians. There is also no justification for marking it as turning S.E. after the Fords of Aros. Beyond Esgalduin going west it is said in this passage that travellers 'would keep as close as they could to the Fences of Doriath', which does not sound like the following of a beaten road. The Dwarf-roads. Equally obscure is the question of the Dwarf- roads in Eastern Beleriand. In the earliest Annals of Beleriand (AB 1, IV.332) it was said that the Dwarves had of old a road into the West that came up along Eredlindon to the East and passed westward in the passes south of Mount Dolm and down the course of the River Ascar and over Gelion at the ford Sarn Athrad and so to Aros.' This agrees exactly with the (revised) course of the road on the 'Eastward Extension' of the first Silmarillion map (see IV.231, 336). It is seen from the central (original) part of the first map that it crossed Celon and Aros west of Nan Elmoth (which of course did not at that time yet exist) and so ran in a W.S.W. direction to the Thousand Caves (between pp. 220 and 221 in Vol.IV). But the course of the ancient route of the Dwarves after the passage of Sarn Athrad was never marked in on the second map - unless the vague line described in the notes on the map, p. 190, $68, is correctly interpreted as the Dwarf- road. If that is so, then its course had been changed to cross Aros much further to the south, and then to run northwards through the Forest of Region to Menegroth. But better evidence is provided in the late Quenta Silmarillion chapter Of the Coming of Men into the West, pp. 218 - 19, where it is said that 'Marach ... came down the Dwarf-road and settled his people in the country to the south and east of the dwellings of Baran son of Beor': this was Estolad, 'the name ever after of the land east of Celon and south of Nan Elmoth'. On the disuse of the old Dwarf-road(s) into Beleriand after the coming of the Noldor see p. 121, commentary on GA $114. It was said already in the original text of Maeglin (p. 321, $9) that 'the traffic of the Dwarves followed two roads, the northern of which, going towards Himring, passed nigh Nan Elmoth'. This was not altered in the late work on Maeglin; and on the primary map (already present when the photocopy was made) a line of faintly pencilled dots marked 'north road of Dwarves' (see p. 189, $50) runs E.S.E. from near Nan Elmoth, crosses Gelion some way south of the confluence of its arms, and then turns southward, running more or less parallel to the river. There is no trace of its course west or north of Nan Elmoth, and it is impossible to be sure whether any further continuation southwards or eastwards is marked beyond the point where it ends in my redrawing (p. 183). The Maeglin papers do not resolve the course of this 'north road of the Dwarves', because (although all obviously belong to the same time) they evidently represent different conceptions. (i) Writing of Eol's journey to Nogrod, my father said: From Elmoth to Gelion the land was, north of the Andram and the Falls below the last Ford over Gelion (8)(just above the inflow of the River Ascar from the Mountains), mostly rolling plain, with large regions of big trees without thickets. There were several beaten tracks made originally by Dwarves from Belegost and Nogrod, the best (most used and widest) being from the Little Ford past the north of Elmoth and to the Ford of Aros, it crossed the Bridge of Esgalduin but went no further for, if the Dwarves wished to visit Menegroth This text then becomes altogether illegible. At the mention of 'the last Ford over Gelion' he added a note that the name Sarn Athrad of this ford must be changed to Harathrad 'South Ford', 'in contrast to the much used northern ford where the river was not yet very swift or deep, nearly due east of Eol's house (72 miles distant)'; and against Harathrad here he wrote Athrad Daer ( the Great Ford ).(9) The implication seems to be that Eol crossed Gelion at the northern ford, but this is not actually stated. There are two alterations to the photocopies of the map that relate to what is said here. One is the marking of a crossing over Gelion on square E 13 (p. 331), just above the point where the dotted line 'north road of Dwarves' crosses the river on the primary map, but without any track leading to this crossing. The other is at the ford of Sarn Athrad on the South-east section (p. 185), where on the photocopy my father wrote the name anew over the existing name, circled it, and wrote beside it Harathrad. Beyond this nothing can be said of the north road of the Dwarves, and there is no indication in map or text of where, or indeed whether, it joined the 'south road'. It is indeed very puzzling that this northerly road, which in the text of Maeglin is said to have gone 'towards Himring' (as is to be expected: leading to territories of the Sons of Feanor), is in the citation (i) just given said to pass the Ford of Aros and the Bridge of Esgalduin: for these crossings were on the East Road to the Brithiach (pp. 332 - 3). And apart from this, why should this road turn westward, and why should it go no further than the Bridge of Esgalduin? (ii) On another page my father said that the journey from Eol's house to Nan Elmoth in the direction of Nogrod was. through wilds (but not generally in difficult country for horses) without any made roads, but along a beaten track made by Dwarvish traders to the Sarn Athrad (the last point where the River Gelion could be crossed) meeting the Dwarf-road up to and through the high pass in the mountains leading to Nogrod. Here there is no mention of the northern ford, or indeed of the northern road; and it seems to be implied that Eol would necessarily cross at Sarn Athrad (still so called, not Harathrad); moreover it is said that Eol riding from Nan Elmoth to Nogrod took 'a beaten track made by Dwarvish traders' to Sarn Athrad that met the Dwarf-road up to the high pass. In addition to the green dotted line entered on the photocopy of the map and stated to be the track of Maeglin and Aredhel fleeing from Nan Elmoth (p. 333), lines of red dots (represented on my redrawing as lines of closely-spaced dots) run from Nan Elmoth to the Ford of Aros, and also south-east from Nan Elmoth (p. 331). On the South- east section in the photocopy (see the redrawing of the primary map on p. 185) this red dotted line continues straight on across square G 13 to Sarn Athrad, and then coincides with the Dwarf-road up into the mountains, already present on the primary map. There is no note on the photocopy to explain what these lines represent, but there can be no doubt that they mark the journeys of Eol (even though the dots continue all the way to the Ford of Aros, whereas he was arrested in his pursuit of Maeglin and Aredhel by the riders of Curufin 'ere he had ridden half the way over Himlad', p. 326, $16). Thus the line running from Nan Elmoth to Sarn Athrad clearly corresponds to what is said in citation (ii). The absence of any really clear and full statement - indeed the suggestion that my father's ideas on the subject had not reached any stability, and the extreme doubtfulness of some of the markings on the map, led me to omit the course of the Dwarf-roads on the published map. Apart from the matter of roads, there are some notes on names in these papers that show my father's dissatisfaction with old names already seen in the cases of Isfin and Eol (pp. 317, 320): here those in question are Gelion and Celon (cf. his note on the primary map, p. 191, where he said that 'these river-names need revision to etymologizable words').