PART TWO. THE LATER QUENTA SILMARILLION. THE LATER QUENTA SILMARILLION. In Part Two I shall trace the development of the Quenta Silmarillion, in the years following the completion of The Lord of the Rings, from the point reached in Vol.X, p. 199; but the history now becomes (for the most part) decidedly simpler: much of the development can be conveyed by recording individually all the significant changes made to QS, and there is no need to divide it into two 'phases', as was done in Vol.X. The basic textual series is QS (so far as it went before its abandonment); the early amanuensis typescript 'LQ 1' of 1951, for which see X.141-3; and the late amanuensis typescript 'LQ 2' of about 1958, for which see X.141-2, 300. In this latter part of the history the chapter-numbers become rather confusing, but I think that it would be more confusing to have none, and therefore I continue the numbering used in Vol.X, where the last chapter treated, Of the Sun and Moon and the Hiding of Valinor, was given the number 8. 9. OF MEN. This chapter was numbered 7 in the QS manuscript (for the text see V.245-7, $$81-7). The difference is simply due to the fact that the three 'sub-chapters' in QS numbered in Vol.V 3(a), 3(b), and 3(c) were in Vol.X called 3, 4, and 5 (see X.299). Few changes were made to the QS manuscript in later revision, and those that were made were incorporated in LQ 1. That typescript received no alterations, and is of textual value in only a few respects; the typist of LQ 2 did not use it, but worked directly from the old manuscript. $81. 'The Valar sat now behind the mountains and feasted' > 'Thus the Valar sat now behind their mountains in peace'. $82. The placing of Hildorien 'in the uttermost East of Middle-earth that lies beside the eastern sea' was changed to: 'in the midmost parts of Middle-earth beyond the Great River and the Inner Sea, in regions which neither the Eldar nor the Avari have known'. Many phrases have been used of the site of Hildorien. In the 'Annals' tradition it was 'in the East of the world' (IV.269, V.118, 125), but this was changed on the manuscript of AV 2 to 'in the midmost regions of the world' (V.120, note 13). In the Quenta it was 'in the East of East' (IV.99), and in QS, as cited above, 'in the uttermost East of Middle-earth': in my commentary on QS (V.248) I suggested that this last was not in contradiction with the changed reading of AV 2: 'Hildorien was in the furthest east of Middle-earth, but it was in the middle regions of the world; see Ambarkanta map IV, on which Hildorien is marked (IV.249).' In the texts of the post-Lord of the Rings period there is the statement in the Grey Annals (GA) $57 that it was 'in the midmost regions of the world', as in the emended reading of AV 2; and there is the new phrase in the revision of QS, 'in the midmost parts of Middle-earth beyond the Great River and the Inner Sea' (with loss of the mention in the original text of 'the eastern sea'). This last shows unambiguously that a change had taken place, but it is very hard to say what it was. It cannot be made to agree with the old Ambarkanta maps: one might indeed doubt that those maps carried much validity for the eastern regions by this time, and wonder whether by 'the Inner Sea' my father was referring to 'the Inland Sea of Rhun' (see The Treason of Isengard pp. 307, 333) - but on the other hand, in the Annals of Aman (X.72, 82) from this same period the Great Journey of the Elves from Kuivienen ('a bay in the Inland Sea of Helkar') is described in terms that suggest that the old conception was still fully present. Can the Sea of Rhun be identified with the Sea of Helkar, vastly shrunken? - Nor is it easy to understand how Hildorien 'in the midmost parts of Middle-earth' could be 'in regions which neither the Eldar nor the Avari have known'. In LQ 2 most of the revised passage is absent, and the text reads simply: 'in the land of Hildorien in the midmost parts of Middle- earth; for measured time had come upon Earth ...' If this is significant, it must depend on a verbal direction from my father. On the other hand, the revision was written on the manuscript in two parts: 'in the midmost parts' in the margin and the remainder on another part of the page, where it would be possible to miss it; and I think this much the likeliest explanation. $83. The opening of the footnote (V.245) was changed from 'The Eldar called them Hildi to Atani they were called in Valinor, but the Eldar called them also Hildi'; and 'the birth of the Hildi' was changed to the arising of the Hildi . For Atani see GA $57 and commentary. As frequently before, the typist of LQ 1 placed the footnote in the body of the text, where my father left it to stand; but it reappears as a footnote to LQ 2 - a first indication that the typescript was taken from the QS manuscript. After 'those fathers of Men' (in which the f should not have been capitalised) was added 'the Atanatardi'. Here LQ 1 has Atanatarni, which was not corrected; while LQ 2 - based not on LQ 1 but on the manuscript - has Atanatardi. But the form Atanatarni occurs in the Narn text given in Note 2 to Part One: there Fingon before the beginning of the Battle of Unnumbered Tears cries Aiya Eldalie ar Atanatarni (p. 166). In GA $87, in a different passage, the form is Atanatari (which was adopted in The Silmarillion); cf. also Atana- tarion, X.373. $85. The sentence 'Only in the realm of Doriath, whose queen Melian was of divine race, did the Ilkorins come near to match the Elves of Kor' was changed to: 'whose queen Melian was of the kindred of the [gods >] Valar, did the [Ekelli >] Sindar come near to match the [Elves of Tuna >] Kalaquendi of the Blessed Realm.' On the term Ekelli 'the Forsaken' and its replacement by Sindar see X.169-70. Eruman > Araman (cf. X.123, 194). 'the ancient wisdom of their race' > '... of their folk'. $86. 'What befell their spirits after death' > 'What may befall...' 'beside the Western Sea' > 'beside the Outer Sea' (see V.248, $86). $87. 'vanished from the earth' > 'vanished from the Middle-earth'. To one or other copies of the LQ 2 typescript my father made a few changes. The chapter, typed without a number, was now numbered 'XI'. 'Gnomes' was changed to 'Noldor' at each occurrence, and in the first sentence of $85 'Dark-elves' to 'Sindar'. Against $82 he wrote: 'This depends upon an old version in which the Sun was first made after the death of the Trees (described in a chapter omitted).' I have already noticed this in X.299-300, and explained why he numbered the present chapter 'XI'. He also bracketed in pencil three passages in the account of the mortality of the Elves in $85: 'Yet their bodies were of the stuff of earth... consumeth them from within in the courses of time'; 'days or years, even a thousand'; 'and their deserts'. 10. OF THE SIEGE OF ANGBAND. This chapter was numbered 8 in the QS manuscript, and the text is given in V.248-55, $$88-104. As in the preceding chapter, all post-Lord of the Rings revision was carried out on the QS manuscript: that is to say, no further revisions were made to the typescript LQ 1; and here again the late typescript LQ 2 was derived from the manuscript, not from LQ 1. In this chapter, on the other hand, by no means all the revisions made to the manuscript are found in LQ 1; and in the account that follows I notice all such cases. I do not notice the changes Eruman > Araman; Tun > Tuna; Gnomes > Noldor; Thorndor > Thorondor; Bladorion > Ard-galen (see p. 113, $44). $88. The opening passage of the chapter in QS was rewritten on a slip attached to the manuscript - this slip being the reverse of a letter to my father dated 14 November 1951: but it was not incorporated into LQ 1. The introduction of this rider led the typist of LQ 2 to ignore the fact that a new chapter begins at this point, and to type Of the Siege of Angband as all of a piece with Of Men; subsequently my father inserted a new heading Of the Siege of Angband with the number 'XII' (on which see p. 175). The new opening reads: As was before told Feanor and his sons came first of the Exiles to Middle-earth, and they landed in the waste of Lammoth upon the outer shores of the Firth of Drengist. Now that region was so named, for it lay between the Sea and the walls of the echoing mountains of the Eryd Lomin. And even as the Noldor set foot upon the strand their cries were taken up into the hills and multiplied, so that a great clamour as of countless mighty voices filled all the coasts of the North; and it is said that the noise of the burning of the ships at Losgar went down the winds of the Sea as a tumult of great wrath, and far away all that heard that sound were filled with wonder. Under the cold stars before the rising of the Moon Feanor and his folk marched eastward, and they passed the Eryd Lomin, and came into the great land of Hithlum, and crossing the country of Dor-lomin they came at length to the long lake of Mithrim, and upon its north-shore they made their first camp in that region which was called by the like name. There a host of the Orcs, aroused by the tumult of Lammoth, and the light of the burning at Losgar, came down upon them; and beside the waters of Mithrim was fought the first battle upon Middle-earth... This is the story of Lammoth told (at about this same time) in the later Tale of Tuor (Unfinished Tales p. 23): Tuor was now come to the Echoing Mountains of Lammoth about the Firth of Drengist. There once long ago Feanor had landed from the sea, and the voices of his host were swelled to a mighty clamour upon the coasts of the North ere the rising of the Moon. On the much later and apparently distinct story that Lammoth was so called because the echoes of Morgoth's cry were awakened by 'any who cried aloud in that land' see X.296, $17 and commentary, and Unfinished Tales p. 52. Both 'traditions' were incorporated in the published Silmarillion, pp. 80-1, 106. At the end of this paragraph my father pencilled on the manu- script: 'He [Feanor] gives the green stone to Maidros', but then noted that this was not in fact to be inserted; see under $97 below. $90. 'and they were unwilling to depart, whatever he might do' > '... whatever he might do, being held by their oath.' This addition is not present in LQ 1; while the typist of LQ 2, unable to read the first word, put 'They held by their oath', and this was allowed to stand. Cf. GA $50. $91. 'the Sun rose flaming in the West' > 'the Sun rose flaming above the shadows' (not in LQ 1). 'and good was made of evil, as happens still' removed. $93. 'the bright airs of those earliest of mornings' > 'the bright airs in the first mornings of the world.' $94. A subheading was pencilled in the margin at the beginning of this paragraph: Of Fingon and Maedros (apparently first written Maidros: see p. 115, $61). Not found in LQ 1, this was incorpor- ated in LQ 2. In the second sentence 'most renowned' > 'most honoured' (not in LQ 1). To the words 'for the thought of his torment troubled his heart' was added (not in LQ 1): 'and long before, in the bliss of Valinor, ere Melkor was unchained, or lies came between them, he had been close in friendship with Maedros.' Cf. GA $61 and commentary (p. 115). $95. 'for the banished Gnomes!' > 'for the Noldor in their need!' $97. A new page in the QS manuscript begins with the opening of this paragraph, and at the top of the page my father pencilled: 'The Green Stone of Feanor given by Maidros to Fingon.' This can hardly be other than a reference to the Elessar that came in the end to Aragorn; cf. the note given under $88 above referring to Feanor's gift at his death of the Green Stone to Maidros. It is clear, I think, that my father was at this time pondering the previous history of the Elessar, which had emerged in The Lord of the Rings; for his later ideas on its origin see Unfinished Tales pp. 248-52. $98. '(Therefore the house of Feanor were called the Dispossessed,) because of the doom of the Gods which gave the kingdom of Tun [later > Tuna) to Fingolfin, and because of the loss of the Silmarils' was changed (but the change is not present in LQ 1) to: '... (as Mandos foretold) because the overlordship passed from it, the elder, to the house of Fingolfin, both in Elende and in Beleriand, and because also of the loss of the Silmarils.' With the words 'as Mandos foretold' cf. AAm $153 (X.117); and on the content of the paragraph see p. 115, commentary on GA $$65-71. $99. At the end of the paragraph, after 'he [Thingol] trusted not that the restraint of Morgoth would last for ever', was added: 'neither would he ever wholly forget the deeds at Alqualonde, because of his ancient kinship with [Elwe >] Olwe lord of the Teleri.' On the change of Elwe to Olwe see X.169-70. $100. 'in unexplored country' > 'in untrodden lands'. $101. This passage on the finding of Nargothrond and Gondolin was expanded in three stages. The first alteration to QS replaced the sentence 'But Turgon went alone into hidden places' thus: Yet Galadriel his sister went never to Nargothrond, for she remained long in Doriath and received the love of Melian, and abode with her and there learned great lore and wisdom. But the heart of Turgon remembered rather the white city of Tirion upon its hill, and its tower and tree, and he journeyed alone into hidden places... Subsequently the whole of QS $101 was struck through and replaced by the following rider on a separate sheet. This was taken up into the first typescript LQ 1, but in a somewhat different form from the rider to the manuscript, which was followed in LQ 2 and is given here. And it came to pass that Inglor and Galadriel were on a time the guests of Thingol and Melian; for there was friendship between the lord of Doriath and the House of Finrod that were his kin, and the princes of that house alone were suffered to pass the girdle of Melian. Then Inglor was filled with wonder at the strength and majesty of Menegroth, with its treasuries and armouries and its many-pillared halls of stone; and it came into his heart that he would build wide halls behind everguarded gates in some deep and secret place beneath the hills. And he opened his heart to Thingol, and when he departed Thingol gave him guides, and they led him westward over Sirion. Thus it was that Inglor found the deep gorge of the River Narog, and the caves in its steep further shore; and he delved there a stronghold and armouries after the fashion of the mansions of Menegroth. And he called that place Nargothrond, and made there his home with many of his folk; and the Gnomes of the North, at first in jest, called him on this account Felagund, or 'lord of caverns', and that name he bore thereafter until his end. Yet Galadriel his sister dwelt never in Nargothrond, but remained in Doriath and received the love of Melian, and abode with her, and there learned great lore and wisdom concerning Middle-earth. The statement that 'Galadriel dwelt never in Nargothrond' is at variance with what is said in GA $108 (p. 44), that in the year 102, when Nargothrond was completed, 'Galadriel came from Doriath and dwelt there a while'. - To this point the two forms of the rider differ only in a few details of wording, but here they diverge. The second form, in LQ 2, continues: Now Turgon remembered rather the City set upon a Hill, Tirion the fair with its Tower and Tree, and he found not what he sought, and returned to Nivrost, and sat at peace in Vinyamar by the shore. There after three years Ulmo himself appeared to him, and bade him go forth again alone to the Vale of Sirion; and Turgon went forth and by the guidance of Ulmo he discovered the hidden vale of Tumladen in the encircling mountains, in the midst of which there was a hill of stone. Of this he spoke to none as yet, but returned to Nivrost, and there began in his secret counsels to devise the plan of a fair city [struck out: a memorial of Tirion upon Tuna for which his heart still yearned in exile, and though he pondered much in thought he] For this concluding passage LQ 1 returns to the first rewriting given at the beginning of this discussion of QS $101, 'But the heart of Turgon remembered rather the white city of Tirion upon its hill ...' The explanation of the differences in the two versions must be that a first form of the rider (which has not survived) was taken up into LQ 1, and that subsequently a second version was inserted into the QS manuscript in its place, and so used in LQ 2. This replacement text for QS $101 is closely related to GA $$75-6 (p. 35); and since on its reverse side is a rejected draft for the replacement annal for the year 116 in GA ($$111-13, pp. 44 - 5), also concerned with Gondolin, it is clear that my father was working on the story of the origins of Nargothrond and Gondolin in both the Silmarillion and the Annals at the same time. See further pp. 198 ff. $102. At the beginning of this paragraph a sub-heading Of Dagor Aglareb was pencilled on the manuscript, but this was not taken up in either typescript. 'the Blue Mountains' > 'Eredluin, the blue mountains' the second great battle > the third great battle: see p. 116, $77. * A few corrections were made to one or the other, or to both, of the copies of LQ 2. In addition to those listed below, Inglor was changed to Finrod, and Finrod to Finarphin or Finarfin, throughout. $92. Tuna > Tirion $98. '(the feud) was healed' > 'was assuaged' $99. 'Dark-elves of Telerian race' > 'Dark-elves, the Sindar of Telerian race'. $100. At the beginning of this paragraph my father inserted a new chapter number and title: XIII The Founding of Nargothrond and Gondolin; and the next chapter, Of Beleriand and its Realms, was given in LQ 2 the number XIV. Nivrost > Nevrast (and subsequently); the first appearance of the later form of the name (its appearance in the later Tale of Tuor was by editorial change). $101 Against the name Felagund my father wrote this note: 'This was in fact a Dwarfish name; for Nargothrond was first made by Dwarves as is later recounted.' An important constituent text among the Narn papers is a 'plot-outline' that begins with Turin's flight from Doriath and moves towards pure narrative in a long account of Turin's relations with Finduilas and Gwindor in Nargothrond (which with some editorial development was given in Unfinished Tales, pp. 155-9). In this text the following is said of Mim the Petty-dwarf: Mim gets a certain curious liking for Turin, increased when he learns that Turin has had trouble with Elves, whom he detests. He says Elves have caused the end of his race, and taken all their mansions, especially Nargothrond (Nulukhizidun). Above this Dwarvish name my father wrote Nulukkhizdin (this name was used, misspelt, in The Silmarillion, p. 230). $104. Glomund > Glaurung. At the head of the page in QS my father wrote 'Glaurung for Glomund', but the LQ typescript, as typed, has Glomund - whereas Glaurung appears already in the Grey Annals as written. 11. OF BELERIAND AND ITS REALMS. In Volume V (p. 407) I wrote as follows about the second Silmarillion map: The second map of Middle-earth west of the Blue Mountains in the Elder Days was also the last. My father never made another; and over many years this one became covered all over with alterations and additions of names and features, not a few of them so hastily or faintly pencilled as to be more or less obscure.... The original element in the map can however be readily perceived from the fine and careful pen (all subsequent change was roughly done); and I give here on four successive pages a reproduction of the map as it was originally drawn and lettered.... The map is on four sheets, originally pasted together but now separate, in which the map-squares do not entirely coincide with the sheets. In my reproductions I have followed the squares rather than the original sheets. I have numbered the squares horizontally right across the map from 1 to 15, and lettered them vertically from A to M, so that each square has a different combination of letter and figure for subsequent reference. I hope later to give an account of all changes made to the map afterwards, using these redrawings as a basis. This I will now do, before turning to the changes made to the chapter Of Beleriand and its Realms. On the following pages are reproduced the same four redrawings as were given in V.408-11, but with the subsequent alterations and additions introduced (those cases where I cannot interpret at all faint pencillings are simply ignored). Correc- tions to names (as Nan Tathrin > Nan Tathren, Nan Dungorthin > Nan Dungortheb, Rathlorion > Rathloriel) are replaced, not shown as corrections. It is to be remembered that, as I have said, all later changes were roughly done, some of them mere scribbled indications, and also that they were made at many different times, in pencil, coloured pencil, blue, black and red ink, and red, green and blue ball-point pen; so that the appearance of the actual map is very different from these redrawings. I have however retained the placing of the new lettering in almost all cases as accurately as possible. There follows here a list, square by square, of features and names where some explanation or reference seems desirable; but this is by no means an exhaustive inventory of all later alterations and additions, many of which require no comment. 1. North-western section (p. 182). (1) A 4 - 5. The mountain-chain is a mere zigzag line pencilled in a single movement, as also are the mountains on A 7 (extending east to the peaks encircling Thangorodrim on section 2, A 8). (2) B 4 to C 4. The name Dor-Lomen was almost illegibly scribbled in; it seems to imply an extension of Dor-Lomen northwards. (3) B 7 to C 7. The name beginning Fen is continued on Section 2, B 8 of Rivil, changed to of Serech (see p. 113, commentary on GA $44). An arrow, not inserted on the redrawing, points to three dots above the inflowing of Rivil as marking the Fen. (4) c 1. I can cast no light on the name Ened of the island in the ocean. (5) C 3. It seems probable that the name Falasquil referred to the small round bay, blacked in, on the southern shore of the great bay leading into the Firth of Drengist. On the remark- able reappearance of this ancient name see p. 344. (6) C 4. The clearly-marked gap in the stream flowing into the Firth of Drengist represents its passage underground; with the name Annon Gelyd cf. Annon-in-Gelydh (the Gate of the Noldor) in the later Tale of Tuor, Unfinished Tales p. 18. The ravine of Cirith Ninniach is described in the same work (ibid. p. 23). The upper course of the stream is very faintly pencilled and uncertain, but it seems clear that it rises in the Mountains of Mithrim (ibid. p. 20). (7) C 6. For the peak shaded in and marked Amon Darthir, with Morwen beside it, see Unfinished Tales, where it is told (p. 68) that the stream Nen Lalaith 'came down from a spring under the shadow of Amon Darthir', and (p; 58) that it 'came singing out of the hills past the walls of [Hurin's] house'. (8) C 6 to D 7. For the river Lithir see p. 261. (9) c 7. For the stream (Rivil) that flows into Sirion see Section 2, C 8. (10) D 2-4. Both Nevrast and the Marshes of Nevrast were first written Nivrost (see p. 179, $100). On Lake Linaewen and the marshes see p. 192 and Unfinished Tales p. 25. (11) D 6. For the river Glithui see Unfinished Tales p. 38 and note 16, and p. 68. In the first of these passages (the later Tale of Tuor) the name is Glithui as on the map, but in the second (the Narn) it is equally clearly Gilthui. For Malduin see Unfinished Tales p. 38 and The Silmarillion p. 205. (12) D 7. The line of dots extending east from the Brithiach was struck out as shown; see Section 2, $38. For the ford of Brithiach see p. 228, $28. (13) D 7. Dim is the first part of the name Dimbard: see Section 2, D 8. (14) E 4 to F 4. anciently Eglador: Eglador was the original name of Doriath, 'land of the Elves' (see the Etymologies, V.356, stem ELED), and is so entered on the map (Section 2, F 9). For its later sense, 'land of the Eglain, the Forsaken People, the Sindar' see p. 189, $57; and here Eglador is used with a much wider reference: the western parts of Beleriand (see pp. 379-80). This is perhaps to be related to the statement in The Tale of Years (pp. 343-4), 'The foremost of the Eldar reach the coastlands of Middle-earth and that country which was after named Eglador' - to which however is added the puzzling phrase 'Thereof Beleriand was the larger part'. (15) E 4 to D 5. Woods of Nuath: see the later Tale of Tuor in Unfinished Tales, p. 36 and note 14. (16) E 5. The name Tumhalad appears to be written twice, above and below the two short parallel lines shown. See pp. 139-40, commentary on GA $275. (17) E 5-6. Talath Dirnen was first written Dalath Dirnen; see p. 228, $28. (18) E 6 to F 6. South of the Crossings of Taiglin it is difficult to be sure, among various incomplete dotted lines, what was the course of the road to Nargothrond, but my father seems subsequently to have entered it as a straight line of short dashes as shown. (19) E 6-7. From Ephel Brandir various lines, which I cannot certainly interpret and have not marked on the map, run west towards the Crossings of Taiglin. Possibly one line marks the road to the Crossings and another the course of Celebros. - Tavrobel on the map as originally lettered was struck out and replaced by Bar Haleth (also struck out), but no precise site is indicated. For Bar Haleth see p. 157, commentary on GA $324. (20) E 7. Folk of Haleth clearly belongs to the first making of the map and should have been entered on the redrawing (V.408). (21) F 2. The name Forfalas ('North Falas') seems not to occur elsewhere; similarly with Harfalas ('South Falas'), Section 3, H 4. (22) F 4. The original name R.Eglor was struck out and replaced by Eglahir. Later the name Nenning was written in, but Eglahir was not struck out. See p. 117, commentary on GA $85. (23) F 5. For the dotted line on this square see $59 below. (24) F 6. The word 'or' refers to the name Methiriad, Section 3, G 6. (25) F 6. For the change of date from 195 to 495 see V.139, 407. (26) F 6-7. Moors of the Neweglu: among the Narn papers there are many texts concerned with the story of Mim, and in these are found an extraordinary array of names for the Petty-dwarves: Neweg, Neweglin; Niwennog; Naug-neben, Neben-naug; Nebinnog, Nibennog, Nibinnogrim, Nibin-noeg; Nognith. The name on the map, Neweglu, does not occur in the Narn papers. (27) F 7. The name of an isolated hill Carabel stands at the point where Amon Rudh (the abode of Mim) is shown on my map accompanying The Silmarillion. The name of the hill was changed many times: Amon Garabel > Carabel; Amon Carab (translated 'Hill of the Hat'); Amon Nardol and Nardol (cf. the beacon-hill Nardol in Anorien); Amon Rhug 'the Bald Hill'; and Amon Rudh of the same meaning. (28) F 7. For Nivrim see QS $110 (V.261). 2. North-eastern section (p. 183). (29) B 8. (Fen) of Serech: see Section 1, $3. (30) B 12 to A 13. read (71) Dor-na-Daerachas: the number 71 oddly but certainly refers to the year 1971; the addition is very late, since it does not appear on the photocopy of the map used by my father c.1970 (see p. 330 and note 1, also p. 191, after $74). (31) B 12-13. Lothland: see p. 128, commentary on GA $$173 - 4. (32) C 9. The mountain named Foen: in a philological fragment of uncertain date it is stated that Dorthonion 'was called also Taur-na-Foen, the Forest of the Foen, for that was the name (which signifies "Long Sight") of the high mountain in the midst of that region.' (33) C 9-10. Drun: cf. the later form of the Lay of Leithian, III.344, line 520: 'ambush in Ladros, fire in Drun' (see commentary, III. 350). (34) C 10-11. For mentions of Ladros see p. 224 and $33 above; also Unfinished Tales p. 70, where Turin is named 'heir of Dor-lomin and Ladros'. (35) C 11. On the left side of the square my father wrote Orodreth, subsequently striking it out. This placing of Orodreth's territory goes back to the old story that of the sons of Finrod (Finarfin) on Dorthonion 'easternmost dwelt Orodreth, nigh- est to his friends the sons of Feanor' (AB 1, IV.330). (36) C 12. Maedros was corrected from Maidros, so also on D 12; in the original Marches of Maidros the name was corrected to Maedros. (37) D 8. bard is the second element of Dimbard (see Section 1, D 7). The name is certainly written thus, with final -d, but else- where the form is always Dimbar. (38) D 8-9, E 9-10. The line of dots marked List Melian was struck out for some distance east of the Brithiach, as shown (see Section 1, D 7), and its discontinuous extension between Esgalduin and Aros was put in later and more roughly. On the significance of these dotted lines see p. 333, and for the name List Melian (the Girdle of Melian) see pp. 223, 228. (39) D 9. Eryd Orgorath seems to be written so, and above it apparently Gorgorath, but the forms are very hard to make OUT. (40) D 9. Goroth[ ]ess: the illegible letter in this otherwise totally unknown name (which was struck through) might be r. (41) D 9. For the bridge of Esgalduin marked on the published map (and named Iant Iaur) in the position equivalent to the S.E. corner of D 9 see pp. 332 - 3. (42) D 10. For Dor Dinen see pp. 194, 333. (43) D 10. The Ford over Aros can be shown to be a very late addition to the map: see p. 338, note 6. (44) D 11. Pass of Aglon(d: for the forms Aglon and Aglond see p. 338, note 3. (45) D 14. Mt. Rerir: in QS $114 (V.263) it is said that Greater Gelion came from Mount Rerir (the first occurrence of the name); about it were 'many lesser heights' ($118), and on its western slopes was built a Noldorin fortress ($142). The map was made before the emergence of Mount Rerir, and my father contented himself with writing the name against the not specially conspicuous mountain near the end of the line marking Greater Gelion. (46) E 8 to D 8. The name R. Mindeb was written on the map at its making but was inadvertently omitted from my redrawing (V.409). (47) E 11. Himlad: on the meaning of the name, and the reason for it, see p. 332 and note 4. (48) E 11. Gladuial: I have not found this name anywhere else. (49) E 11. Radrim: the line directing the name to the wooded land between Aros and Celon is faintly pencilled on the map. Radrim does not occur in any narrative text, but is found in the Etymologies (V.382-3, stems am and RI): Radhrim East- march (part of Doriath)'. (50) E 12-13, F 13. The words 'north road of Dwarves' are very faint and blurred, but this seems to be the only possible interpreta- tion. On the extremely puzzling question of the Dwarf-roads in East Beleriand see pp. 334-6. (51) E 12. A word faintly pencilled across the upper part of this square could be interpreted as 'Marshes'. (52) F 9. Eglador pencilled under Doriath: see $14 above. (53) F 10. Arthorien: see pp. 112-13, commentary on GA $38; and the next entry. (54) F 10. Garthurian (which could also be read as Garthurien): in the text cited at $32 above it is said that 'the Noldor often used the name Arthurien for Doriath, though this is but an alteration of the Sindarin Garthurian "hidden realm".' (55) F 11. Estoland: the form is clear, but at all other occurrences of the name it is Estolad. 3. South-western section (p. 184). (56) G 2. Cape Andras is referred to in Quendi and Eldar, p. 379. Cf. Andrast 'Long Cape' in the extreme west of Gondor (Index to Unfinished Tales). (57) G 3 to H 3. The names Eglamar (as applied here) and Emyn Eglain (or Hills of Eglamar) are not found in any narrative text. Eglamar is one of the oldest names in my father's legendarium: together with Eldamar of the same meaning, 'Elf-home', it referred to the land of the Elves in Valinor, Egla being 'the Gnome name of the Eldar who dwelt in Kor' (see 1.251, II.338; also the Etymologies, V.356, stem ELED). The old names Eglamar, Eglador, Eglorest (> Eglarest), not abandoned, were afterwards related to the name by which the Sindar called themselves, Eglath 'the Forsaken People' (see X.85, 164). In Quendi and Eldar (p. 365) the etymology of Eglain, Egladhrim is given - though it is not the only one that my father advanced; and later in that essay (pp. 379-80) it is explained why these names were found in the Falas among the people of Cirdan. (I cannot account for the application of the name Eglamar to Arthorien, the small land in the S.E. of Doriath between Aros and Celon, in the note cited on p. 112, commentary on GA $38.) (58) G 4. The name Eglorest of the map as originally made was not emended to the later form Eglarest. (59) G 5-6, H 5-6. The extent of the Taur-na-Faroth (or High Faroth) is marked out by the dotted line (extending somewhat north of Nargothrond on Section 1, F 5) as a very large region, somewhat in the shape of a footprint: cf. the representation of the Hills of the Hunters on the first Silmarillion map (Vol.IV, between pp. 220 and 221). The dots outlining the more southerly part were cancelled, and rough lines (not repre- sented in the redrawing) across G 5 (from left-centre to bottom-right) suggest a reduction in the extent of the highlands. See further $65 below. (60) G 5. The name Ingwil was not corrected to the later form Ringwil (see p. 197, $112). (61) G 6. I have not found the name Methiriad of 'Mid-Beleriand' elsewhere. (62) H 2. Barad Nimras replaced Tower of Tindabel (jumping the intervening name Ingildon): see p. 197, $120. (63) H 3. The coastline south-west of Eglarest was extended into a small cape named Ras Mewrim, a name not found elsewhere; in Quendi and Eldar (pp. 379 - 80) it is named Bar-in-Myl 'Home of the Gulls'. (64) H4. Harfalas: see $21 above. (65) J 5-7, K 5-6. I have mentioned under $59 above that the dotted line marking the extent of the Taur-na-Faroth was later cancelled in its southern part; but the high country of Arvernien (clearly added to the map after the dotted line) is shown extending by a narrow neck to join the southern extremity of the Taur-na-Faroth as originally indicated: i.e., there is a great range of hills extending from near the southern coast, through this 'neck', to a little north of Nargothrond. (66) K 5-6. The name Earendil on K 6, though separated, very probably belongs with Ship-havens on K 5. Cf. the beginning of Bilbo's song at Rivendell: Earendil was a mariner that tarried in Arvernien; he built a boat of timber felled in Nimbrethil to journey in ... 4. South-eastern section (p. 185). (67) G 8-9, H 8-11. The Andram is marked only as a faint pencilled line of small curves, more vague and unclear than in my redrawing. (68) G 11-13. A vaguely marked line of dashes (not represented on the redrawing) runs westward from just above Sarn Athrad on G 13: this perhaps indicates the course of the Dwarf-road after the passage of Gelion. This line bends gently north-west across G 12 and leaves G 11 at the top left corner, possibly reappearing on Section 2, F 10, where (if this is correct) it reached Aros just below the inflow of Celon. See p. 334. (69) G 14. The correction of Rathlorion to Rathloriel was an early change (V.407). A name beneath, hastily pencilled, is very probably Rathmalad (cf. the name Rathmallen of this river in The Tale of Years, p. 353). (70) H 11-12. Rhamdal: this spelling is found in QS $142 (beside Ramdal in $113, adopted in The Silmarillion) and in the Etymologies, V.390, stem TAL; cf. ibid. V.382, stem RAMBA, 'Noldorin rhamb, rham'. (71) K 10-11. The scribbled named South Beleriand was struck out. (72) K 9-11, L 9-11. For the name Taur-im-Duinath of the great forested region between Gelion and Sirion in the published Silmarillion and map see p. 193, $108. (73) L 14-15. Tol Galen: the divided course of the river Adurant (whence its name, according to the Etymologies, V.349, stem AT(AT)) enclosing the isle of Tol Galen is shown in two forms. The less extensive division was drawn in ink (it seems that the oblong shape itself represents the island, in which case the area between it and the two streams is perhaps to be taken as very low-lying land or marsh); the much larger division, in which the northern stream leaves the other much further to the east and rejoins it much further to the west, was entered in pencil, together with the name. The name Tol Galen was written a third time (again in pencil) across the upper part of square M 14. (74) L 14-15. The mountains on these squares, extending northward onto K 15, were pencilled in very rapidly, and those to the north of Tol Galen were possibly cancelled. * I turn now to the development of the chapter Of Beleriand and its Realms. The great majority of the changes made to the text of QS (Chapter 9, V258-66, $$105-21) are found in the early typescript LQ 1, but some are not, and appear only in LQ 2: these cases are noticed in the account that follows. I do not record the changes Melko > Melkor, Helkarakse > Helkaraxe, Bladorion > Ard-galen, Eglorest > Eglarest. $105. After the words 'in the ancient days' at the end of the first sentence the following footnote was added to QS. As usual, the typist of LQ 1 took up the footnote into the text, but it appears as a footnote in LQ 2, whose typist was again working directly from the manuscript. These matters, which are not in the Pennas of Pengolod, I have added and taken from the Dorgannas laur (the account of the shapes of the lands of old that Torhir Ifant made and is kept in Eressea), that those who will may understand more clearly, maybe, what is later said of their princes and their wars: quoth AElfwine. On the Pennas of Pengolod see V.201-4. 