(10) In notes in different places he proposed (in sequence) Gelduin, Gevilon, Gevelon, and also Duin Daer (cf. Duin Dhaer in the note on the primary map just referred to); Gevelon is derived from Dwarvish Gabilan 'great river'. On the back of one of the photocopies of the map he wrote: The land east of it [the river] is Thorewilan [the a is underlined]. The Dwarvish name was also often translated Duin Daer. The name Gabilan was by the Dwarves given only to the River south of the Falls where (after the junction of the River with the Asgar coming from the Mountains) it became swift and was steadily increased in volume by the inflow of five more tributaries. The name Thargelion on the primary map was changed to Thargelian (with the a underlined: p. 331): the latter form has appeared in emendations to the typescripts of Maeglin (p. 320). The form Asgar appeared in the 1930s (beside Ascar), see IV.209; cf. the Etymologies, V..386, stem SKAR: 'N[oldorin] asgar, ascar violent, rushing, impetu- ous'. The substitution of the name Limhir for Celon has appeared as a proposal in one of the typescripts of Maeglin (p. 320), and among the 'geographical' papers is the following note: Celon is too hackneyed a river-name. Limhir (the clear / sparkling river) - repeated in L.R. as were not unnaturally other names from Beleriand - is more suitable for the river, a tributary of the Aros and a clear slender stream coming down from the Hill of Himring. The name Limhir does not occur in The Lord of the Rings, unless my father was referring to the Limlight, of which he said in Guide to the Names in The Lord of the Rings (A Tolkien Compass, ed. Lobdell, p. 188): 'The spelling -light indicates that this is a Common Speech name; but leave the obscured element lim- unchanged and translate -light: the adjective light here means "bright, clear".' Lastly, it remains to mention the etymology of Maeglin found among these papers. mik pierce: *mikra sharp-pointed (Q mixa, S *megr): strong adjective' maika sharp, penetrating, going deep in - often in transferred sense (as Q hendumaika sharp-eye, S maegheneb > maecheneb). glim gleam, glint (usually of fine slender but bright shafts of light}. Particularly applied to light of eyes; not Q. S glintha- glance (at), glinn. From these two is derived the name Maeglin, since Maeglin had, even more than his father, very bright eyes, and was both physically very keen-sighted and mentally very penetrant, and quick to interpret the looks and gestures of people, and perceive their thoughts and purposes. The name was only given to him in boyhood, when these characteristics were recognized. His father till then was contented to call him Ion, son. (His mother secretly gave him a N. Quenya name Lomion 'son of twilight'; and taught Maeglin the Quenya tongue, though Eol had forbidden it.) This development of the story of Maeglin from the form in which he had written it twenty years before seems to have been the last concentrated work that my father did on the actual narratives of the Elder Days. Why he should have turned to this legend in particular I do not know; but one sees, in his minute consideration of the possibilities of the story, from the motives of the actors to the detail of the terrain, of roads, of the speed and endurance of riders, how the focus of his vision of the old tales had changed. NOTES. 1. The words 'read (71) Dor-na-Daerachas' were added to the primary map later: see p. 187, $30, and note 6 below. 2. In another passage among these papers the Ford(s) of Aros are called Arossiach; this name was adopted on the map accompany- ing The Silmarillion and introduced into the text. 3. The text has 'at the S.W. corner', but this was a slip of the pen. It is stated elsewhere in these papers that the dwelling of Curufin and Celegorm was on a low hill at the S.E. corner of the Pass of Aglond, and on the photocopy map Curufin is marked with a circle on the most westerly of the lower heights about the Hill of Himring (p. 331, square D 11). - The form Aglond occurs in the discussion of the motives of Celegorm and Curufin (p. 328), beside Aglon in the interpolated narrative of Eol's encounter with Curufin. On the map the name is written Aglon(d, which I retained on my redrawing (V.409) of the map as first made and lettered, in the belief that the variant lond was an original element. Although it looks to be so, it may be that the (d was added much later. 4. My father noted here: 'In spite of what Eol said, it had in fact not been inhabited by Sindar before the coming of the Noldor'; and also that the name 'cool-plain' derived from the fact that 'it was higher in its middle part and felt often the chill northern airs through Aglon. It had no trees except in its southern part near the rivers.' In another place it is said that 'Himlad rose to a swelling highland at its centre (some 300 feet high at its flat top)'. 5. For the first mention of Dor Dinen (so spelt, as also on the map, not Dor Dhinen) see p. 194. 6. The primary map had no crossing marked on the Aros when the photocopy was made. The word Ford was put in after, or at the same time as, Fords of Aros was entered on the photocopy. 7. The name Iant Iaur was adopted from this text in The Silmaril- lion, both on the map and in a mention of 'the stone bridge of Iant Iaur' in Chapter 14, Of Beleriand and its Realms, p. 121 (for the original passage see p. 194). 8. The falls in Gelion below Sarn Athrad have not been referred to before, and indeed in QS Chapter 9 Of Beleriand and its Realms (V.262-3, $113; The Silmarillion p. 122) their existence is denied: 'Gelion had neither fall nor rapids throughout his course'. 9. On another page the following names are proposed as replace- ments for Sarn Athrad: 'Athrad i-Nogoth [> Negyth] or Athrad Dhaer, "Ford of the Dwarves" or "Great Ford" '. 