'These Melko built in the elder days' > 'These Melkor had built in ages past' $106. Hisilome was written in the margin of the manuscript against - Hithlum in the text (the latter not struck out). This is not in LQ 1, but LQ 2 has 'Hithlum (Hisilome)' in the text. Eredlomin > the Eryd Lammad. This form (not in LQ 1) has not occurred before, and is not (I believe) found elsewhere: in $105 Eredlomin was left unchanged. 'And Nivrost was a pleasant land watered by the wet winds from the sea, and sheltered from the North, whereas the rest of Hithlum was open to the cold winds' was struck out and replaced by the following (which does not appear in LQ 1): And Nivrost was by some held to belong rather to Beleriand than to Hithlum, for it was a milder land, watered by the wet winds from the Sea and sheltered from the North and East, whereas Hithlum was open to cold north-winds. But it was a hollow land, surrounded by mountains and great coast-cliffs higher than the plains behind, and no river flowed thence. Wherefore there was a great mere amidmost, and it had no certain shores, being encircled by wide marshes. Linaewen was the name of that mere, because of the multitude of birds that dwelt there, of such as love tall reeds and shallow pools. Now at the coming of the Noldor many of the Grey-elves (akin to those of the Falas) lived still in Nivrost, nigh to the coasts, and especially about Mount Taras in the south-west; for to that place Ulmo and Osse had been wont to come in days of old. All that folk took Turgon for their lord, and so it came to pass that in Nivrost the mingling of Noldor and Sindar began sooner than elsewhere; and Turgon dwelt long in those halls that he named Vinyamar, under Mount Taras beside the Sea. There it was that Ulmo afterwards appeared to him. This passage introduced a number of new elements: the topography of Nivrost (the high coast-cliffs are represented on the second map as originally drawn, p. 182), and Lake Linaewen (which appears also in the later Tale of Tuor, Unfinished Tales p. 25, with the same description of Nivrost as a 'hollow land'); the coming of Ulmo and Osse to Mount Taras in the ancient days; and the conception that Sindarin Elves dwelt in Nivrost near the coast and especially about Mount Taras, and that they took Turgon to be their lord at the coming of the Noldor to Middle-earth. The later story that there were many Grey-elves among Turgon's people appears in the rewritten annal for the year 116 in GA (see $$107, 113 and the commentary on those passages). The footnote in the QS manuscript 'Ilkorin name' to the sentence 'the great highland that the Gnomes first named Dorthonion' was struck out, and in the text 'Gnomes' was changed to 'Dark-elves'. The extent of Dorthonion from west to east was changed from 'a hundred leagues' to 'sixty leagues'; on this change, made to bring the distance into harmony with the second map, see V.272. $107. The length of Sirion from the pass to the Delta was changed from 'one hundred and twenty-one leagues' to 'one hundred and thirty-one leagues'. The former measurement (see V.272) was the length of Sirion in a straight line from the northern opening of the Pass to the Delta; the new measurement is from Eithel Sirion to the Delta. $108. A footnote was added to the first occurrence of Eredlindon: Which signifieth the Mountains of Ossiriand; for the Gnomes [LQ 2 Noldor] called that land Lindon, the region of music, and they first saw these mountains from Ossiriand. But their right name was Eredluin the Blue Mountains, or Luindirien the Blue Towers. This note, which may go back to a time near to the writing of QS, has been given and discussed in V.267, $108. The last five words were struck out on the manuscript and do not appear in LQ 1, the typist of which put the footnote into the body of the text and garbled the whole passage, which however remained uncorrected. The words 'quoth AElfwine' were added to the manuscript at the end of the footnote, but appear only in LQ 2. 'a tangled forest' > 'Taur-im-Duinath, a tangled forest' (of the land between Sirion and Gelion south of the Andram; see under $113 below). On the second map this region is named Taur i Melegyrn or Taur na Chardhin (see p. 185). 'while that land lasted' > 'while their realm lasted' $109. The extent of West Beleriand between Sirion and the Sea was changed from 'seventy leagues' to 'ninety-nine leagues', another change harmonising the distance with the second map (see V.272). In 'the realm of Nargothrond, between Sirion and Narog' 'Sirion' was changed to 'Taiglin'. $110. From the words 'first the empty lands' at the beginning of the paragraph all that followed in QS as far as 'Next southward lay the kingdom of Doriath' was struck out and replaced by the following on an attached rider: first between Sirion and Mindeb the empty land of Dimbar under the peaks of the Crissaegrim, abode of eagles, south of Gondolin (though that was for long unknown); then between Mindeb and the upper waters of Esgalduin the no-land of Nan Dungorthin. And that region was filled with fear, for upon its one side the power of Melian fenced the north-march of Doriath, but upon the other side the sheer precipices of Ered Orgoroth [> Orgorath], mountains of terror, fell down from high Dorthonion. Thither Ungoliante had fled from the whips of the Balrogs, and had dwelt there a while, filling the hideous ravines with her deadly gloom, and there still, when she had passed away, her foul broods lurked and wove their evil nets; and the thin waters that spilled from Ered Orgoroth [> Orgorath] were all defiled, and perilous to drink, for the hearts of those that tasted them were filled with shadows of madness and despair. All living things shunned that land, and the Noldor would pass through Nan Dungorthin only at great need, by paths nigh to the borders of Doriath, and furthest from the haunted hills. But if one fared that way he came eastward across Esgalduin and Aros (and Dor Dinen the silent land between) to the North Marches of Beleriand, where the sons of Feanor dwelt. But southward lay the kingdom of Doriath... On the name Crissaegrim (which occurs, in the spelling Crisaegrim, in GA $161) see V.290, $147. In this passage is the first appearance of Dor Dinen 'the Silent Land' (added to the map p. 183, square D 10). The story that Ungoliante dwelt in Nan Dungorthin when she fled from the Balrogs appears in the Annals of Aman (X.109, 123; cf. also X.297, $20). 'where he turned westward' (with reference to the river Esgal- duin) ) 'where it turned westward'. $111. The marginal note to the name Thargelion 'or Radhrost' was changed to 'Radhrost in the tongue of Doriath.' 'This region the Elves of Doriath named Umboth Muilin, the Twilight Meres, for there were many mists' > 'This region the Noldor named Aelinuial and the Dark-elves Umboth Muilin, the Twilight Meres, for they were wrapped in mists', and the footnote giving the Gnomish names Hithliniath and Aelin-uial was struck out (thus LQ 1). Later emendation removed the words 'and the Dark-elves Umboth Muilin' (thus LQ 2). $112. The opening word 'For' was changed to 'Now'; and in the following sentence 'Umboth Muilin' was changed to 'Aelin-uial'. The passage beginning 'Yet all the lower plain of Sirion' was changed to read thus: 'Yet all the lower fields of Sirion were divided from the upper fields by this sudden fall, which to one looking from the south northward appeared as an endless chain of hills'. In the following sentence 'Narog came south through a deep gorge' > 'Narog came through these hills in a deep gorge'. (There is an error in the text of this sentence as printed (V.262): 'on its west bank rose' should read 'on its west bank the land rose'.) $113. The last sentence of the paragraph (and the beginning of $114) was rewritten to read: But until that time all the wide woods south of the Andram and between Sirion and Gelion were little known. Taur-im-Duinath, the forest between the two rivers, the Gnomes [LQ 2 Noldor] called that region, but few ever ventured in that wild land; and east of it lay the far green country of Ossiriand... On Taur-im-Duinath see under $108 above. $114. At the name Adurant there is a footnote to the text in QS, which like that in $108 may belong to a relatively early time (see my remarks in the commentary, V.268): And at a point nearly midway in its course the stream of Adurant divided and joined again, enclosing a fair island; and this was called Tolgalen, the Green Isle. There Beren and Luthien dwelt after their return. $115. The opening sentence of the paragraph was rewritten thus: 'There dwelt the Nandor, the Elves of the Host of Dan, who in the beginning were of Telerian race, but forsook their lord Thingol upon the march from Cuivienen ...' On the first appearance of the name Nandor, a people originally from the host of the Noldor, see X.169, $28. 'Of old the lord of Ossiriand was Denethor': 'son of Dan' added after 'Denethor'. In the same sentence 'Melko' > 'Morgoth'. It is notable that the phrase 'in the days when the Orcs were first made' was never altered. At the end of the paragraph was added: 'For which reason the Noldor named that land Lindon', with a footnote '[The Country of Music >] The Land of Song' (see under $108 above); and '(Here endeth the matter taken from the Dorgannas)', on which see under $105 above. $116. The whole of the latter part of this paragraph, from after the words 'But Turgon the wise, second son of Fingolfin, held Nivrost', was struck out and the following substituted (which does not appear in LQ 1): (But Turgon the wise ... held Nivrost), and there he ruled a numerous folk, both Noldor and Sindar, for one hundred years and sixteen, until he departed in secret to a hidden kingdom, as afterwards is told.' This passage belongs with the long replacement in $106 given above, which likewise does not appear in LQ 1. $117. 'But Angrod and Egnor watched Bladorion' > 'His younger brethren Angrod and Egnor watched the fields of Ard-galen' $120. Tindobel (see V.270, commentary on QS $$119-20) Ingildon (cf. GA $90 and commentary, p. 118). * These are all the changes (save for a very few of no significance) made to the QS manuscript. A number of further changes were made to the top copy of the late typescript LQ 2 (the carbon copy was not touched). The chapter-number 'XIV' was inserted (see p. 179, $100); and at the head of the first page my father wrote: 'This is a geographical and political insertion and may be omitted. It requires a map, of which I have not had time to make a copy.' This sounds as if he were preparing the LQ 2 typescript for someone to see it (cf. his words against $82 in the chapter 'Of Men' in LQ 2: 'This depends upon an old version in which the Sun was first made after the death of the Trees (described in a chapter omitted)', p. 175); in which case the words here 'and may be omitted' were much more probably advice to the presumed reader than a statement of intention about the inclusion of the chapter in The Silmarillion. $105. Ered-engrin > Eryd Engrin '(Utumno)... at the western end' > 'at the midmost'. This shift of Utumno eastwards is implied in the hasty note pencilled on the LQ 2 text of Chapter 2, Of Valinor and the Two Trees, in which the story entered that Angband also was built in the ancient days, 'not far from the northwestern shores of the Sea' (see X.156, $12, and the addition made to this paragraph, given below). Eredwethion > Erydwethrin (and subsequently). Eredlomin > Erydlomin. In LQ 2 $106 the name of the Echoing Mountains is Eryd Lammad, following the change made to the QS manuscript there (p. 192) but not here; and Eryd Lammad was allowed to stand. The passage 'Behind their walls Melkor coming back into Middle- earth made the endless dungeons of Angband, the hells of iron, where of old Utumno had been. But he made a great tunnel under them...' was emended on LQ 2 to read: Behind their walls Melkor had made also a fortress (after called Angband) as a defence against the West, if any assault should come from Valinor. This was in the command of Sauron. It was captured by the Valar, and Sauron fled into hiding; but being in haste to overthrow Melkor in his great citadel of Utumno, the Valar did not wholly destroy Angband nor search out all its deep places; and thither Sauron returned and many other creatures of Melkor, and there they waited in hope for the return of their Master. Therefore when he came back into Middle-earth Melkor took up his abode in the endless dungeons of Angband, the hells of iron; and he made a great tunnel under them... $106. Nivrost > Nevrast (and subsequently; see p. 179, $100). The footnote to the first occurrence of Nivrost 'Which is West Vale in the tongue of Doriath' was struck out and replaced by the following: Which is 'Hither Shore' in the Sindarin tongue, and was given at first to all the coast-lands south of Drengist, but was later limited to the land whose shores lay between Drengist and Mount Taras. $108. To the name Taur-im-Duinath (a later addition to QS, p. 193) a footnote was added: 'Forest between the Rivers (sc. Sirion and Gelion)'. This interpretation occurs in fact in a rewriting of the QS text at a later point: p. 195, $113. $110. At the two occurrences of Nan Dungorthin in the long replacement passage in this paragraph given on p. 193-4 the later form Nan Dungortheb was substituted. $111. Damrod and Diriel > Amrod and Amras, and in $118; cf. X.177. The revised footnote against the name Thargelion, 'Radhrost in the tongue of Doriath' (p. 194), was struck out and not replaced (see under $118 below). Cranthir > Caranthir, and in $118; cf. X.177, 181. $112. Taur-na-Faroth > Taur-en-Faroth at both occurrences. Ingwil (the torrent joining Narog at Nargothrond) > Ringwil. Inglor > Finrod (and subsequently). $117. Finrod > Finarfin $118. At the end of the paragraph Dor Granthir > Dor Caranthir; in the footnote the same change was made, and Radhrost was replaced by Talath Rhunen, the translation 'the East Vale' remaining. See under $111 above. $119. 'But Inglor was king of Nargothrond and overlord of the Dark-elves of the western havens; and with his aid Brithombar and Eglorest were rebuilt' was rewritten thus: But Finrod was king of Nargothrond and over-lord of all the Dark-elves of Beleriand between Sirion and the Sea, save only in the Falas. There dwelt still those of the Sindar who still loved ships and the Sea, and they had great havens at Brithombar and Eglarest. Their lord was Cirdan the Shipbuilder. There was friendship and alliance between Finrod and Cirdan, and with the aid of the Noldor Brithombar and Eglarest were rebuilt... Finrod (Inglor) now loses the overlordship of the Elves of the Falas, with the emergence of Cirdan, but my father failed to correct the earlier passage in QS ($109) telling that 'the Dark-elves of the havens ... took Felagund, lord of Nargothrond, to be their king.' The statement here in $119 agrees with what is said in GA $85 (see also the commentary, p. 117). $120. In the opening sentence of this paragraph the old name Tindobel had been changed to Ingildon (p. 196); it was now changed to Nimras (cf. Barad Nimras, the replacement of Tower of Tindabel on the second map, p. 190, $62. Some of the changes made to LQ 2 were made also to the much earlier typescript LQ 1: Ringwil ($112), Talath Rhunen ($118), Nimras ($120). In addition, Dor Granthir was corrected to Dor Cranthir ($118), and the passage concerning the lordship of the Falas ($119) was inserted, but still with the name Inglor: thus these changes were not made at the same time as those in LQ 2, which has Dor Caranthir and Finrod. 12. OF TURGON AND THE BUILDING OF GONDOLIN. This short chapter on three manuscript pages, with this title but with- out chapter-number, was inserted into the QS manuscript following Of Beleriand and its Realms. At an earlier point in the manuscript ($101 in the chapter Of the Siege of Angband) a long rider was introduced on the subject of the foundation of Nargothrond by Inglor and the discovery of Gondolin by Turgon: see pp. 177 - 9. As I have explained there, this rider is extant in two partially distinct forms, the first in the early LQ 1 typescript series, and the second on a sheet inserted into the QS manuscript (whence it appears in the late typescript LQ 2). Without question the new chapter (which does not appear in the LQ 1 series) was written at the same time as the revised form of this rider to $101, and it is to this that the opening words of the new chapter ('It hath been told how by the guidance of Ulmo...') refer. (I have also noticed, p. 179, that on the reverse of this rider is a rejected draft for the replacement text of the year 116 in the Grey Annals, $$111 - 13; on this see below, at the end of the third paragraph of the text.) There is no need to give Of Turgon and the Building of Gondolin in full, because, as will be seen shortly, a substantial part of it has been given already. Of Turgon and the Building of Gondolin. It hath been told how by the guidance of Ulmo Turgon of Nivrost discovered the hidden vale of Tum-laden; and that (as was after known) lay east of the upper waters of Sirion, in a ring of mountains tall and sheer, and no living thing came there save the eagles of Thorondor. But there was a deep way under the mountains delved in the darkness of the world by waters that flowed out to join the stream of Sirion; and this Turgon found and so came to the green plain amid the mountains, and saw the island-hill that stood there of hard smooth stone; for the vale had been a great lake in ancient days. Then Turgon knew that he had found the place of his desire, and resolved there to build a fair city, a memorial of Tirion upon Tuna, for which his heart still yearned in exile. But he returned to Nivrost, and remained there in peace, though he pondered ever in his thought how he should accomplish his design. The conclusion of this paragraph had already been used, but abandoned before it was completed, at the end of the rider to QS $101, p. 179. Therefore, after the Dagor Aglareb, the unquiet that Ulmo set in his heart returned to him, and he summoned many of the hardiest and most skilled of his people and led them secretly to the hidden vale, and there they began the building of the city that Turgon had devised in his heart; and they set a watch all about it that none might come upon their work from without, and the power of Ulmo that ran in Sirion protected them. In this second paragraph my father was following and all but simply copying the revised annal for the year 64 in GA ($89); 'the hidden vale' was substituted for 'Gondolin' of GA because Turgon was now not to name his city until it was completed. Now Turgon dwelt still for the most part in Nivrost, but it came to pass that at last the City was full-wrought, after two and fifty years of labour; and Turgon appointed its name, and it was called Gondolin [in margin: the Hidden Rock]. Then Turgon prepared to depart from Nivrost and leave his fair halls beside the Sea; and there Ulmo came to him once again and spake with him. From this point the new Silmarillion chapter follows almost word for word the replacement text of the annal for 116 in GA ($$111 - 13): the words of Ulmo to Turgon, and the departure from Vinyamar to Gondolin. The reason for this is simple: as I have noticed in the commentary on GA $113 (p. 120), my father wrote against the revised annal for 116: 'Set this rather in the Silmarillion and substitute a short notice' (the proposed 'short notice' is given ibid.). The text of the new chapter leaves that in the Grey Annals at the words 'passed the gates in the mountains and they were shut behind him'; the concluding words of GA $113 ('But Nivrost was empty of folk and so remained until the ruin of Beleriand') were not repeated here, but were brought in subsequently. And through many long years none passed inward thereafter (save Hurin and Handir only sent by Ulmo); and the host of Turgon came never forth again until the Year of Lamentation [struck out, probably at the time of writing: and the ruin of the Noldor], after three hundred and fifty years and more. But behind the circle of the mountains the folk of Turgon grew and throve, and they put forth their skill in labour unceasing, so that Gondolin upon Amon Gwareth became fair indeed and meet to compare even with Elven Tirion beyond the Sea. High and white were its walls, and smooth were its stairs, and tall and strong was the Tower of the King. There shining fountains played, and in the courts of Turgon stood images of the Trees of old, which Turgon himself wrought with elven-craft; and the Tree which he made of gold was named Glingal, and the Tree whose flowers he made of silver was named Belthil, and the light which sprang from them filled all the ways of the city. But fairer than all the wonders of Gondolin was Idril Turgon's daughter, she that was called Celebrindal the Silver-foot for the whiteness of her unshod feet, but her hair was as the gold of Laurelin ere the coming of Melkor. Thus Turgon lived long in bliss greater than any that hath been east of the Sea; but Nivrost was desolate, and remained empty of living folk until the ruin of Beleriand; and elsewhere the shadow of Morgoth stretched out its fingers from the North. The opening sentence of this concluding section, with the reference to the entry of Hurin and Handir of Brethil into Gondolin, shows that it belongs with the original form of that story in the Grey Annals ($$149-50, and see the commentary, pp. 124 - 5); the later story that it was Hurin and his brother Huor appears in the long rider GA $$161-6. This is the only account, brief as it is, of the actual city of Gondolin that my father wrote after that in Q (IV.139 - 40) - although there are also the notes that follow the abandoned text of the later Tale of Tuor (Unfinished Tales p. 56, note 31). That the Trees of Gondolin were images made by Turgon was stated in a footnote to Chapter 2 Of - ' Valinor and the Two Trees in QS (see V.210 - 11; X.155), and this is repeated here - but with the addition that 'the light which sprang from them filled all the ways of the city'. There is only one other text of the new chapter, the LQ 2 typescript, in which it is numbered 'XV' (see p. 196). To this my father made some corrections: Nivrost > Nevrast as in the preceding chapters; Eryd Wethion > Eryd Wethrin; Handir > Huor (see above); and Amon Gwareth > Amon Gwared. The marginal note rendering Gondolin as 'the Hidden Rock' was placed in a footnote in LQ 2, which my father then extended as follows: Or so its name was afterwards known and interpreted; but its ancient form and meaning are in doubt. It is said that the name was given first in Quenya (for that language was spoken in Turgon's house), and was Ondolinde, the Rock of the Music of Water, for there were fountains upon the hill. But the people (who spoke only the Sindarin tongue) altered this name to Gondolin and interpreted [it] to mean Hidden Rock: Gond dolen in their own speech. With the interpretation of Quenya Ondolinde as 'Rock of the Music of Water' cf. the early translation of Gondolin as 'Stone of Song' in the name-list to the tale of The Fall of Gondolin (II.216); and with the interpretation 'Hidden Rock' cf. the Etymologies in Vol.V, p. 355, stem DUL, where Gondolin(n) is said to contain three elements: 'heart of hidden rock'. 13. CONCERNING THE DWARVES. The reason for this title will be seen at the end of the chapter (pp. 213-14). To the original Chapter 10 Of Men and Dwarfs in the QS manuscript (V272-6, $$122-31) only a few changes were made before a radical revision overtook it. $122. 'whom the Dark-elves named Naug-rim' > 'whom they named the Naug-rim', i.e. this became a Noldorin name for the Dwarves given to them by Cranthir's people. $123. The marginal note 'quoth Pengolod' against the bracketed passage concerning the origin and nature of the Dwarves was struck out (see V.277-8, $123). $124. 'Nogrod, the Dwarfmine': above 'Dwarfmine' is pencilled 'Dwarrowdelf', and in the margin again 'Dwarrowdelf Nogrod was afar off in the East in the Mountains of Mist; and Belegost was in Eredlindon south of Beleriand.' At the head of the page, with a direction for insertion in the text after 'Belegost, the Great Fortress' the following is written very rapidly: Greatest of these was Khazaddum that was after called in the days of its darkness Moria, and it was far off in the east in the Mountains of Mist; but Gabilgathol was on [the] east side of Eredlindon and within reach of the Elves. In the text of QS as written Nogrod (which goes back to the old Tale of the Nauglafring) is a translation of Khazaddum, and the meaning is 'Dwarfmine'; both Nogrod and Belegost (Gabilgathol) are specifically stated (QS $122) to have been 'in the mountains east of Thargelion', and were so placed in additions to the second map. In The Lord of the Rings Khazad-dum is Moria, and Nogrod and Belegost are 'ancient cities in the Blue Mountains' (Appendix A, III). The notes in the margin of QS just given must represent an idea that was not adopted, whereby Belegost remained in Eredlindon, but Nogrod / Khazad-dum was removed to the Misty Mountains, and Nogrod became the ancient Elvish name of Moria. The statement in the first of these notes that 'Belegost was in Eredlindon south of Beleriand' is surprising: it seems to represent a reversion to the older conception of the place of the Dwarf-cities: see the Eastward Extension of the first Silmarillion map, IV.231, where the dwarf-road after crossing the Blue Mountains below Mount Dolmed turns south and goes off the map in the south-east corner, with the direction 'Southward in East feet of Blue Mountains are Belegost and Nogrod.' $126. Against the words in the first sentence of the paragraph 'when some four hundred years were gone since the Gnomes came to Beleriand' my father noted: 'This must be removed to 300', changed to '310'. See p. 226, $1. $127. 'They were the first of Men that wandering west' > 'They were the first of Men that after many lives of wandering westward' Gumlin > Galion (see p. 123, $127). $128. The footnote was changed to read: It is recorded that this name was Vidri in the ancient speech of these Men, which is now forgotten; for afterwards in Beleriand they forsook their own speech for the tongue of the Gnomes. Quoth Pengolod. In the sentence following the place of the footnote 'whom we call the Gnomes' was changed to '(whom we here call the Gnomes)'. $129. 'the lordship of Gumlin was in Hithlum' > 'the lordship of Galion was in Dorlomen' Throughout the text the form Duarfs (see V.277, $122) was changed to Dwarves. * The next step was the striking out of the entire text of Chapter 10 from the beginning as far as 'Hador the Goldenhaired' at the end of $125, and the substitution of a new and much enlarged form, carefully written and inserted into the QS manuscript. This has a few subse- quent emendations (almost all made at the same time in red ink), and these are shown in the text that now follows. One of these emenda- tions concerns the title itself. As the revised version was first written the title was Of Dwarves and Men, with a subtitle Concerning the Dwarves (but no subtitle where the section on Men begins). The title was struck out, and replaced by Of the Naugrim and the Edain; the subtitle Concerning the Dwarves was retained; and a new subtitle Of the Edain was inserted at the appropriate place. In order not to interrupt the numbering of the QS text in Vol.V, for reference in the commentary that follows the text I number the para- graphs of the revised version from $1. - It will be seen that the opening paragraph repeats almost exactly that of QS ($122), but loses the original concluding sentence: 'For though the Dwarfs did not serve Morgoth, yet they were in some things more like to his people than to the Elves.' Of the Naugrim and the Edain. Concerning the Dwarves. $1. Now in time the building of Nargothrond was com- pleted, and Gondolin had been raised in secret; but in the days of the Siege of Angband the Gnomes had yet small need of hiding-places, and they ranged far and wide between the Western Sea and the Blue Mountains. And it is said that they climbed Eredlindon and looked eastward in wonder, for the lands of Middle-earth seemed wild and wide; but few ever passed over the mountains while Angband lasted. In those days the folk of Cranthir first came upon the Dwarves, whom they [> the Dark-elves] named the Naugrim; for the chief dwellings of that race were then in the mountains east of Thargelion, the land of Cranthir, and were digged deep in the eastern slopes of Eredlindon. Thence they journeyed often into Beleriand, and were admitted even into Doriath. There was at that time no enmity between Elves and Dwarves, but nonetheless no great love. Here are the words of Pengolod concerning the Naugrim.* $2. The Naugrim are not of Elf-kind, nor of Man-kind, nor yet of Melkor's breeding; and the Noldor in Middle-earth knew not whence they came, holding that they were alien to the Children, albeit in many ways like unto them. But in Valinor the wise have learned that the Dwarves were made in secret by Aule, while Earth was yet dark; for he desired the coming of the Children of Iluvatar, that he might have learners to whom he could teach his crafts and lore, and he was unwilling to await the fulfilment of the designs of Iluvatar. Wherefore, though the Dwarves are like the Orcs in this: that they came of the wilfulness of one of the Valar, they are not evil; for they were not made out of malice in mockery of the Children, but came of the desire of Aule's heart to make things of his own after the (* All that follows in the section 'Concerning the Dwarves' is written in a much smaller script than that of the opening paragraph.) pattern of the designs of Iluvatar. And since they came in the days of the power of Melkor, Aule made them strong to endure. Therefore they are stone-hard, stubborn, fast in friendship and in enmity, and they suffer toil and hunger and hurt of body more hardily than all other speaking-folk. And they live long, far beyond the span of Men, and yet not for ever. Aforetime the Noldor held that dying they returned unto the earth and the stone of which they were made; yet that is not their own belief. For they say that Aule cares for them and gathers them in Mandos in halls set apart for them, and there they wait, not in idleness but in the practice of crafts and the learning of yet deeper lore. And Aule, they say, declared to their Fathers of old that Iluvatar had accepted from him the work of his desire, and that Iluvatar will hallow them and give them a place among the Children in the End. Then their part shall be to serve Aule and to aid him in the re-making of Arda after the Last Battle. $3. Now these Fathers, they say, were seven in number, and they alone return (in the manner of the Quendi) to live again in their own kin and to bear once more their ancient names. Of these Durin was the most renowned in after ages, father of that Dwarf-kin most friendly to the Elves whose mansions were at Khazad-dum. $4. In the darkness of Arda already the Naugrim wrought great works, for they had, even from the first days of their Fathers, marvellous skill with metals and with stone, though their works had little beauty until they had met the Noldor and learned somewhat of their arts. And they gave their friendship more readily to the Noldor than to any others of Elves or Men, because of their love and reverence for Aule; and the gems of the Gnomes they praised above all other wealth. But in that ancient . ': time the Dwarves still wrought iron and copper rather than silver and gold; and the making of weapons and gear of war was their chief smith-craft. They it was that first devised mail of linked rings, and in the making of byrnies and of hauberks none among Elves or Men have proved their equals. Thus they aided the Eldar greatly in their war with the Orcs of Morgoth; though the Noldor believed that some of that folk would not have been loath to smithy also for Morgoth, had he been in need of their work or open to their trade. For buying and selling and ex- change were their delight, and the winning of wealth thereby; and this they gathered rather to hoard than to use, save in further trading. $5. The Naugrim were ever, as they still remain, short and squat in stature; they were deep-breasted, strong in the arm, and stout in the leg, and their beards were long. Indeed this strangeness they have that no Man nor Elf has ever seen a beardless Dwarf - unless he were shaven in mockery, and would then be more like to die of shame than of many other hurts that to us would seem more deadly. For the Naugrim have beards from the beginning of their lives, male and female alike; nor indeed can their womenkind be discerned by those of other race, be it in feature or in gait or in voice, nor in any wise save this: that they go not to war, and seldom save at direst need issue from their deep bowers and halls. It is said, also, that their womenkind are few, and that save their kings and chieftains few Dwarves ever wed; wherefore their race multiplied slowly, and now is dwindling. $6. The father-tongue of the Dwarves Aule himself devised for them, and their languages have thus no kinship with those of the Quendi. The Dwarves do not gladly teach their tongue to those of alien race; and in use they have made it harsh and intricate, so that of those few whom they have received in full friendship fewer still have learned it well. But they themselves learn swiftly other tongues, and in converse they use as they þ may the speech of Elves and Men with whom they deal. Yet in secret they use their own speech only, and that (it is said) is slow to change; so that even their realms and houses that have been long and far sundered may to this day well understand one another. In ancient days the Naugrim dwelt in many mountains of Middle-earth, and there they met mortal Men (they say) long ere the Eldar knew them; whence it comes that of the tongues of the Easterlings many show kinship with Dwarf-speech rather than with the speeches of the Elves.* $7. In their own tongue the Dwarves name themselves Khuzud [> Khazad]; and the Dark-elves called them / the Naugrim [> Naug], the stunted. Which name the exiled Noldor also used [> likewise took for them], but called them also the Nyrn [struck out: of like meaning], and the Gonnhirrim masters of stone; and those who dwelt in Belegost they called the Ennfeng or Longbeards, for their beards swept the floor before their feet. The chief cities of the Khuzud [> Khazad] in the west of Middle-earth in those days were at Khazaddum, and at (* [Marginal note] Thus the Lammas.) Gabilgathol and Tumunzahar, which are interpreted in the Gnomish tongue Nornhabar the Dwarrowdelf, and Belegost Mickleburg, and Nogrod the Hollowbold. Greatest of all the mansions of the Naugrim was Khazaddum, that was after called in the days of its darkness Moria, but it was far off in the Mountains of Mist beyond the wide leagues of Eriador; whereas Belegost and Nogrod were upon the east side of Eredlindon and nigh to the lands of the Eldar. Yet few of the Elves, save Meglin of Gondolin, went ever thither; and the Dwarves trafficked into Beleriand, and made a great road that passed under the shoulders of Mount Dolmed and followed thence the course of Ascar, crossing Gelion at Sarn-athrad. There battle later befell; but as yet the Dwarves troubled the Elves little, while the power of the Gnomes lasted. $8. Here end the words that Pengolod spoke to me concern- ing the Dwarves, which are not part of the Pennas as it was. written, but come from other books of lore, from the Lammas, the Dorgannas, and the Quentale Ardanomion: quoth AElfwine. Of the Edain. $9. It is reckoned that the first meeting of the Noldor and the Naugrim befell in the land of Cranthir Feanor's son about that time when Fingolfin destroyed the Orcs at Drengist, one hun- dred and fifty-five years after the crossing of the Ice, and one hundred and five before the first coming of Glomund the dragon. After his defeat there was long peace, and it lasted for wellnigh two hundred years of the sun. During this time the fathers of the Houses of the Men of the West, the Atani [> Edain], the Elf-friends of old, were born in the land of Eriador east of the mountains: Beor the Vassal, Haleth the Hunter, and Hador the Goldenhaired. Here the revised part of QS Chapter 10 ends. It will be seen that while it was composed with the original QS text before him and with the actual retention of some of it, my father now introduced many new conceptions concerning the Dwarves. The long-enduring 'hostile' view has at last virtually vanished, with the loss of the sentence at the end of the first paragraph (see p. 203) - although in the original QS text the likeness of Orcs and Dwarves was subsequently ($123) spoken of only in terms of the analogous origin of the two races, each deriving from one of the Valar acting independently, and this remains in the revision. We learn now that: the Dwarves live far longer than Men ($2); - they themselves believe that Aule gathers them after their death into halls in Mandos set apart, and that after the Last Battle they will aid Aule in the remaking of Arda ($2); - there were Seven Fathers of the Dwarves, who are reincarnated in their own kin (after the manner of the Elves), bearing their ancient names ($3); - Durin was the father of the Dwarf-kindred of Khazad-dum, most friendly to the Elves ($3); - the Dwarves were better disposed to the Noldor than to any others among Elves or Men on account of their reverence of Aule ($4); - the Dwarves are bearded from birth, both male and female ($5); - Dwarf-women cannot be distinguished from the men by those of other race ($5); - Dwarf-women are very few, and never go to war, nor leave their deep homes save at the greatest need ($5); - few Dwarves ever wed ($5); - the Dwarf-speech changes only very slowly, so that sundering of houses and realms does not greatly impair understanding between them ($6); - Dwarves met Men in Middle-earth long before the Eldar met them, and hence there is kinship between Dwarf-speech and the lan- guages of the Easterling Men ($6). This revised version was of course a part of the 1951 revision. There are notable likenesses to what is said in the Appendices to The Lord of the Rings concerning the Dwarves: thus in Appendix A, III (Durin's Folk) there are references to the fewness of Dwarf-women, who remain hidden in their dwellings, to the indistinguishability of Dwarf- women from Dwarf-men to people of other races, and to the rarity of marriage (III.360); and in Appendix F (III.410) the slow changing of their tongue is described. There follows now a commentary on particular points. $1. The change made to the original QS text (p. 201, $122) of 'whom the Dark-elves named Naug-rim' to 'whom they [the Noldor] named the Naug-rim' was now reversed, by a subsequent emenda- tion (later, in $7, the attribution of the name to the Dark-elves appears in the text as written). $2. 