10. The fact that the note on the primary map (p. 191) saying that the names Celon and Gelion need to be changed bears (like the addition of Dor-na-Daerachas, p. 187, $30) the number '71', clearly meaning the year 1971, suggests that all the late work on Maeglin belongs to that year. My father died two years later. IV. OF THE ENTS AND THE EAGLES. This brief text belongs to the late, or last, period of my father's work, and must be dated at the earliest to 1958-9, but may well be later than that. The original draft is extant, a manuscript on two sides of a single sheet, written at great speed with very little correction in a script that is just legible. It is titled Anaxartamel. This was followed by a text made on my father's later typewriter (see X.300) that expanded the first draft, but from which scarcely anything of any significance in that draft was excluded. It bears no title. In the published Silmarillion it was used to form the second part of Chapter 2 Of Aule and Yavanna, pp. 44-6, beginning at the words 'Now when Aule laboured in the making of the Dwarves...' This was of course a purely editorial combination. The published text followed the typescript with very little deviation, except in the matter of 'thou' and 'you' forms, about which my father was initially uncertain, as he was also in the text concerning Aule and the Dwarves which forms the first part of the chapter in the published Silmarillion (see p. 210). In the manuscript draft he used 'you' throughout; in the typescript he used both 'you' and 'thy, hast' in the opening paragraphs, but then 'you, your' exclusively, subsequently correcting the inconsistencies. As in the first part of the chapter 'thou, thee, thy' forms were adopted in the published work. There are two amanuensis typescripts, independent of each other, taken from the typescript after all corrections had been made. They have no textual value, except that on one of them my father pencilled the title Of the Ents and the Eagles, and on the other the title Anaxartaron Onyalie. NOTES. In these notes, which are largely confined to differences of reading, the original draft is called A, the typescript B, and the published text S. When Yavanna went to Manwe (p. 45) 'she did not betray the counsel of Aule': the meaning of this is that Yavanna did not reveal anything to Manwe of the making of the Dwarves; in the first part of the chapter (p. 43) 'fearing that the other Valar might blame his work, he wrought in secret', and the intervention of Iluvatar (who 'knew what was done') was directly to Aule. The word betray in S is an editorial alteration of bewray in A and B. 'But the kelvar can flee or defend themselves, whereas the olvar that grow cannot' (p. 45): in B there is a marginal note against kelvar, 'animals, all living things that move', which was omitted in S. In A these words were not used, but a blank space was left where kelvar stands in B. Immediately following this, A has: Long in the growing, swift in the felling, and unless they pay toll with fruit upon the bough little mourned at the ending, as even among the Valar I have seen'; in B the last phrase became 'as I have seen even among the Maiar in Middle-earth', but this was at once rejected. The final text of the passage is as in S. In Yavanna's following words beginning 'I lifted up the branches of great trees...' B has 'and some sang to Eru amid the wind and the rain and the glitter of the Sun'; the last words were omitted in S on account of the implication that the Sun existed from the beginning of Arda. In the passage describing Manwe's experience of the renewal of the Vision of the Ainur (p. 46; entirely lacking in A) the text of B as typed read: 'but it was not now remote, for he was himself in the midst, and yet he saw that all was upheld by the hand of Eru and that too was within', subsequently changed to the reading of S (in which Eru > Iluvatar). In the words of Eru recounted by Manwe to Yavanna on Ezellohar the sentence 'For a time: while the Firstborn are in their power, and while the Secondborn are young' was bracketed for exclusion in B, but was retained in S. In Manwe's last speech, 'In the mountains the Eagles shall house, and hear the voices of those who call upon us' was first written in B: '... and hear the voices of those who call upon me, and of those who gainsay me.' At the end of a draft letter dated September 1963, of which a passage is cited on p. 353, my father added in a very rough note (given in Letters p. 335): No one knew whence they (Ents) came or first appeared. The High Elves said that the Valar did not mention them in the 'Music'. But some (Galadriel) were [of the) opinion that when Yavanna dis- covered the mercy of Eru to Aule in the matter of the Dwarves, she besought Eru (through Manwe) asking him to give life to things made of living things not stone, and that the Ents were either souls sent to inhabit trees, or else that slowly took the likeness of trees owing to their inborn love of trees. With the words 'the Ents were either souls sent to inhabit trees' cf. the words of Eru in the text (p. 46): 'When the Children awake, then the thought of Yavanna will awake also, and it will summon spirits from afar, and they will go among the kelvar and the olvar, and some will dwell therein ...' It seems likely enough that the note on the draft letter and the writing of Anaxartaron Onyalie belong to much the same time. V. THE TALE OF YEARS. The Tale of Years was an evolving work that accompanied successive stages in the development of the Annals. I have given it no place hitherto in The History of Middle-earth (but see X.49), because its value to the narrative of the Elder Days is very small until towards the end of the later (post-Lord of the Rings) version, when it becomes a document of importance; but here some very brief account of it must be given. The earliest form is a manuscript with this title that sets out in very concise form the major events of the Elder Days. The dates throughout are in all but perfect accord with those given in the pre-Lord of the Rings texts 'The Later Annals of Valinor' and 'The Later Annals of Beleriand' (AV 2 and AB 2). Since this Tale of Years was obviously written as an accompaniment to and at the same time as those versions of the Annals, adding nothing to them, I did not include it in Volume V. Much later a new version of The Tale of Years was made, and this alone will concern us here. It very clearly belongs with the major work on the Annals carried out in 1951( - 2), issuing in the last versions, the Annals of Aman and the Grey Annals. My father subsequently made a typescript text of it, but this obviously belongs to the same period. The manuscript of this version as originally written was a very good clear text, but it was heavily corrected, interpolated, and rewritten in many stages; and since it was my father's working chronology during that period the dates, more especially in the first or Valinorean part, were changed so often, with bewildering movements back and forth, as to make the evolution of the chronology extremely difficult to understand. The important point, so far as the Valinorean part is concerned, is that the dates in the manuscript of The Tale of Years as originally written were essentially the same as those in the Annals of Aman as originally written; while modification to that chronology went together step by step in the two texts. In the case of AAm I noted (X.47 - 8) that with so many alterations to the dates it was impractic- able to do more than give the final chronology, and in the case of The Tale of Years the evolution is even more complex. In the result, the latter work is of very little independent value in this part; there are however a small number of matters that should be recorded. In the manuscript as it was originally written the Elder Days began with the Awakening of the Elves: Here begin the Elder Days, or the First Age of the Children of Iluvatar -, but the Elder Days was