'And since they came in the days of the power of Melkor': i.e., before the awakening of the Elves, the Battle of the Gods, and the captivity of Melkor in Mandos. $3. It is here that Durin of Khazad-dum, 'most renowned' of the Seven Fathers of the Dwarves, enters The Silmarillion. It is not said here that Durin's people were the Longbeards; but his association with the Longbeards goes back in fact to The Hobbit, where at the end of the chapter A Short Rest Thorin says (in the text as originally published): 'He was the father of the fathers of one of the two races of dwarves, the Longbeards, and my grandfather's ancestor.' In the Tale of the Nauglafring there were the two peoples, the Dwarves of Nogrod and the Dwarves of Belegost, and the latter were the Indrafangs or Longbeards; in the Quenta the same was true (or at least, no other peoples were mentioned), although the Longbeards had become the Dwarves of Nogrod (IV.104), and this remained the case in QS ($124). In the present text two things are said on the subject. Durin was 'the father of that Dwarf-kin ... whose mansions were at Khazad- dum' ($3); but (reverting to the Tale of the Nauglafring) the Longbeards were the Dwarves of Belegost ($7) - and this is said also both in the Annals of Aman and in the Grey Annals (see p. 108, $22). I am not altogether certain how to interpret this; but the simplest solution is to suppose that when my father wrote these texts he had forgotten Thorin's mention of Durin as the ancestor of the Long- beards in The Hobbit (or, less probably, that he consciously dis- regarded it), and the following considerations support it. At the beginning of the section Durin's Folk in Appendix A (III) to The Lord of the Rings the reading of the First Edition was: 'Durin is the name that the Dwarves use for the eldest of the Seven Fathers of all their race', without mention of the Longbeards. Years later, on his copy of the second edition of The Hobbit, my father noted: 'Not so in Silmarillion nor see [sic] LR III p. 352' - this being a reference to the passage just cited from Appendix A in the First Edition: what was 'not so' was Thorin's reference to 'one of the two races of dwarves', become obsolete since the emergence of the conception of the Seven Fathers. At the same time he wrote on this copy many tentative phrases to replace Thorin's original words, such as 'the eldest of the Seven Fathers of the Dwarves', 'the father of the fathers of the eldest line of the Dwarf-kings, the Longbeards', before arriving at the final form as subsequently published, 'He was the father of the fathers of the eldest race of Dwarves, the Longbeards, and my first ancestor: I am his heir.' It was obviously considera- tion of Thorin's words in The Hobbit and the need for their correction that led him to alter the text of Appendix A, which in the Second Edition (1966) reads: 'Durin is the name that the Dwarves used for the eldest of the Seven Fathers of their race, and the ancestor of all the kings of the Longbeards', with the addition of a footnote reference to the passage in The Hobbit, now published in its corrected form. Thus, circuitously, the Longbeards finally entered The Lord of the Rings, as the Dwarves of Khazad-dum; but the texts of The Silmarillion and the Annals were never changed, and the Long- beards remained the Dwarves of Belegost. $6. The marginal note 'Thus the Lammas' apparently refers speci- fically to the statement in the text concerning the kinship of languages of the Easterlings with Dwarf-speech. Cf. V.179 (Lham- mas $9): 'the languages of Men are derived in part from them' (the tongues of the Dwarves); this was repeated in the footnote to QS $123, from which the present paragraph was developed, and which also has a marginal note 'So, the Lhammas'. $7. The names and places of the Dwarf-cities now achieve almost their final form, and I recapitulate here the complex development: QS original form, $124 (V.274) Khazad-dum = Nogrod = Dwarfmine (in the Blue Mountains) Gabilgathol = Belegost = Great Fortress QS original form emended, p. 201 Khazad-dum = Nogrod = Dwarrowdelf, later Moria Gabilgathol = Belegost = Great Fortress QS revised version, $7 Tumunzahar = Nogrod = Hollowbold (in the Blue Mountains) Gabilgathol = Belegost = Mickleburg Khazad-dum = Nornhabar = Dwarrowdelf, later Moria The Dwarvish name Tumunzahar of Nogrod appears in GA $19, but this is the first occurrence of the Elvish name Nornhabar. Of the names of the Dwarves themselves, there first occur here Gonnhirrim masters of stone, and Nyrn (cf. Nornwaith in AAm, X.93, Norn-folk in GA $19, and the name Nornhabar of Khazad- dum). Naugrim is now said to mean 'stunted', and Nyrn is 'of like meaning', though this statement was struck out; in the original text ($124) Neweg = 'stunted'. In addition, Khuzud was subsequently changed to Khazad, and Naugrim to Naug. I give here a summary of the development of these confusing names and forms: Tale of the Nauglafring. Nauglath. Q. Nauglir. AB 1 (IV.311). Nauglar (also in the List of Names, V.405: Dark-elvish name, adopted by the Gnomes). QS (original form). Naugrim (Dark-elvish name > (p. 201) Gnomish name). Neweg 'stunted' (Gnomish name). QS (revised version). Naugrim (> Naug) 'stunted' (Gnomish name > Dark-elvish name, adopted by the Gnomes). Nyrn (Gnomish name, 'stunted' - but this meaning rejected). AAm. Nauglath > Naugrim Nornwaith (later rejected, X.106, $84) GA. Naugrim Norn-folk ($19). An important element in this revised section remains to be mentioned: at this stage the myth of the creation of the Dwarves lacked the element of the Fathers being laid to sleep, by the command of Iluvatar, after their first arising. This is apparent from the text as it stands; and the entry of this element will be seen in a moment. The next text was the typescript of the LQ 1 series, which followed the manuscript text exactly (but the changes of Khuzud > Khazad and Naugrim > Naug in $7 do not appear, nor in LQ 2), and after the first paragraph of the section Of the Edain ($9), where the revised version ends, followed the original text of QS, with the very few alterations that were made to it and which have been given on pp. 201-2. The opening of 'the words of Pengolod [> Pengolod] concerning the Naugrim' ($2) were struck out, long afterwards, on LQ 1, as far as 'the desire of Aule's heart to make things of his own after the pattern of the designs of Iluvatar.' Associated with the QS manuscript at this point are two pages headed 'Of Aule and the Dwarves', enclosed in a paper wrapper bearing the words 'Amended Legend of Origin of Dwarves'; this begins as a good manuscript but breaks up into confusion and variant forms. A new text was written out fair in a late script of my father's, without title, and attached to LQ 1 as a replacement for the passage struck out; it begins thus, differing little from the rejected form: The Naugrim are not of the Elf-kind, nor of Man-kind, nor yet of Melkor's breeding; and the Noldor, when they met them in Middle-earth, knew not whence they came, holding that they were alien to the Children, although in many ways they resembled them. But here in Valinor we have learned that in their beginning the Dwarves were made by Aule, while Earth was still dark; for Aule desired the coming of the Children so greatly, to have learners to whom he could teach his lore and his crafts, that he was unwilling to await the fulfilment of the designs of Iluvatar. The remainder of the text will be found in the published Silmarillion, Chapter 2 Of Aule and Yavanna, pp. 43 - 4, to its end at 'Then Aule took the Seven Fathers of the Dwarves, and laid them to rest in far-sundered places; and he returned to Valinor, and waited while the long years lengthened.' There are a number of insignificant editorial alterations in the published text, and among them one point should be mentioned: my father was uncertain whether to use 'thou' or 'you' in the converse of Aule with Iluvatar (in one case he changed 'you may' to 'thou mayst' and then reverted to 'you may'). In the end he decided on 'you', whereas the published text has 'thou' throughout. At the end of the insertion the chapter continues with 'Since they came in the days of the power of Melkor ...' (p. 204), but con- comitantly with the introduction of the new form of the legend, in which the Fathers of the Dwarves were laid to sleep until after the awakening of the Elves and the imprisonment of Melkor, this was changed on LQ 1 to 'Since they were to come ...' The only other significant alteration made to LQ 1 was in the opening sentence of $3, which was changed to read: 'Now these Seven Fathers, they say, return to live again and to bear once more their ancient names.' It might be expected that my father would have made some change to the opening sentence of $4 after the entry of the new form of the legend, but he was evidently content with an internal shift of meaning: 'even from the first days of their Fathers' is to be understood as 'even from the first days of their Fathers when they awoke from their sleep'. The earlier of the two texts of the inserted passage shows my father much exercised about the details of the making of the first Dwarves. Thus there are the following tentative and roughly-written passages: (a). But it is said that to each Dwarf Iluvatar added a mate of female kind, yet because he would not amend the work of Aule, and Aule had yet made only things of male form, therefore the women of the Dwarves resemble their men more than all other [? speaking] races. (b). He wrought in secret in a hall under the mountains in Middle- earth. There he made first one Dwarf, the eldest of all, and after he made six others, the fathers of their race; and then he began to make others again, like to them but of female kind to be their mates. But he wearied, and when he [had] made six more he rested, and he returned to the seven fathers and he looked at them, and they looked at him, and whatever motion was in his thought that motion they performed. And Aule was not pleased, but he began to teach them the language that he had designed for them, hoping thus to instruct them. But Iluvatar knew all that was done, and in the very hour that the Eldest Dwarf first spoke with tongue, Iluvatar spoke to Aule; and Aule (c). Aule made one, and then six, and he began to make mates for them of female form, and he made six, and then he wearied. Thus he buried six pairs, but one (Durin) the eldest he laid alone. (d). And Aule took the Seven Dwarves and laid them to rest under stone in far-sundered places, and beside each [of] them he laid a mate as the Voice bade him, and then he returned to Valinor. (e). Then Aule took the Seven Dwarves and laid them to rest under stone in far-sundered places, and beside each he laid his mate, save only beside the Eldest, and he lay alone. And Aule re- turned to Valinor and waited long as best he might. But it is not known when Durin or his brethren first awoke, though some think that it was at the time of the departure of the Eldar over sea. With passage (b) cf. the essay on Orcs in Vol.X, p. 417: But if [Melkor] had indeed attempted to make creatures of his own in imitation or mockery of the Incarnates, he would, like Aule, only have succeeded in producing puppets: his creatures would have acted only while the attention of his will was upon them, and they would have shown no reluctance to execute any command of his, even if it were to destroy themselves. In the final text, as printed in The Silmarillion, my father evidently abandoned the question of the origin of the female Dwarves, finding it intractable and the solutions unsatisfactory. Moreover in the finished form the element of the Eldest (Durin) being distinct from the others, and without mate, finds no place. There is another version of the legend in the draft continuation (not sent) of a letter to Miss Rhona Beare dated 14 October 1958 (The Letters of J. R. R. Tolkien no.212); arid here appears the idea of the one and the six, and the six mates of the six, making thirteen in all. I reprint the passage here, since it may not be readily available. Aule, for instance, one of the Great, in a sense 'fell'; for he so desired to see the Children, that he became impatient and tried to anticipate the will of the Creator. Being the greatest of all craftsmen he tried to make children according to his imperfect knowledge of their kind. When he had made thirteen,* God spoke to him in anger, but not without pity: for Aule had done this thing not out of evil desire to have slaves and subjects of his own, but out of impatient love, desiring children to talk to and teach, sharing with them the praise of Iluvatar and his great love of the materials of which the world is made. The One rebuked Aule, saying that he had tried to usurp the Creator's power; but he could not give independent life to his makings. He had only one life, his own derived from the One, and could at most only distribute it. 'Behold' said the One: 'these creatures of thine have only thy will, and thy movement. Though you have devised a language for them, they can only report to thee thine own thought. This is a mockery of me.' Then Aule in grief and repentance humbled himself and asked for pardon. And he said: 'I will destroy these images of my presump- tion, and wait upon thy will.' And he took a great hammer, raising it to smite the eldest of his images; but it flinched and cowered from him. And as he withheld his stroke, astonished, he heard the laughter of Iluvatar. (* One, the eldest, alone, and six more with six mates.) 'Do you wonder at this?' he said. 'Behold! thy creatures now live, free from thy will! For I have seen thy humility, and taken pity on your impatience. Thy making I have taken up into my design.' This is the Elvish legend of the making of the Dwarves; but the Elves report that Iluvatar said thus also: 'Nonetheless I will not suffer my design to be forestalled: thy children shall not awake before mine own.' And he commanded Aule to lay the fathers of the Dwarves severally in deep places, each with his mate, save Durin the eldest who had none. There they should sleep long, until Iluvatar bade them awake. Nonetheless there has been for the most part little love between the Dwarves and the children of Iluvatar. And of the fate that Iluvatar has set upon the children of Aule beyond the Circles of the world Elves and men know nothing, and if Dwarves know they do not speak of it. It seems to me virtually certain that all this work on the later legend of Aule and the Dwarves derives from the same time, and it is obvious that this letter belongs with the first or draft text from which extracts are given on pp. 211-12, preceding the final text attached to LQ 1 and printed in The Silmarillion. That text was incorporated in LQ 2 as typed, and for that typescript I have proposed (on wholly distinct grounds) 1958 as the approximate date (see X.141-2, 300). This, I think, fits well enough with the date of the letter (October 1958). It seems likely that my father revised the existing Silmarillion materials pari passu with the making of the typescript LQ 2, carried out under his guidance. As already noticed (see p. 210), the original QS text (lightly emended) in the second part of the chapter, that concerned with the Edain, was followed in the early typescript LQ 1. At a later time the whole of the section on the Edain was struck through both on the QS manuscript (with the direction 'Substitute new form') and on LQ 1 (with the direction 'Cancel'). This new form was a typescript, made by my father himself, with the title Of the Coming of Men into the West and the Meeting of the Edain and the Eldar. In the LQ 2 series the section on the Dwarves, now much altered and expanded from its original form, was made into a separate chapter, on which my father inserted the number 'XVI' (following 'XV' Of Turgon and the Building of Gondolin, p. 200), retaining as title the original subtitle Concerning the Dwarves (p. 202). The new text of the second part, Of the Coming of Men into the West, then followed in LQ 2 as a further chapter and was given the number 'XVII'. I have followed this arrangement. The complex textual evolution of the original chapter in QS can be displayed thus (the dates have been made definite except in one case). QS ch.10 Of Men and Dwarfs (1937) QS ch.10 New title Of the Naugrim and the Edain: section on the Dwarves rewritten; section on the Edain retained (1951) Typescript LQ 1 (1951) Insertion of new legend of Typescript LQ 2 (1958): Aule and the Dwarves ch.XVI Concerning the (1958) Dwarves (no section on the Edain) Wholly new text on the Edain: Typescript LQ 2 (1958): Of the Coming of Men into ch. XVII the West (date uncertain: 1958?) * It remains only to notice the changes made to LQ 2 Concerning the Dwarves. The chief of these is a further revision of the names of the Dwarves (see the table on p. 209). In $1 (p. 203) 'whom the Dark-elves named the Naugrim' was struck out, and at every occurrence the name Naugrim was replaced by Dwarves (except in the heading to $2, where it was no doubt retained inadvertently). In $7 the opening passage now read, both in LQ 1 and in LQ 2: In their own tongue the Dwarves name themselves Khuzud; but the Dark-elves called them Naugrim, the stunted. Which name the exiled Noldor likewise took for them, but called them also the Nyrn... (The changes of Khuzud to Khazad and Naugrim to Naug made on the manuscript did not appear in the typescripts as typed, see pp. 205, 210.) The passage was rewritten on LQ 2 thus: In their own tongue the Dwarves name themselves Khazad; but the Grey-elves called them the Nyrn, the hard. This name the exiled Noldor likewise took for them, but called them also the Naugrim, the stunted folk... Other changes were: in $1, in the sentence 'few ever passed over the mountains', 'few' > 'none'; also Cranthir > Caranthir. In $7, in the sentence concerning Nornhabar, Belegost, and Nogrod, which were said to be interpretations 'in the Gnomish tongue' of the Dwarvish names, 'Gnomish' > 'Elvish'. 14. OF THE COMING OF MEN INTO THE WEST. The introduction of what very soon became an entirely new chapter - a massive extension of and departure from the 'traditional' history of the Edain - has been briefly described on p. 213. It emerges in a typescript (with carbon copy) made by my father: of antecedent draft material there is now no trace, but it seems to me very improbable that the text reached this form ab initio. It has in fact two titles: that typed as heading to the text is Of the Coming of Men into the West and the Meeting of the Edain and the Eldar, but on a separate title-page in manuscript it is called Of the Coming of the Edain 6' their Houses and Lordships in Beleriand. The text was emended in ink on both copies almost identically; these changes were made, I feel sure, at much the same time as the original typing, and in the text that follows I adopt the emendations, but notice some of the original readings in the commentary. The separate title-page with the different title may belong with these, but I use here the other, in a shortened form Of the Coming of Men into the West, as was done in the published Silmarillion. The chapter (as emended) was incorporated in the typescript series LQ 2, as already mentioned, and subsequently given the number 'XVII'; perhaps (as with the new legend of Aule and the Dwarves, see p. 213) it belongs to the period when the LQ typescript was being made (see p. 227, $13, and p. 229). The text is found in the published Silmarillion, Chapter 17, but I have thought it best in this case to give the original in full. To show the editorial alterations and insertions in the published text takes much space, and it is difficult to make them clear, while the chapter is an essential companion to The Wanderings of Hurin in Part Three. Of the Coming of Men into the West and the Meeting of the Edain and the Eldar. $1. Now it came to pass, when three hundred years and ten were gone since the Noldor came to Beleriand, in the days of the Long Peace, that Felagund journeyed east of Sirion and went hunting with Maglor and Maedros, sons of Feanor. But he wearied of the chase and passed on alone towards the Moun- tains of Ered-lindon that he saw shining afar; and taking the Dwarf-road he crossed Gelion at the ford of Sarn-athrad, and turning south over the upper streams of Ascar, he came into the north of Ossiriand. $2. In a valley among the foothills of the Mountains, below the springs of Thalos, he saw lights in the evening, and far off he heard the sound of song. At this he wondered much, for the Green-elves of that land lit no fires, and they did not sing by night. At first he feared that a raid of Orcs had passed the leaguer of the North, but as he drew near he perceived that this was not so. For the singers used a tongue that he had not heard before, neither that of Dwarves nor of Orcs, and their voices were fair, though untutored in music. $3. Then Felagund, standing silent in the night-shadow of the trees, looked down into the camp, and there he beheld a strange folk. They were tall, and strong, and comely, though rude and scantily clad; but their camp was well-ordered, and they had tents and lodges of boughs about the great fire in the midst; and there were fair women and children among them. $4. Now these were a part of the kindred and following of Beor the Old, as he was afterwards called, a chieftain among Men. After many lives of wandering out of the East he had led them at last over the Mountains, the first of the race of Men to enter Beleriand; and they sang because they were glad, and believed that they had escaped from all perils and had come to a land without fear. $5. Long Felagund watched them, and love for them stirred in his heart; but he remained hidden in the trees until they had all fallen asleep. Then he went among the sleeping people, and sat beside their dying fire where none kept watch; and he took up a rude harp which Beor had laid aside, and he played music upon it such as the ears of Men had not heard; for they had as yet no teachers in the art, save only the Dark-elves in the wild lands. $6. Now men awoke and listened to Felagund as he harped and sang, and each thought that he was in some fair dream, until he saw that his fellows were awake also beside him; but they did not speak or stir while Felegund still played, because of the beauty of the music and the wonder of the song. Wisdom was in the words of the Elven-king, and the hearts grew wiser that hearkened to him; for the things of which he sang, of the making of Arda, and the bliss of Aman beyond the shadows of the Sea, came as clear visions before their eyes, and his Elvish speech was interpreted in each mind according to its measure. $7. Thus it was that Men called King Felagund, whom they first met of all the Eldar, Wisdom, and after him they named his people The Wise.* Indeed they believed at first that Felagund was one of the gods, of whom they had heard rumour that they dwelt far in the West; and this was (some say) the chief cause of their journey. But Felagund dwelt among them and taught them true lore; and they loved him and took him for their lord, and were ever after loyal to the House of Finrod.** $8. Now the Eldar were beyond all other peoples skilled in tongues; and Felagund discovered also that he could read in the minds of Men such thoughts as they wished to reveal in speech, so that their words were easily interpreted.+ It was not long therefore before he could converse with Beor; and while he dwelt with him they spoke much together. But when Felagund questioned Beor concerning the arising of Men and their journeys, Beor would say little; and indeed he knew little, for the fathers of his people had told few tales of their past and a silence had fallen upon their memory. $9. 'A darkness lies behind us,' Beor said; 'and we have turned our backs on it, and we do not desire to return thither even in thought. Westwards our hearts have been turned, and we believe that there we shall find Light.' $10. But Felagund learned from Beor that there were many other Men of like mind who were also journeying westward. 'Others of my own kin have crossed the Mountains,' he said, 'and they are wandering not far away; and the Haladin, a people that speak the same tongue as we, are still in the valleys on the eastern slopes, awaiting tidings before they venture (* Nom and [Nomil >] Nomin in the ancient language of this people (which afterwards was forgotten); for Beor and his folk later learned the language of the Eldar and forsook their own, though they retained many names that came down to them [out of the past > ] from their fathers.) (** Thus Beor got his name; for it signified Vassal in their tongue, and each of their chieftains after him bore this name as a title until the time of Bregolas and Barahir.) (+ It is said also that these Men had long had dealings with the Dark-elves of Middle-earth, and from them had learned much of their speech; and since all the languages of the Quendi were of one origin, the language of Beor and his folk resembled the Elven-tongues in many words and devices.) further. There are also Men of a different speech, with whom we have had dealings at times. They were before us in the westward march, but we passed them; for they are a numerous people, and yet keep together and move slowly, being all ruled by one chieftain whom they call Marach.' $11 Now the Nandor, the Green-elves of Ossiriand, were troubled by the coming of Men, and when they heard that a lord of the Eldar from over the Sea was among them they sent messengers to Felagund. 'Lord,' they said, 'if you have power over these new-comers, bid them to return by the ways that they came, or else to go forward. For we desire no strangers in this land to break the peace in which we live. And these folk are hewers of trees and hunters of beasts; therefore we are their unfriends, and if they will not depart we shall afflict them in all ways that we can.' $12 Then by the advice of Felagund Beor gathered all the wandering families and kindreds of his folk, and they removed over Gelion and took up their abode in the lands of Diriol, upon the east-banks of the Celon near to the borders of Doriath. But when after a year had passed Felagund wished to return to his own country, Beor begged leave to come with him; and he remained in the service of the king while his life lasted. In this way he got his name Beor, whereas his name before had been Balan; for Beor signified Servant in the ancient tongue of his people. The rule of his folk he committed to his elder son Baran, and he did not return again to Estolad.* Of the Kindreds and Houses of the Edain. $13. Soon after the departure of Felagund the other Men of whom Beor had spoken came also into Beleriand. First came the Haladin; but meeting the unfriendship of the Nandor they turned north and dwelt in Radhrost, in the country of Caranthir son of Feanor; and there for a time they had peace, though the people of Caranthir paid little heed to them. The next year, however, Marach led his people over the Mountains; and they were a tall and warlike folk, and they marched in ordered companies; and the Green-elves hid themselves and did not waylay them. And Marach hearing that the people of Beor were dwelling in a green and fertile land, came down the Dwarf-road (* 'The Encampment. This was the name ever after of the land east of Celon and south of Nan Elmoth.) and settled his people in the country to the south and east of the dwellings of Baran son of Beor. There was great friendship between the peoples, though they were sundered in speech, until they both learned the Sindarin tongue. $14. Felagund himself often returned to visit Men; and many other Elves out of the westlands, both Noldor and Sindar, journeyed to Estolad, being eager to see the Edain, whose coming had long been foretold.* And Fingolfin, King of all the Noldor, sent messengers of welcome to them. Then many young and eager men of the Edain went away and took service with the kings and lords of the Eldar. Among these was Malach son of Marach, and he dwelt in Hithlum for fourteen years; and he learned the Elven-tongue and was given the name of Aradan. $15. The Edain did not long dwell content in Estolad, for many still desired to go westwards; but they did not know the way: before them lay the fences of Doriath, and southward lay Sirion and its impassable fens. Therefore the kings of the three houses of the Noldor, seeing hope of strength in the sons of Men, sent word that any of the Edain that wished might remove and come to dwell among their people. In this way the migration of the Edain began: at first little by little, but later in families and kindreds, they arose and left Estolad, until after some fifty years many thousands had entered the lands of the kings. $16. Most of these took the long road northwards, under the guidance of the Elves, until the ways became well known to them. The people of Beor came to Dorthonion and dwelt in lands ruled by the House of Finrod. The people of Aradan (for Marach remained in Estolad until his death) for the most part went on westwards; and some came to Hithlum, but Magor son of Aradan and the greater number of his folk passed down Sirion into Beleriand and dwelt in the vales on the southern slopes of the Ered-wethion. A few only of either people went to Maedros and the lands about the Hill of Himring. (* Atani was the name given to Men in Valinor, in the lore that told of their coming; according to the Eldar it signified 'Second', for the kindred of Men was the second of the Children of Iluvatar. Edain was the form of the name in Beleriand, and there it was used only of the three kindreds of the first Elf-friends. Men of other kind were called Hravani (or Rhevain), the 'Wild'. But all Men the Elves called Hildi [> Hildor], the Followers, or Firyar, the Mortals (in Sindarin Echil and Firiath).) $17. Many, however, remained in Estolad; and there was still a mingled people of Men living there long years after, until in the ruin of Beleriand they were overwhelmed or fled back into the East. For beside the old who deemed that their wandering days were over there were not a few who desired to go their own ways and feared the Eldar and the light of their eyes; and dissensions awoke among the Edain, in which the shadow of Morgoth may be discerned, for it cannot be doubted that he knew of the coming of Men and of their growing friendship with the Elves. $18. The leaders of discontent were Bereg of the House of Beor and Amlach one of the grandsons of Marach; and they said openly: 'We took long roads, desiring to escape the perils of Middle-earth and the dark things that dwell there; for we heard that there was Light in the West. But now we learn that the Light is beyond the Sea. Thither we cannot come where the gods dwell in bliss. Save one. For the Lord of the Dark is here before us, and the Eldar, wise but fell, who make endless war upon him. In the North he dwells, they say; and there is the pain and death from which we fled. We will not go that way.' $19. Then a council and assembly of Men was called, and great numbers came together. And the Elf-friends answered Bereg, saying: 'Truly from the Dark King come all the evils from which we fled; but he seeks dominion over all Middle-earth, and whither now shall we turn and he will not pursue us? Unless he be vanquished here, or at least held in leaguer. Only by the valour of the Eldar is he restrained, and maybe it was for this purpose, to aid them at need, that we were brought into this land.' $20. To this Bereg answered: 'Let the Eldar look to it! Our lives are short enough.' But there arose one who seemed to all to be Amlach son of Imlach, speaking fell words that shook the hearts of all that heard him: 'All this is but Elvish lore, tales to beguile new-comers that are unwary. The Sea has no shore. There is no Light in the West. You have followed a fool-fire of the Elves to the end of the world! Which of you has seen the least of the gods? Who has beheld the Dark King in the North? Those who seek the dominion of Middle-earth are the Eldar. Greedy for wealth they have delved in the Earth for its secrets and have stirred to wrath the things that dwell beneath it, as they ever have done and ever shall. Let the Orcs have the realm that is theirs, and we will have ours. There is room in the world, if the Eldar will let us be!' $21. Then those that listened sat for a while astounded, and a shadow of fear fell on their hearts; and they resolved to depart far from the lands of the Eldar. But later Amlach returned among them and denied that he had been present at their debate or had spoken such words as they reported; and there was doubt and bewilderment among Men. Then the Elf-friends said: 'You will now believe this at least: there is indeed a dark Lord and his spies and emissaries are among us; for he fears us and the strength that we may give to his foes.' $22. But some still answered: He hates us, rather, and ever the more the longer we dwell here, meddling in his quarrel with the kings of the Eldar, to no gain of ours.' Many therefore of those that yet remained in Estolad made ready to depart; and Bereg led a thousand of the people of Beor away southwards and they passed out of the songs of those days. But Amlach repented, saying: 'I now have a quarrel of my own with this Master of Lies which will last to my life's end'; and he went away north and entered the service of Maedros. But those of his people who were of like mind with Bereg chose a new leader and went back over the Mountains into Eriador and are for- gotten. $23. During this time the Haladin remained in Radhrost and were content. But Morgoth, seeing that by lies and deceits he could not yet wholly estrange Elves and Men, was filled with wrath and endeavoured to do Men what hurt he could. Therefore he sent out an orc-raid and passing east it escaped the leaguer and came in stealth back over the Mountains by the passes of the Dwarf-road and fell upon the Haladin in the southern woods of the land of Caranthir. $24. Now the Haladin did not live under the rule of lords or many together, but each homestead was set apart and governed its own affairs, and they were slow to unite. But there was among them a man named Haldad who was masterful and fearless; and he gathered all the brave men that he could find, and retreated to the angle of land between Ascar and Gelion, and in the utmost corner he built a stockade across from water to water; and behind it they led all the women and children that they could save. There they were besieged, until they were short of food. $25. Now Haldad had twin children: Haleth his daughter and Haldar his son; and both were valiant in the defence, for Haleth was a woman of great heart and strength. But at last Haldad was slain in a sortie against the Orcs; and Haldar, who rushed out to save his father's body from their butchery, was hewn down beside him. Then Haleth held the folk together, though they were without hope; and some cast themselves in the rivers and were drowned. Seven days later, as the Orcs made their last assault and had already broken through the stockade, there came suddenly a music of trumpets, and Caranthir with his host came down from the north and drove the Orcs into the rivers. $26. Then Caranthir looked kindly upon Men and did Haleth great honour, and he offered her recompense for her father and brother. And seeing, over late, what valour there was in the Edain, he said to her: 'If you will remove and dwell further north, there you shall have the friendship and protection of the Eldar and free lands of your own.' $27. But Haleth was proud, and unwilling to be guided or ruled, and most of the Haladin were of like mood. Therefore she thanked Caranthir, but answered: 'My mind is now set, lord, to leave the shadow of the Mountains and go west whither others of our kin have gone.' When therefore the Haladin had gathered all that they could find alive of their folk who had fled wild into the woods before the Orcs, and had gleaned what remained of their goods in their burned homesteads, they took Haleth for their chief; and she led them at last to Estolad, and there they dwelt for a time. $28. But they remained a people apart, and were ever after known to Elves and Men as the People of Haleth. Haleth remained their chief while her days lasted, but she did not