struck out and does not appear in the typescript. Further on in The Tale of Years there is recorded a difference in application of the term 'Elder Days' in respect of their ending (a difference not, to my knowledge, found elsewhere): after the entry for V.Y.1500 'Fingolfin and Inglor cross the Straits of Ice' (this being the date in the Grey Annals, p. 29) it is said in the manuscript: Here end the Elder Days with the new reckoning of time, according to some. But most lore-masters give that name also to the years of the war with Morgoth until his overthrow and casting forth. So far did Quennar Onotimo compile this count and compute the years. Here follows the continuation which Pengolod made in Eressea. In the typescript text this was retained, but with this difference: 'Here end the Elder Days, with the new reckoning of Time, according to the Lore-masters of Valinor. But the Lore-masters of the Noldor give that name also to the years of the war with Morgoth...' Quennar Onotimo appears in the Annals of Aman (see X.49), where he is cited as the source for the passage on the reckoning of time. This passage was marked for transference to The Tale of Years, and appears in manuscript pages (one of which is reproduced as the frontispiece to Vol.X, Morgoth's Ring) of a new opening of the work written in forms so splendid that it is not surprising that it did not proceed very far. The authorship of the Annals underwent many changes. In the earliest Annals of Valinor (AV 1, IV.263) Pengolod is named as the author, and also of the Annals of Beleriand (AB 1), but the conception soon entered that Rumil was the author of the first part of AV and that the work was only completed by Pengolod: in AV 2 Rumil's part ends with the return to Valinor of those Noldor, led by Finrod (Finarfin), who did not continue the northward journey after the Doom of Mandos (see V.116, 123). In the first form of the opening of the Annals of Aman (X.48) it is said that they 'were written by Quennar i Onotimo, who learned much, and borrowed much also, from Rumil; but they were enlarged by Pengolod'. In the second version of the opening, however, Rumil alone is named: 'Here begin the Annals of Aman, which Rumil made'. In the fine manuscript pages of the opening of The Tale of Years referred to above there is no ascription of authorship (apart from the naming of Quennar Onotimo as the author of the passage on the reckoning of time). A few points of content in this part remain to be mentioned. In the entry for 1125 (cf. X.83) the manuscript reads: 'The foremost of the Eldar reach Beleriand. They are filled with a great fear of the Sea and for long refuse to go further. Orome departs to Valinor to seek counsel.' This was not emended, but in the typescript this entry appears in its place: 'The foremost of the Eldar reach the coastlands of Middle-earth and that country which was after named Eglador. Thereof Beleriand was the larger part.' This is apparently to be related to one of the entries Eglador added to the map: see p. 186, $14; but the concluding phrase is mysterious. In this connection, the entry for the year 1150 reads thus in the manuscript: 'The Teleri of Olwe's host at length also depart over Sea. The friends of Elwe remain behind: these are the Eglath, the Forsaken, or the Sindar (the Grey-elves).' The form Eglath is found in the annal for this year in AAm (X.85); but on the manuscript of The Tale of Years it was emended subsequently to Eglim, while in the typescript the form is Eglir: it seems that neither of these occur elsewhere (see pp. 365, 379). Lastly, the entry for 1497 begins with the words 'Morgoth 'from a new stronghold at Angband assails the Grey-elves of Beleriand.' At this stage the story was still that Angband was built on the ruins of Utumno (see GA $35 and commentary, pp. 15, 111). My father pencilled on the typescript (referring to the interval since Morgoth's return from Valinor in 1495): 'Too small a time for Morgoth to build Angband', and also 'Time too small, should be 10 at least or 20 Valian Years'. This would have required substantial modification of the chronology; and it seems conceivable that this consideration was a factor in the emergence of the later story that Utumno and Angband were distinct fortresses in different regions, both built by Morgoth in ancient days (X.156, $12). Of the latter or Beleriandic part of The Tale of Years there is little to say until the last entries are reached. The chronology agrees closely with that of the Grey Annals, including the revised stories of the origins of Gondolin and of Eol, and the brief entries (agreeing with GA in such names as Galion for Galdor and Glindur for Maeglin) add nothing to the major text. There is in fact only one point that need be noticed: in the entry for 495 my father added to the manuscript 'Tuor leaves Dorlomin, dwells a year at Falasquil.' The last five words were subsequently struck out. Falasquil was the name of the cove in the sea-coast where Tuor dwelt for a while in the tale of The Fall of Gondolin (II.152); and it was written also onto the map (see p. 181, $5). It seems quite likely that both these additions were made at the time when my father was writing the later Tale of Tuor, and had been rereading the old tale (as he clearly did, II.203); but Falasquil does not appear in the later Tuor. Subsequent very cursory emendation of the typescript brought in the radically changed legend of the Coming of the Edain, revision of names to later forms, and additions to the story of Turin. But from the point where the Grey Annals were abandoned The Tale of Years becomes a major source for the end of the Elder Days, and indeed in almost all respects the only source deriving from the time following the completion of The Lord of the Rings, woefully inadequate as it is. As the manuscript was originally made (in which condition I will distinguish it as 'A') the entries from 500 to the end, very brief, followed the first (pre-Lord of the Rings) version of The Tale of Years (see p. 342) closely: my father clearly had that in front of him, and did no more than make a fair copy with fuller entries, introducing virtually no new matter or dates not found in AB 2 (V.141 - 4). It will make things clearer, however, to give the text of the entries for those years as they were first written. 500. Birth of Earendil in Gondolin. 501. Making of the Naugla-mir. Thingol quarrels with the Dwarves. 502. The Dwarves invade Doriath. Thingol is slain and his realm ended. Melian returns to Valinor. Beren destroys the Dwarf- host at Rath-loriel. 506. The Second Kin-slaying. 507. The Fall of Gondolin. Death of King Turgon. 508. The gathering of the remnants of the Elves at the Mouths of Sirion is begun. 524. Tuor and Idril depart over Sea. 525. The voyages of Earendil begun. 529. The Third and Last Kin-slaying. 533. Earendil comes to Valinor. 540. The last free Elves and remnants of the Fathers of Men are driven out of Beleriand and take refuge in the Isle of Balar. 547. The host of the Valar comes up out of the West. Fionwe son of Manwe lands in Beleriand with great power. 550-597. The last war of the Elder Days, and the Great Battle, is begun. In this war Beleriand is broken and destroyed. Morgoth is at last utterly overcome, and Angband is un- roofed and unmade. Morgoth is bound, and the last two Silmarils are regained. 597. Maidros and Maglor, last surviving sons of Feanor, seize the Silmarils. Maidros perishes. The Silmarils are lost in fire and sea. 600. The Elves and the Fathers of Men depart from Middle-earth and pass over Sea. Here ends the First Age of the Children of Iluvatar. The only points of any significance in which this differs from what was said in AB 2 or the original version of The Tale of Years that accompanied it are the additions in the entry 540 of the statement that when 'the last free Elves' took refuge in the Isle of Balar they were accompanied by 'remnants of the Fathers of Men', and in the entry 600 that the Fathers of Men departed from Middle-earth with the Elves and passed over the Sea. In the next stage, which I will call 'B', many corrections and interpolations and alterations of date were made to A; I give here the text in this form, so far as is necessary. 501. Return of Hurin. 502. After seven years' service Tuor weds Idril of Gondolin. Making of the Naugla-mir. Thingol quarrels with the Dwarves. 503. Birth of Earendil in Gondolin. The Dwarves invade Doriath. Thingol is slain and his realm ended. Melian takes Nauglamir to Beren and Luthien and then returns to Valinor. Celegorm and Curufin destroy the Dwarf-host at Sarn-athrad in Rath-loriel; and are wroth to find the Silmaril not there. Dior goes to Doriath. 505. (Spring) Second death of Beren, and Luthien dies also. Dior Thingol's heir wears Silmaril [struck out: and returns to Doriath]. 509 (Spring) Second Kinslaying. Last warning of Ulmo to Gondo- lin. 510. The fall of Gondolin at Midsummer. Death of King Turgon. 511. The gathering of the remnants of the Elves at the Mouths of Sirion is begun. In the remaining entries some of the dates were altered but very few changes were made to the content; the text of A need not therefore be repeated. 533. The date of Earendil's coming to Valinor was changed several times, apparently > 536 > 540 > 542. 547. The coming of the host of the Valar was moved to 545. 550-597. The dates of 'the last war of the Elder Days' were changed to 545-587, and after the last words of the original entry the following was added: 'Ancalagon is cast down by Earendil and all save two of the Dragons are destroyed.' 597. This entry was changed to 587. 600. This final entry was changed to 590, and the following was added to it: 'Morgoth is thrust from Arda into the Outer Dark.' 'Here ends the First Age of the Children of Iluvatar' was changed to: 'Here end the Elder Days with the passing of Melkor, according to the reckoning of most lore-masters; here ends also the First Age...' The hastily made alterations and additions to the entry 503 (502 in A) introduced major new turns into the story as it had been told in all the versions: the tale of The Nauglafring (II.238), the Sketch of the Mythology (IV.33), the Quenta (IV.134), and AB 2 (V.141). There it was Beren, after his return from the dead, who with his host of Elves ambushed the Dwarves at Sarn-athrad, and took from them the Nauglamir in which was set the Silmaril; now it becomes Celegorm and Curufin who fought the battle at Sarn-athrad - but the Silmaril was not there, because Melian had taken it from Menegroth to Beren and Luthien in Ossiriand. In the old tale, Gwendelin (Melian), coming to the Land of the Dead that Live after the battle, was wrathful when she saw Luthien wearing the Necklace of the Dwarves, since it was made of accursed gold, and the Silmaril itself was unhallowed from its having been set in Morgoth's crown; while in the Sketch (probably) and in the Quenta (explicitly) it was Melian who told Beren of the approach of the Dwarves coming from Doriath and enabled the ambush to be prepared (her warning afterwards, when the Necklace of the Dwarves had been recovered, against the Silmaril being retained). The entrance of Celegorm and Curufin into the story seems to have arisen in the act of emending the text; for my father first added to the original entry ('Beren destroys the Dwarf-host at Rath-loriel') the words 'and is wounded in battle', referring to Beren (cf. the Tale, II.237: 'Beren got many hurts'). He then at once changed 'Beren destroys' to 'Celegorm and Curufin destroy' and 'is wounded in battle' to 'are wroth to find the Silmaril not there'. In the original entry in A 'at Rath-loriel' was just a slip for 'in'; but the replacement 'at Sarn-athrad in Rath-loriel' is strange, for Sarn- athrad was not a ford over that river (Ascar) but over Gelion, and so remained in the latest writing, though the name was changed (see p. 335). In 505, the striking out of Dior's return to Doriath preceded its inclusion under 503. There has never been any mention of a further warning of Ulmo (509) since the coming of Tuor to Gondolin. On the addition in 545 - 587 concerning Ancalagon see V.329, $18; and with the reference to the end of the Elder Days 'according to the reckoning of most lore-masters' cf. p. 343. The third stage was the striking out of the whole manuscript from the year 400 almost to the end, and its replacement by a new version ('C'), which I give here for the same period, from the return of Hurin from Angband: this is a clear text with some later changes to the dates (changes which largely return the dates to those in B). 501. Return of Hurin from captivity. He goes to Nargothrond and seizes the treasure of Glaurung. 502. Making of the Nauglamir. Thingol quarrels with the Dwarves. 503. The Dwarves of Belegost and Nogrod invade Doriath. Thingol is slain, and his realm ended. The Dwarves carry off the Dragon-gold, but Melian escaped and carried off the Nauglamir and the Silmaril, and brought it to Beren and Luthien. Then she returned to Valinor; but Luthien wore the Silmaril. Now Curufin and Celegorm hearing of the sack of Menegroth ambushed the Dwarves at the fords of Ascar and defeated them; but the Dwarves cast the gold into the river, which was after named Rathloriel. Great was the chagrin of the Sons of Feanor to discover that the Silmaril was not with the Dwarves; but they dared not assail Luthien. Dior goes to Doriath and endeavours to reestablish the realm. 504 [> 502]. Tuor wedded Idril Celebrindal Turgon's daughter of Gondolin. 505 [> 503]. Birth of Earendil Half-elven in Gondolin (Spring). Here a messenger brought the Silmaril by night to Dior in Doriath, and he wore it; and by its power Doriath revived for a while. But it is believed that in this year Luthien and Beren passed away, for they were never heard of again on earth: mayhap the Silmaril hastened their end, for the flame of the beauty of Luthien as she wore it was too bright for mortal lands. 511 [> 509]. The Second Kinslaying. The Sons of Feanor assail[ed] Dior, and he was slain; slain also were Celegorm and Curufin and Cranthir. Eldun and Elrun sons of Dior were left in the woods to starve. Elwing escaped and came with the Silmaril to the Mouths of Sirion. Ulmo sends a last warning to Gondolin, which now alone is left; but Turgon will have no alliance with any after the kinslaying of Doriath. Maeglin Eol's son, sister-son of Turgon, was taken in the hills, and betrayed Gondolin to Morgoth. 