wed, and the headship afterwards passed to Hardan son of Haldar her brother. Soon, however, Haleth desired to move westward again; and though most of her people were against this counsel, she led them forth once more; and they went without help or guidance of the Eldar, and passing over Celon and Aros they journeyed in the perilous land between the Mountains of Terror and the Girdle of Melian. That land was not yet so evil as it after became, but it was no road for mortal Men to take without aid, and Haleth only brought her folk through it with hardship and loss, constraining them to go forward by the strength of her will. At last they crossed over the Brithiach, and many bitterly repented their journey; but there was now no returning. Therefore in new lands they went back to their old life as best they could; and they dwelt in free homesteads in the woods of the Dalath Dirnen beyond Teiglin, and some wandered far into the realm of Nargothrond. But there were many who loved the Lady Haleth and wished to go whither she would and dwell [ under her rule; and these she led into the Forest of Brethil. Thither in the evil days that followed many of her scattered folk returned. $29. Now Brethil was claimed as part of his realm by King Thingol, though it was not within the List Melian, and he would have denied it to Haleth; but Felagund, who had the friendship of Thingol, when he heard of all that had befallen the people of Haleth, obtained this grace for her: that she should dwell free in Brethil upon condition only that her folk should guard the Crossings of Teiglin against all enemies of the Eldar, and allow no Orcs to enter their woods. To which Haleth answered: 'Where are Haldad my father, and Haldar my brother? If the king fears a friendship between Haleth and those who devoured her kin, then the thoughts of the Eldar are strange to Men.' And Haleth dwelt in Brethil until she died; and her people raised a green mound over her in the heights of the Forest: Tur Daretha, the Ladybarrow, Haudh-en-Arwen in the Sindarin tongue. $30. In this way it came to pass that the Edain dwelt in the lands of the Eldar, some here, some there, some wandering, some settled in kindreds or small peoples. Nearly all learned soon the Grey-elven tongue, both as a common speech among themselves and because many were eager to learn the lore of the Elves. But after a time the Elf-kings, seeing that it was not good for Elves and Men to dwell mingled together without order, and that Men needed lords of their own kind, set regions apart where Men could lead their own lives, and appointed chieftains to hold these lands freely. No conditions were laid upon them, save to hold Morgoth as their foe and to have no dealings with him or his. They were the allies of the Eldar in war, but marched under their own leaders. Yet many of the Edain had delight in the friendship of the Elves and dwelt among them for so long as they had leave; and their young men often took service for a time in the hosts of the Kings. $31. Now Hador Glorindol, son of Hathol, son of Magor, son of Malach Aradan entered the household of Fingolfin in youth, and was loved by the king. Fingolfin therefore gave to him the lordship of Dor-lomin, and into that land he gathered most of the people of his kin and became the mightiest of the chieftains of the Edain. In his house only the elven-tongue was spoken, though their own speech was not forgotten by his people.* But in Dorthonion the lordship of the people of Beor and the country of Ladros was given to Boromir, son of Boron who was the grandson of Beor the Old. $32. The sons of Hador were Galdor and Gundor; and the sons of Galdor were Hurin and Huor; and the son of Hurin was Turin the bane of Glaurung; and the son of Huor was Tuor, father of Earendil the Blessed. And the son of Boromir was Bregor, whose sons were Bregolas and Barahir; and the daugh- 1 ters of the sons of Bregolas were Morwen the mother of Turin, and Rian the mother of Tuor; but the son of Barahir was Beren One-hand who won the love of Luthien Thingol's daughter and ] returned from the Dead; from them came Elwing the wife of Earendil and all the Kings of Numenor after. $33. All these were caught in the net of the Doom of the Noldor; and they did great deeds which the Eldar remember still ! among the histories of the Kings of old. And in those days the j strength of Men was added to the power of the Noldor, and hope was renewed; and the people of the three houses of Men throve and multiplied. Greatest was the House of Hador Golden-head, peer of Elven-lords. Many of his people were like him, golden-haired and blue-eyed; they were tall and strong, j quick to wrath and laughter, fierce in battle, generous to friend and to foe, swift in resolve, fast in loyalty, joyous in heart, the children of Iluvatar in the youth of Mankind. But the people of the House of Beor were dark or brown of hair; their eyes were grey and keen and their faces fair and shapely. Lithe and lean in body they were long-enduring in hardship. Of all Men they were most like the Noldor and most loved by them; for they were eager of mind, cunning-handed, swift in understanding, long in memory; and they were moved sooner to pity than to mirth, for the sorrow of Middle-earth was in their hearts. Like to them were the woodland folk of Haleth; but they were shorter and broader, sterner and less swift. They were less eager for lore, and used few words; for they did not love great concourse of men, and many among them delighted in solitude, wandering free in the greenwoods while the wonder of the (* From this speech came the common tongue of Numenor.) world was new upon them. But in the lands of the West their time was brief and their days unhappy. $34. The years of the Edain were lengthened, according to the reckoning of Men, after their coming to Beleriand; but at last Beor the Old died, when he had lived three and ninety years, for four and forty of which he had served King Felagund. And when he lay dead, of no wound or sickness, but stricken by age, the Eldar saw for the first time the death of weariness which they knew not in themselves, and they grieved for the swift loss of their friends. But Beor at the last had relinquished his life willingly and passed in peace; and the Eldar wondered much at the strange fate of Men, for in all their lore there was no account of it and its end was hidden from them. Nonetheless the Edain of old, being of races eager and young, learned swiftly of the Eldar all such art and knowledge as they could receive, and their sons increased in wisdom and skill, until they far surpassed all others of Mankind, who dwelt still east of the Mountains and had not seen the Eldar and the faces that had beheld the Light. * I record here the few changes that were made to the LQ 2 typescript of the new chapter. $1. Felagund > Finrod Felagund $4. 'had come to a land' > 'had come at last to a land' $7. The second footnote was struck out (as it was also on the original typescript). $12. Diriol > Diriel > Amras $13. Radhrost > Thargelion, and again in $23. $28. Dalath Dirnen > Talath Dirnen $29. List Melian: 'Girdle of' written over the word List (which was not struck out). $31. Glorindol > Glorindol $33. 'the wonder of the world' > 'the wonder of the lands of the Eldar' 'But in the lands of the West' > 'But in the realms of the West'. In addition, certain changes were made in pencil to the carbon copy only of the original typescript, and these were not taken up into LQ 2, nor were they added to it. They are as follows: $16. 'Magor son of Aradan' > 'Hador son of Aradan' $29. List Melian > Lest Melian Tur Daretha > Tur Haretha $31. 'Now Hador Glorindol, son of Hathol, son of Magor, son of Malach Aradan' was emended to read thus (the emendation was incorrectly made, but my father's intention is plain): 'Now Magor Dagorlind, son of Hathol, son of Hador Glorindal, son of Malach Aradan' $32. 'The sons of Hador' > 'The sons of Magor' On the reversal of the places of Magor and Hador in the genealogy see p. 235. Commentary. $1. 'three hundred years and ten': the words 'and ten' were an addition. The original chapter in QS had 'four hundred', against which my father noted (p. 202, $126): 'This must be removed to 300', altering the date to '310'. This radical shift, putting back by ninety years the date of Felagund's meeting with Beor (and so extending the lines of the rulers of the Edain in Beleriand by several generations), has been encountered in the opening of the Athrabeth Finrod ah Andreth (X.307 and third footnote). $4. 'Beor the Old': the words 'the Old' were an addition, and 'as he was afterwards called' refer to 'Beor' simply (see the second foot- note to $7). - With 'After many lives of wandering out of the East' cf. the change made to the original QS chapter, p. 202, $127. $7. The opening sentence of this paragraph as typed read: Thus it was that Men called King Felagund, whom they first met of all the Eldar, Somar that is Wisdom, and after him they named his people Samuri (that is the Wise). As typed, the footnote was added to the word 'Wisdom', and read: In the ancient language of the Edain (from which afterwards came the Numenorean tongue); but Beor and his House later learned the language of the Eldar and forsook their own. See V.275 (footnote) and p. 202, $128. - In 'the House of Finrod' Finrod = Finarfin. The footnote at this point in the text as typed read: Thus Beor got his name; for it signifies Vassal in the tongue of the Edain. But after Beor all the children of his House bore Elvish names. The revised footnote as given in the text printed was later struck out in pencil. See $12 in the text. $9. The paragraph beginning 'But it was said afterwards ...' in the published Silmarillion between $9 and $10 of the original text was derived from the Grey Annals, $$79-80 (pp. 36 - 7). $10. The reversal in the published Silmarillion of what is said in the original text (and cf. X.305) concerning the affinities of the languages of the Edain (so that the Haladin become 'sundered in speech' from the People of Beor, and the tongue of the People of Marach becomes 'more like to ours') is based on late and very express statements of my father's. - In the present passage are the first occurrences of the names Haladin and Marach. $12. The form Diriol seems not to occur elsewhere (see p. 225, $12). - Above the word 'Servant' my father pencilled 'Vassal', but then struck it through. - The region of Estolad was entered on the second map, but in the form Estoland (p. 189, $55). $13 The heading Of the Kindreds and Houses of the Edain was an addition to the manuscript. Against the opening words 'Soon after the departure of Felagund' the date 311 was typed; 312 against the coming of the Haladin; and 313 against the coming of Marach and his people. Radhrost: Dark-elvish name of Thargelion. See p. 225, $13. Caranthir: the name as typed (twice) was Cranthir, emended to Caranthir, but later in the text ($23 and subsequently) Caranthir was the form as typed. This is an indication that the emendation of the text followed soon after its typing (p. 215), and may give support to the suggestion (ibid.) that Of the Coming of Men into the West belongs to the period when the LQ 2 typescript series was being made, since the change of Cranthir > Caranthir occurs as an emendation in Of Beleriand and its Realms in the LQ 2 series (p. 197, $111). On the statement that the peoples of Beor and Marach were 'sundered in speech', omitted in the published text, see under $10 above. $14. After the words 'dwelt in Hithlum' there followed in the type- script 'in the household of Fingolfin', which was struck out. $15. Against the words 'some fifty years' the date 330-380 is typed in the margin. $16. 'the House of Finrod': see under $7 above. - The paragraph beginning 'It is said that in all these matters ...' in the published Silmarillion was derived from the Grey Annals, $$ 130 - 1 (pp. 49 - 50). $18. With the speech of Bereg and Amlach compare the words of Andreth to Felagund in the Athrabeth, X.309-10. $19. Against the first sentence of the paragraph the date 369 was added. $20. After 'new-comers that are unwary' the text as typed read before emendation: Which of you has seen the Light or the least of the gods? Who has beheld the Dark King in the North? The Sea has no shore. There is no Light in the West, for we stand now in the West of the world. $23. The form Caranthir appears here in the typescript as typed: see under $13 above. In the carbon copy a stroke was drawn through the n of Caranthir, sc. Carathir, and the same was done at the first occurrence of the name ($13) in the top copy. $24. The siege of the Haladin behind their stockade is dated 375, typed in the margin. $25. It is here that the Lady Haleth enters the history; Haleth the Hunter, Father of Men, who first appeared long before in the Quenta as the son of Hador (when the 'Hadorian' and 'Halethian' houses were one and the same, see IV.104, 175), has now dis- appeared. $27. Against the last sentence, referring to the sojourn of the Haladin in Estolad, the date 376 - 390 is typed in the margin. $28. Hardan son of Haldar: the substitution of Haldan for Hardan in the published text was derived from a late change to a genealogical table of the Haladin (see p. 238). Brithiach: the Ford of Brithiach over Sirion north of the Forest of Brethil had first appeared in the later Tale of Tuor (Unfinished Tales p. 41), and again in GA $161; see the map on p. 182, square D 7. - Against the sentence 'At last they crossed over the Brithiach' is the date 391. Dalath Dirnen: the Guarded Plain east of Narog. The name first appears in the tale of Beren and Luthien in QS (V.299), and was marked in on the second map, where it was subsequently changed to Talath Dirnen (p. 186, $17), as also on the LQ 2 typescript of the present text (p. 225, $28). Teiglin: this was the form of the name adopted in the published Silmarillion; see pp. 309-10, at end of note 55. $29. In the Grey Annals $132 (p. 50) the story had entered (under the year 422) that 'at the prayer of Inglor [Felagund] Thingol granted to Haleth's people to live in Brethil; for they were in good friendship with the woodland Elves' (Haleth here is of course Haleth the Hunter, who had entered Beleriand two years before). List Melian, the Girdle of Melian: this name was entered on the second map (p. 183, D 8-9), and changed to Lest Melian on the carbon copy of the original typescript of the chapter (p. 225, $29). Tur Daretha: for the form Tur Haretha in the published text see p. 225, $29. - The date of the death of the Lady Haleth is given in the margin: 420. $31. In the newly devised history, Marach having displaced Hador Goldenhead as the leader of the people in the journey out of Eriador, Hador now appears as the descendant of Marach in the fourth generation; but the House of Hador retained its name (see IV.175). This is the first occurrence of the name Glorindol; but the later form Lorindol (adopted in the published Silmarillion) has been met with in the Athrabeth (X.305), and see pp. 233 - 5. Marginal dates give Hador's years in Fingolfin's household as 405-415, and the granting to him of the lordship of Dor-lomin as 416. The concluding sentence of the paragraph as typed read: But in Dorthonion the lordship of the people of Beor was given to Bregor son of Boromir... The date of this gift, as typed in the margin, was 410. - 'The country of Ladros', in the emended version, was marked on the second map in the north-east of Dorthonion: p. 187, $34. $32. For the remainder of its length Of the Coming of Men into the West returns to follow, with much rewriting and expansion, the form of the original chapter in QS. - Galdor first occurs here (otherwise than in later corrections), replacing Galion which itself replaced Gumlin (p. 123, $127). The new genealogies of the Edain. My father's decision that the coming of the Edain over the Blue Mountains into Beleriand took place nearly a century earlier than he had supposed led to a massive overhauling of the chronology and the genealogies. (i) The House of Beor. From the new chapter it is seen that in the case of the Beorians the original 'Father', Beor the Old, remained, but four new generations were introduced between him and Bregolas and Barahir, who until now had been his sons. These generations are represented by Baran, Boron, Boromir, and Bregor (who becomes the father of Bregolas and Barahir), descendants in the direct line of Beor the Old - though it is not actually stated that Boron was Baran's son, only that he was Beor's grandson ($31). In the Grey Annals ($121) Beor was born in the year 370, his encounter with Felagund took place in 400, the year in which his elder son Bregolas was born ($124), and he died in 450. In the new history he met Felagund in 310, departed with him in 311 (commen- tary on $13), and remained in his service for forty-four years until his death at the age of 93 ($34); from which his dates can be seen to be 262-355. His true name was Balan ($12); and it is stated in the second footnote to $7 that each of the chieftains of this people bore the name Beor ('Vassal') as a title until the time of Bregolas and Barahir - though this note was afterwards struck out (commentary on $7). Boromir his great-grandson received the lordship of Dorthonion and Ladros in 410 ($31 and commentary). There are two genealogical tables of the House of Beor that relate closely to the new chapter and almost certainly belong to the same period (this is strongly suggested by the fact that a group of Elvish genealogies, closely resembling in form those of the Edain, is accompanied by notes dated December 1959). The two tables were obviously made at the same time. The first ('Beor table I') was written neatly and clearly; it differs from the second in many of the dates and in its presentation of the descendants of Boron (grandson of Beor the Old), thus: Boron Beleth Boromir Belegor Bregor Bregil Bregolas Beldis Barahir Bar agund Belegund Names in italics show members of the House of Beor who have not appeared before; of these Beleth, Bregil, and Beldis are marked on the table as daughters. Subsequent alterations, carried out in complex stages, brought the genealogy to the fuller form that it has in 'Beor table II'; of these changes the most notable is the replacement of Boromir's daughter Bregil (who is moved down a generation) by Andreth, the first appearance of the name. The only other point to notice in table I is that Morwen was named Eledhwen (with Edelwen, as in table II, added above). Beor table II took up all the changes made to I, and I have redrawn it on p. 231 in the form in which it was first made. The numerals added to certain of the names indicate the rulers of the House in their order. It is seen from this genealogy that Boron was indeed the son of