512 [> 510]. The Fall of Gondolin. Death of King Turgon. 513 [> 511]. Tuor and Idril bring Earendil and the remnant of Gondolin to the Mouths of Sirion. 527 [> 530]. Earendil weds Elwing. Unquiet of Ulmo comes upon Tuor. Tuor and Idril depart over Sea, and are heard of no more on earth. 528 [> 530 > 534]. Voyages of Earendil begin. [Added entry:] 528 [> 532] Elros and Elrond twin sons of Earendil born. 532 [> 534 > 538]. The Third and Last Kinslaying. The Havens of Sirion destroyed and Elros and Elrond sons of Earendel taken captive, but are fostered with care by Maidros. Elwing carries away the Silmaril, and comes to Earendel [> Earendil] in the likeness of a bird. 536 [> 540 > 542]. Earendil comes to Valinor. Here the replacement text C comes to an end. In the entries 400-499 in C (not given here) this text is so close in every date and detail of narrative to the Grey Annals as to be scarcely an independent document; and The Tale of Years was beginning to turn in on itself, so to speak, and to become 'Annals' again. In the entries given above, where we reach narrative not treated in GA and where AB 2 is otherwise the latest source, it is much to be regretted that my father did not allow this tendency even fuller scope, and did not extend into a more substantial narrative of Celegorm and Curufin at Sarn Athrad, the revival of Doriath, and the Second Kinslaying. I add a few notes on particular points. 503. The ford at which the Dwarves were ambushed, not now itself named, is still over Ascar, not Gelion (see p. 347). The statement that the Dwarves 'cast the gold into the river' is at variance with the story told in the Sketch and the Quenta (where this was done by Beren and the Green-elves), and was perhaps a conscious return to the tale of The Nauglafring (II.237), in which the gold fell into the river with the bodies of the Dwarves who bore it, or else was cast into the water by Dwarves seeking to reach the banks. 505 With the changed dating of this entry the whole narrative of the invasion of Doriath, the battle at the ford, the coming of Dior to Doriath, the deaths of Beren and Luthien, and the bringing of the Silmaril to Dior, is comprised within the single year 503. - The brief revival of Doriath under Dior has not before been associated with the Silmaril; cf. what is said of its presence at the Havens of Sirion (pp. 351, 354). On the probable association of the Silmaril with the deaths of Beren and Luthien (though of an entirely different nature from that suggested here) see IV.63, 190. 511. On the fate of Dior's sons cf. AB 2 (V.142), where it is told that they 'were taken captive by the evil men of Maidros' following, and they were left to starve in the woods; but Maidros lamented the cruel deed, and sought unavailingly for them.' - It seems possible that 'Turgon will have no alliance with any' was intended to be 'no alliance with any son of Feanor'; cf. the Quenta (IV.140): 'Tidings Turgon heard of Thorndor concerning the slaying of Dior, Thingol's heir, and thereafter he shut his ear to word of the woes without; and he vowed to march never at the side of any son of Feanor.' 528 (added entry) On the statement that Elros and Elrond were twins see V.152. It is stated in The Line of Elros (Unfinished Tales p. 218) that Elros was born 58 years before the Second Age began: this agrees with the changed date here (532) and the end of the First Age in 590 (p. 346). Finally, we come to stage 'D', the typescript of The Tale of Years; but before turning to the entries beginning with the return of Hurin there are two pencilled entries on the typescript at a slightly earlier point which must be noticed: 497. Dior weds of the Green-elves > Dior weds Nimloth. 500. Birth of the twin sons of Dior, Elrun and Eldun. In connection with the first of these, there is an isolated note (it was written in fact on the back of the single page concerning the Dragon-helm of Dorlomin referred to on pp. 140, 143): Dior born (in Tol Galen?) c.470. He appears in Doriath after its ruin, and is welcomed by Melian with his wife Elulin of Ossiriand. On this note see p. 353, year 504. The fourth letter of Elulin is not perfectly certain. - In addition, the name of Dior's wife is also given as Lindis: see pp. 351, 353. The name Nimloth was adopted in the published Silmarillion (see p. 234, where she is said to be 'kinswoman of Celeborn') on account of its appearance in the series of Elvish genealogies which can be dated to December 1959 (p. 229). This table gives the descendants of Elwe (Thingol) and of his younger brother Elmo, of whom it is said that he was 'beloved of Elwe with whom he remained.' On one side of the table (descent from Elwe) the wife of Dior Eluchil (Thingol's heir) is Nimloth 'sister of Celeborn'. Similarly on the other side, Elmo's son j is Galahon, and Galahon has two sons, Galathil and Celeborn 'prince of Doriath', and a daughter Nimloth, wife of Dior Eluchil. But on the ,1 same table Nimloth wife of Dior also appears as the daughter of Galathil (thus in the first case she was the second cousin of Dior, and in the latter the third cousin of Elwing). It is clear from rough pencillings on this page that my father was uncertain about this, and it looks as if Nimloth as niece of Celeborn was his second thought. I referred to this genealogy in Unfinished Tales, p. 233, but did not mention the alternative placing of Nimloth as Celeborn's sister. On the second of these late additions to the typescript, the birth of Eldun and Elrun in the year 500, see pp. 257 and 300, note 16. I give now the text of the typescript of The Tale of Years in its con- cluding entries. At the end the typescript becomes manuscript, and it is convenient to distinguish the two parts as 'D 1' and 'D 2'. 501. Hurin is released from captivity. He goes to Nargothrond and seizes the treasure of Glaurung. He takes the treasure to Menegroth and casts it at the feet of Thingol. 502. The Nauglamir is wrought of the treasure of Glaurung, and the Silmaril is hung thereon. Thingol quarrels with the Dwarves who had wrought for him the Necklace. 503. The Dwarves of Belegost and Nogrod invade Doriath. King Elu Thingol is slain and his realm ended. Melian escapes and carries away the Nauglamir and the Silmaril, and brings them to Beren and Luthien. She then forsook Middle-earth and re- turned to Valinor. Curufin and Celegorm, hearing of the sack of Menegroth, ambushed the Dwarves at the Fords of Ascar as they sought to carry off the Dragon-gold to the mountains. The Dwarves were defeated with great loss, but they cast the gold into the river, which was therefore after named Rathloriel. Great was the anger of the sons of Feanor to discover that the Silmaril was not with the Dwarves; but they dared not to assail Luthien. Dior goes to Doriath and endeavours to recover the realm of Thingol. In this year, or according to others in the year before, Tuor wedded Idril Celebrindal Turgon's daughter of Gondolin; and in the spring of the year after was born in Gondolin Earendil Halfelven. [This paragraph was struck out later with the words Must be placed in 502.] In the autumn of this year a messenger brought by night the Silmaril to Dior in Doriath. Here the typewritten text D 1 ends abruptly near the head of a page, but is continued in very rough manuscript for some distance (D 2), though not so far as the end of version C (which itself did not go by any mean's so far as B). 503. Elwing the White daughter of Dior born in Ossiriand. 504. Dior returns to Doriath, and with the power of the Silmaril restores it; but Melian departed to Valinor. Dior now publicly wore the Nauglamir and the Jewel. 505. The sons of Feanor hearing news of the Silmaril that it is in Doriath hold council. Maidros restrains his brethren, but a message is sent to Dior demanding the Jewel. Dior returns no answer. 506. Celegorn inflames the brethren, and they prepare an assault on Doriath. They come up at unawares in winter. 506-507. At Yule Dior fought the sons of Feanor on the east marches of Doriath, and was slain. There fell also Celegorn (by Dior's hand) and Curufin and Cranthir. The cruel servants of Celegorn seize Dior's sons (Elrun and Eldun) and leave them to starve in the forest. (Nothing certain is known of their fate, but some say that the birds succoured them, and led them to Ossir.) [In margin: Maidros repenting seeks unavail- ingly for the children of Dior.] The Lady Lindis escaped with Elwing, and came hardly to Ossir, with the Necklace and the Jewel. Thence hearing the rumour she fled to the Havens of Sirion. 509. Maeglin captured by spies of Melkor (Sauron?). 510. Midsummer. Assault and sack of Gondolin, owing to treachery of Maeglin who revealed where it lay. 511. Exiles of Gondolin (Tuor, Idril and Earendil &c.) reach Sirion, which now prospers in the power of the Silmaril. 512. Sons of Feanor learn of the uprising of the New Havens, and that the Silmaril is there, but Maidros forswears his oath. 525. The Unquiet of Ulmo carne upon Tuor and he built a ship Earame, and departed into the West with Idril (and Voronwe?) and is heard of in no tale since. Earendil wedded Elwing and became Lord of the men of the Havens. 527. Torment fell upon Maidros and his brethren (Maglor, Dam- rod and Diriel) because of their unfulfilled oath. Here the text ends, halfway down the last page. A commentary on it follows. 501. In the original story of Hurin's coming to Menegroth in the Tale of Turambar (II.114 - 15) he with his 'band' or 'host' of 'wild Elves' brought the treasure of Nargothrond in a huge assemblage of sacks and boxes, and they 'cast down that treasury at the king's feet.' So also in the Sketch of the Mythology (IV.32) 'Hurin casts the gold at Thingol's feet', without however any indication of how the gold was brought to Doriath; but in the Quenta (IV.132) 'Hurin went unto Thingol and sought his aid, and the folk of Thingol bore the treasure to the Thousand Caves' (on the unsatisfactory nature of this version see IV.188). In AB 2 (V.141) 'Hurin brought the gold to Thingol.' See further p. 258. 503. Against 'The Dwarves of Belegost and Nogrod invade Doriath' my father pencilled an X and the single word 'cannot': i.e., the Dwarves could not pass the Girdle of Melian. In the old sources the protective magic was defeated by the device of a treacherous Elf (in the Tale) or Elves (in the Sketch and the Quenta); but since the Quenta the question had never again come to the surface. In this connection there is a page of rough notes, such as my father often made when meditating on a story at large, concerned with the 'Turins Saga' (such as 'An account of Beleg and his bow must be put in at the point where Turin first meets him', and 'Turin must be faithless to Gwindor - for his character is through- out that of a man of good will, kind and loyal, who is carried away by emotion, especially wrath ...'); and among these and written at the same time, though entirely unconnected, is the following: Doriath cannot be entered by a hostile army! Somehow it must be contrived that Thingol is lured outside or induced to go to war beyond his borders and is there slain by the Dwarves. Then Melian departs, and the girdle being removed Doriath is ravaged by the Dwarves. The word 'cannot' may well have been written against the entry for 503 in The Tale of Years at the same time as this. The story that it was Celegorm and Curufin who ambushed the Dwarves at 'the Fords of Ascar' is repeated without change from the previous version C (p. 348). There is a passing reference to a similar story (for in this case it was Caranthir, not Celegorm and Curufin) in the post-Lord of the Rings text Concerning Galadriel and Celeborn. This was published in Unfinished Tales in a 'retold', somewhat selective form for the purposes of that section of the book; and in the passage (p. 235) saying that Celeborn had no love for any Dwarves, and never forgave them for their part in the destruction of Doriath ('passing over Morgoth's part in this (by angering of Hurin), and Thingol's own faults'), my father proposed rather than stated that only the Dwarves of Nogrod took part in the assault, and that they were 'almost entirely destroyed by Caranthir'. This was not, however, his final view, as it appears. In a letter of 1963 (Letters no.247, p. 334) he wrote that he could 'foresee' one event in the Elder Days in which the Ents took a part: It was in Ossiriand... that Beren and Luthien dwelt for a while after Beren's return from the Dead. Beren did not show himself among mortals again, except once. He intercepted a dwarf-army that had descended from the mountains, sacked the realm of Doriath and slain King Thingol, Luthien's father, carrying off a great booty, including Thingol's necklace upon which hung the Silmaril. There was a battle about a ford across one of the Seven Rivers of Ossir, and the Silmaril was recovered ... It seems clear that Beren, who had no army, received the aid of the Ents - and that would not make for love between Ents and Dwarves. In this it is also notable that the old story that the Dwarves took the Nauglamir from Menegroth reappears (see pp. 346-7). Beneath the -loriel of Rathloriel my father wrote in pencil: lorion (Rathlorion was the original form of this river-name), but he struck this out and then wrote mallen, sc. Rathmallen (cf. Rathmalad (?) on the map, p. 191, $69). 504. Dior's return to Doriath has been given already under 503 in D 1, the typescript part of the text. - In the B and C versions (pp. 346-7) Melian brought the Silmaril to Beren and Luthien in Ossiriand and then departed to Valinor, and this is said also in D 1 (p. 350). The present entry in D 2, a year later, repeats that Melian went to Valinor, and the suggestion is that she was in Doriath when Dior came; cf. the note cited on p. 350: 'Dior... appears in Doriath after its ruin, and is welcomed by Melian'. This seems clearly to have been the story in AB 1 (IV.307) and AB 2 (V.141 - 2). But it is impossible to be certain of anything with such compressed entries. 506-507. Ossir: Ossiriand. - On Maidros' unavailing search for Elrun and Eldun see p. 349, year 511. The Lady Lindis: Lindis appears elsewhere as the name of Dior's wife (see p. 257). The sentence 'Thence hearing the rumour she fled to the Havens of Sirion' presumably means that Lindis heard the rumour that the survivors of Gondolin had reached the Havens (an event recorded in this text under the year 511). by Maeglin was later changed: see pp. 272-3 and note 30. 511. Cf. the Quenta (IV.152): 'for them seemed that in that jewel lay the gift of bliss and healing that had come upon their houses and their ships'; also AB 2 (V.143). 512. That Maidros 'forswore his oath' was stated in AB 2 (V.142); in this and the following entries my father was following that text very closely (indeed D 2 is based upon it throughout). 525. The suggestion that Voronwe was the companion of Tuor and Idril on their voyage into the West is notable. He (Bronweg / Voronwe) was originally Earendil's fellow-mariner (IV.38, 150). Cf. Tuor's words to him in the later Tale of Tuor (Unfinished Tales p. 33): 'far from the Shadow your long road shall lead you, and your hope shall return to the Sea.' It would be interesting to know when this manuscript conclusion D 2 was written. It looks as if it belongs with some of the alterations and additions made to the typescript in earlier entries, particularly those pertaining to the story of Turin, and in these there are suggestions that they derive from the period of my father's work on the Narn. But this is very uncertain; and if it is so, it is the more remarkable that he should have based these entries so closely on the old pre-Lord of the Rings annals. A note on Chapter 22 Of the Ruin of Doriath in the published Silmarillion. Apart from a few matters of detail in texts and notes that have not been published, all that my father ever wrote on the subject of the ruin of Doriath has now been set out: from the original story told in the Tale of Turambar (II.113-15) and the Tale of the Nauglafring (II.221 ff.), through the Sketch of the Mythology (IV.32 - 3, with commentary 61 - 3) and the Quenta (IV.132 - 4, with commentary 187-91), together j with what little can be gleaned from The Tale of Years and a very few later references (see especially pp. 352 - 3). If these materials are compared with the story told in The Silmarillion it is seen at once that this latter is fundamentally changed, to a form for which in certain essential features there is no authority whatever in my father's own writings. There were very evident problems with the old story. Had he ever turned to it again, my father would undoubtedly have found some solution other than that in the Quenta to the question, How was the treasure of Nargothrond brought to Doriath? There, the curse that Mim laid upon the gold at his death 'came upon the possessors in this wise. Each one of Hurin's company died or was slain in quarrels upon the road; but Hurin went unto Thingol and sought his aid, and the folk of Thingol bore the treasure to the Thousand Caves.' As I said in IV.188, 'it ruins the gesture, if Hurin must get the king himself to send for the gold with which he is then to be humiliated'. It seems to me most likely (but this is mere speculation) that my father would have reintroduced the outlaws from the old Tales (II.113-15, 222-3) as the bearers of the treasure (though not the fierce battle between them and the Elves of the Thousand Caves): in the scrappy writings at the end of The Wanderings of Hurin Asgon and his companions reappear after the disaster in Brethil and go with Hurin to Nargothrond (pp. 306 - 7). How he would have treated Thingol's behaviour towards the Dwarves is impossible to say. That story was only once told fully, in the Tale of the Nauglafring, in which the conduct of Tinwelint (precursor of Thingol) was wholly at variance with the later concep- tion of the king (see II.245-6). In the Sketch no more is said of the matter than that the Dwarves were 'driven away without payment', while in the Quenta 'Thingol... scanted his promised reward for their labour; and bitter words grew between them, and there was battle in Thingol's halls'. There seems to be no clue or hint in later writing (in The Tale of Years the same bare phrase is used in all the versions: 'Thingol quarrels with the Dwarves'), unless one is seen in the words quoted from Concerning Galadriel and Celeborn on p. 353: Celeborn in his view of the destruction of Doriath ignored Morgoth's part in it 'and Thingol's own faults'. In The Tale of Years my father seems not to have considered the problem of the passage of the Dwarvish host into Doriath despite the Girdle of Melian, but in writing the word 'cannot' against the D version (p. 352) he showed that he regarded the story he had outlined as impossible, for that reason. In another place he sketched a possible solution (ibid.): 'Somehow it must be contrived that Thingol is lured outside or induced to go to war beyond his borders and is there slain by the Dwarves. Then Melian departs, and the girdle being removed Doriath is ravaged by the Dwarves.' In the story that appears in The Silmarillion the outlaws who went with Hurin to Nargothrond were removed, as also was the curse of Mim; and the only treasure that Hurin took from Nargothrond was the Nauglamir - which was here supposed to have been made by Dwarves for Finrod Felagund, and to have been the most prized by him of all the hoard of Nargothrond. Hurin was represented as being at last freed from the delusions inspired by Morgoth in his encounter with Melian in Menegroth. The Dwarves who set the Silmaril in the Nauglamir were already in Menegroth engaged on other works, and it was they who slew Thingol; at that time Melian's power was with- drawn from Neldoreth and Region, and she vanished out of Middle- earth, leaving Doriath unprotected. The ambush and destruction of the Dwarves at Sarn Athrad was given again to Beren and the Green Elves (following my father's letter of 1963 quoted on p. 353, where the Ents, 'Shepherds of the Trees', were introduced. This story was not lightly or easily conceived, but was the outcome of long experimentation among alternative conceptions. In this work Guy Kay took a major part, and the chapter that I finally wrote owes much to my discussions with him. It is, and was, obvious that a Step was being taken of a different order from any other 'manipulation' of my father's own writing in the course of the book: even in the case of the story of The Fall of Gondolin, to which my father had never returned, something could be contrived without introducing radical changes in the narrative. It seemed at that time that there were elements inherent in the story of the Ruin of Doriath as it stood that were radically incompatible with 'The Silmarillion' as projected, and that there was here an inescapable choice: either to abandon thai conception, or else to alter the story. I think now that this was a mistaken view, and that the undoubted difficulties could have been, and should have been, surmounted without so far overstepping the bounds of the editorial function.