Baran ('Beor the Young'); and that Bereg the dissident ($18), in the text said only to be 'of the House of Beor', was the son of Baranor son of Baran, and thus a great-grandson of Beor the Old. It is seen also that the further extension of the House of Beor that appears in the Athrabeth Finrod ah Andreth (X.305-6) was now present, with Andreth the sister of Bregor, and Belen the second son of Beor the Old, father of Beldir (not previously named), father of Belemir the husband of Adanel. (Adanel is here said to be the daughter of Malach Aradan, son of Marach, whereas in the Athrabeth she is the sister of Hador Lorindol: on this see p. 235.) A few changes were made subsequently, at different times, to Beor table II, as follows: - (Bar Beora) added after 'The House of Beor'; - Boron's dates changed to 315-408, and Boromir's birth to 338; - the name Saelin pencilled beside Andreth, and also 'A[ndreth) the Wise', - a remote descent from Beleth, sister of Baragund and Belegund, indicated, leading to Erendis of Numenor; - a daughter Hiril, sister of Beren One-hand, given to Barahir and Emeldir. On the name Saelin beside Andreth see p. 233. With the descent of Erendis of Numenor from Beleth daughter of Bregolas cf. Aldarion and Erendis in Unfinished Tales, p. 177, where it is said of Beregar the father of Erendis that he 'came of the House of Beor': in my note on this (p. 214, note 10) I referred to her descent as given in the present genealogical table, but gave her ancestor's name wrongly as 'Bereth'. Some of the later dates in the table differ from those in other sources. The first death of Beren is placed under 466 in the texts of The Tale of Years: 465 is a reversion to the date in AB 2 (see p. 131, $203). The second death of Beren, in the table dated 501, was placed in AB 2 in 503, while in The Tale of Years it is given as 505, then reverting to 503 (pp. 346, 348). In GA Bregolas was born in 400, Barahir in 402, Baragund in 424, and Belegund in 428 (these were the original dates going back to the earliest Annals of Beleriand, allowing for the extension by one and then by two centuries in subsequent versions; see the genealogical table in IV.315). On the much changed date of the Second Kinslaying (here given as 511), in which Dior Thingol's heir was slain in fighting with the Feanorians and his young sons Eldun and Elrun were taken and abandoned to starve in the forest, see The Tale of Years, pp. 345 ff.; it is plainly a mere inadvertence that in the same table the date of their death is given as 506, five years before that of Dior. In (later) sources Eldun and Elrun are twin brothers, born in the year 500 (see p. 257 and note 16 on p. 300; p. 349)- (ii) The House of Hador. In the old history of the Edain, now rejected, Hador the Goldenhaired, third of 'the Fathers of the Men of the West', was born in Eriador in 390, and came over the Blue Mountains into Beleriand in 420. Unlike the development in the House of Beor, however, Hador (Glorindol, $31) retained his chronological place in the history (as will be seen shortly, his original birth-date remained the same), and his sons Galdor (< Galion < Gumlin) and Gundor; but with the much earlier date of 'the Coming of Men into the West' he was moved downwards in the genealogy, to become the ruler of the people in the fourth generation from Marach, under whose leadership they had entered Beleriand in 313 (commentary on $13). His father was Hathol, son of Magor, son of Malach, son of Marach ($31). As with the House of Beor, there are here also two genealogical tables closely related to the new conception. The earlier of these ('Hador table I') was made on my father's old typewriter using his 'midget type' (VIII.233). It was a good deal altered by revision of dates, and by additions, but these latter chiefly concern the extension of the genealogy to include the descendants of Hurin and Huor, with whom the table ended in the form as typed: the structure of the descent from the ancestor was far less changed than in the case of Beor table I, and indeed the only addition here was the incorporation of Amlach, one of the leaders of discontent in Estolad, who is said in the text of the chapter ($18) to have been 'one of the grandsons of Marach'. Changes were also made to the names of the Haladin who appear in the genealogy. A fair copy in manuscript ('Hador table II'), identical in appearance to the tables of the House of Beor, followed, no doubt immediately, and this I have redrawn on p. 234, in the form in which it was made (i.e. omitting subsequent alterations). I notice here some points arising from these tables. The date of Marach's entry into Beleriand differs by one year (314 for 313) from that given in the chapter (commentary on $13); table I had 315 altered to 314. In table I Marach's son Imlach, father of Amlach, is named Imrach. In agreement with the genealogical tables of the House of Beor, Adanel wife of Belemir is the daughter of Malach Aradan; in Hador table I it was said that Adanel 'wedded Belemir of the House of Beor, and he joined the people of Aradan', the last words being struck out. It is also said in table I that Beren (I) was the fifth child of Adanel and Belemir; and that Emeldir was the third child of Beren. In Hador table I there is the statement that 'the other children of Aradan' (i.e. beside Adanel and Magor) 'are not named in the Chronicles'. In table II a third child of Malach Aradan was named, however: 'Sael .. th the Wise 344', together with the mention of 'others not concerned in these Chronicles'; Sael .. th was first changed to Saelon, and then the name and the birth-date were struck out, so that the middle letters of the first name cannot be read. This was probably done at the time of the making of the table. Saelon appears in draft material for the Athrabeth (X.351 - 2) as the name of Andreth, replaced in the finished text (X.305) by Saelind ('the Eldar called her Saelind, Wise-heart ). In this sister of Magor and Adanel is seen, very probably, the first hint of the Athrabeth; subsequently, when my father perceived that the wise-women came of different houses of the Edain, with different 'lore and traditions' (X.305), he wrote Saelin and Andreth the Wise against the name Andreth in Beor table II (p. 230). It seems a possibility that Adanel and Andreth were already present in the genealogies before their significance as 'wise-women' emerged. In Hador table I Hador was named Glorindol, as in the text of the chapter ($31), emended to Lorindol, the form in table II. - I do not know why Gundor's death should be dated (in both I and II) a year later (456) than that of his father Hador. All the sources state that they both died at Eithel Sirion. The 'double marriage' of Hador's daughter and elder son, named Glorwendil and Galion, to the son (Hundor) and daughter (unnamed) of Haleth the Hunter had already emerged in the Grey Annals (see the commentary on $$161, 171, pp. 126, 128). Now named Gloredel and Galdor, the double marriage remains, but with the entire reconstitu- tion of the People of Haleth the chronological place of Haleth the Hunter had been taken by Halmir: it is now his son Haldir and his daughter Hareth who marry Gloredel and Galdor.* The date of Hurin's death is given as '500?' in table I ('501?' in table II). Tuor's name Eladar is translated 'Starfather' in table I, and in addition he is named Ulmondil; the form Irilde was added after Idril (so spelt): see II.343 and V.366-7 (stem KYELEP); and to Earendil was added 'whose name was foretold by Ulmo'. For Urwen Lalaeth see Unfinished Tales pp. 57-9. In hasty pencillings on Hador table II the note saying that Magor and Hathol served no Elf-lord but dwelt near the sources of Teiglin, and that Hador was the first lord of Dor-lomin, was struck out; while at the same time Hador Lorindol first lord of Dorlomin was written above Magor (the Sword), and Magor Dagorlind the Sword singer in battle above Hador Lorindol. This reversal has been seen already in emendations made to the carbon copy only of the text of the chapter (pp. 225 - 6, $$16, 31-2 - where my father changed Glorindol, not to Lorindol, but to Glorindal). That this was not an ephemeral change is seen from the Athrabeth, where Adanel is the sister of Hador Lorindol, not of Magor. I do not know of any statement elsewhere that bears on this change, but the words 'first lord of Dorlomin' that (so to speak) accompanied Hador's movement back by half a century are evidently significant, suggesting that my father had in mind to place Fingolfin's gift of the lordship of Dorlomin much earlier: he had said both in the text of the chapter and in the genealogical table that Malach (whose son was now Hador Lorindol) passed fourteen years in Hithlum. This change would not of itself entail the reversal of the names Magor and Hador; but the House of Hador was a name so embedded in the tradition that my father would not lose it even when Hador was no longer the first ruler in Beleriand, while on the other hand the importance and illustriousness of that house was closely associated with the lordship of Dorlomin - in other words, the name must accompany the first lordship. But it seems that he never wrote anything further on the matter, nor made any other alterations to the existing texts in the light of it. The only other change made to Hador table 11 (it was made also to table I) was the writing of the name Ardamir above Earendil. (* In table I the son of Halmir was still Hundor, and his daughter was Hiriel. Hiriel was changed to Hareth; and Hundor was changed to Hundar before reaching Haldir. See pp. 236-7.) (iii) The Haladin. This house of the Edain underwent the greatest change, since in this case the original 'Father' Haleth the Hunter disappeared, and of the Haladin (a name that first occurs in this new chapter, $10) it is said ($24) that they 'did not live under the rule of lords or many together'. The name Haleth now becomes that of the formidable Lady Haleth, daughter of Haldad, who had become the leader when the Haladin were attacked by Orcs in Thargelion. In the genealogical table of the House of Hador Halmir occupies the place in the history formerly taken by Haleth the Hunter, and it was his son and daughter who married the son and daughter of Hador Goldenhead. A genealogical table of the Haladin exists in a single copy (preceded by rough workings in which the names were moved about in a be- wildering fashion), this table being a companion, obviously made at the same time, to those of the Houses of Beor and Hador. I give it on p. 237 as it was first made. As in the table of the Beorians, the numerals against certain of the names refer to the leaders of the Haladin in sequence. A particularly confusing element in the transformation of 'the People of Haleth' (who are confusing enough in any event) lies in the offspring of Halmir. (1) In GA $212 (p. 70) it was told, in the annal for 468, that at the time of the Union of Maidros Haleth the Hunter 'gathered his folk in Brethil, and they whetted their axes; but he died of age ere the war came, and Hundor his son ruled his people' (in The Silmarillion, Chapter 20, p. 189, I retained this, substituting Halmir for Haleth the Hunter and Haldir for Hundor). (2) I have noticed (p. 235, footnote) that in 'Hador table I' Halmir's son was still Hundor; and that this was changed to Hundar (found also in one of the constituent texts of the Narn as the name of the son) before reaching the final form Haldir. (3) In the Narn version of the story of the Battle of Unnumbered Tears the leader of the men of Brethil is Hundar (pp. 166, 168). (4) In a late alteration to the GA version of the story (see p. 133, commentary on $221) the sentence 'many of the woodmen came also with Hundor of Brethil' was changed to 'came also with Haldir and Hundar'. (6) In the genealogical table of the Haladin both Haldir, son of Halmir and leader of the Haladin after his father's death, and his brother Hundar, are shown as having been slain in the Nirnaeth in the year 472. It is seen therefore that when Hundar son of Halmir became Haldir, the name Hundar was not lost but was given to a brother of Haldir; and both went to the battle and both were slain. This is expressly stated in The Wanderings of Hurin (p. 281 and note 37); and indeed the line of Hundar is of great importance in that tale. Handir, son of Haldir, retained his name from far back; but the original story of his death in the battle of Tumhalad in 495 had been changed: he was slain in Brethil earlier in that year by 'Orcs that invaded his land' (GA $275). On his marriage with Beldis of the House of Beor see p. 268. Hunthor was Turin's companion in the attack on Glaurung, killed by a falling stone (Unfinished Tales, p. 134); called Torbarth in GA (see p. 156). Most of the later changes made to this table relate closely to the story of The Wanderings of Hurin, and these I neglect here. Of other alterations, one has been mentioned already (commentary on $28, p. 228): Hardan son of Haldar (twin brother of the Lady Haleth) was changed to Haldan, and this name was adopted in the published Silmarillion; but also pencilled against Hardan (either before or after the change to Haldan) is the name Harathor (the name repeated in his descendant, the seventh leader of the Haladin, four generations later). - The birth-dates of Hundar and Hareth were changed to 418 and 420; and Hundar's daughter Hunleth was an addition, though prob- ably of the time of the making of the table. Pencilled on a corner of the page is: 'Hal- in old language of this people = head, chief. bar = man. Halbar = chieftain'; at the same time my father wrote 'b' against the name Haldar (Haleth's brother) and perhaps very faintly struck out the 'd' of this name: sc. Halbar. On this see p. 309. 15. OF THE RUIN OF BELERIAND AND THE FALL OF FINGOLFIN. We come now to Chapter 11 in QS, given in V.279-89. The text was not much emended on the manuscript, and I give such changes as were made in the form of notes referenced to the numbered paragraphs in Vol.V. $134. Bladorion > Ard-galen and subsequently. 'fires of many colours, and the fume stank upon the air' > 'fires of many poisonous hues, and the fume thereof stank upon the air' Dor-na-Fauglith > Dor-no-Fauglith Dagor Vreged-sir > Dagor Bragollach 'the Battle of Sudden Fire' > 'the Battle of Sudden Flame' (and subsequently) $137. 'In that battle King Inglor Felagund was cut off from his folk and surrounded by the Orcs, and he would have been slain ...' > 'surrounded by the Orcs in the Fen of Serech betwixt Mithrim and Dorthonion, and there he would have been slain'. The Fen of Rivil, changed to Fen of Serech, was added to the second map (p. 181, $3), and the latter name occurs several times in GA. $138. 'fled now from Dorthonion' > 'fled away from Dorthonion' 'it was after called by the Gnomes Taur-na-Fuin, which is Mirkwood, and Delduwath, Deadly Nightshade' > 'it was after called by the Dark-elves Taur-na-Fuin, which is Mirkwood, but by the Gnomes Delduwath, Deadly Nightshade' $141. 'Celegorn and Curufin ... sought harbour with their friend Orodreth' > '... sought harbour with Inglor and Orodreth'. See V.289, $141. $142. 'or the wild of South Beleriand' > 'nor to Taur-im-Duinath and the wilds of the south'. On Taur-im-Duinath see p. 193, $108, and p. 195, $113. $143 'Sauron was the chief servant of the evil Vala, whom he had suborned to his service in Valinor from among the people of the gods. He was become a wizard of dreadful power, master of necromancy, foul in wisdom' > 'Now Sauron, whom the Noldor call Gorthu, was the chief servant of Morgoth. In Valinor he had dwelt among the people of the gods, but there Morgoth had drawn him to evil and to his service. He was become now a sorcerer of dreadful power, master of shadows and of ghosts, foul in wisdom'. On this passage, and the name Gorthu, see V.333, 338, and the commentary on QS $143 (V.290). In the footnote to this paragraph Tol-na-Gaurhoth > Tol-in- Gaurhoth (cf. GA $154 and commentary, pp. 54, 125). $144. In 'for though his might is greatest of all things in this world, alone of the Valar he knows fear' the words 'is' and 'knows' were changed to 'was' and 'knew'. $147. 'for sorrow; but the tale of it is remembered, for Thorondor, king of eagles, brought the tidings to Gondolin, and to Hithlum. For Morgoth' > 'for their sorrow is too deep. Yet the tale of it is remembered still, for Thorondor, king of eagles, brought the tidings to Gondolin, and to Hithlum afar off. Lo! Morgoth' Gochressiel > Crisaegrim (see V.290, $147). $149. 'And most the Gnomes feared' > 'And ever the Gnomes feared most'. $151. 'Dwarfs' > 'Dwarves'. All these changes were taken up into the early typescript LQ 1 (in which the footnotes to $$143, 156 were as usual incorporated in the text, and so remained). LQ 1 received no emendation from my father, not even the correction of misspelt names and other errors. These errors reappear in the late typescript of the LQ 2 series, showing that in this case the typist did not work from the manuscript. To the text in LQ 2 my father gave the chapter-number 'XVIII' (see p. 215), and made the following emendations. $134. Dor-no-Fauglith (changed from Dor-na-Fauglith on the manuscript, as noted above) > Dor-nu-Fauglith; a translation of the name added in a footnote 'That is Land under Choking Ash'; and 'in the Noldorin tongue' (where LQ 1 had 'in the Gnomish tongue') > 'in the Sindarin tongue'. Eredwethion > Eredwethrin (and subsequently) $135. Glomund > Glaurung (and subsequently). See p. 180, $104. $137. Finrod > Finarfin (this change was missed in $144). 'Bregolas, son of Beor [the typescript has Breor, a mere error j going back to LQ 1], who was lord of that house of men after his father's death' > 'Bregolas, son of Bregor ... after Boromir his father's death'. This accommodates the text to the new genealogy that came in with the new chapter Of the Coming of Men into the West. That was extant in the LQ 2 series, but for the present chapter my father gave the typist the old LQ 1 text to copy. Inglor > Finrod (and subsequently) 'Barahir son of Beor' > 'Barahir son of Bregor' $138. Taur-na-Fuin > Taur-nu-Fuin (cf. GA $158 and commentary, pp. 56, 126). $139. The name Arthod of one of the companions of Barahir had been misspelt Arthrod by the typist of LQ 1, and this error surviving into LQ 2 was not observed by my father. In GA ($159, p. 56) the name is Arthad, which was adopted in the published Silmarillion. $140. Gumlin > Galdor and subsequently (see p. 229, $32); the intervening name Galion, appearing in GA ($127), was here jumped. $141. 'sought harbour with Inglor and Orodreth' (see p. 239, $141) > 'sought harbour with Finrod and Orodreth' $142. Cranthir > Caranthir Damrod and Diriel > Amrod and Amras $143. Now Sauron, whom the Noldor call Gorthu (see p. 239, $143) > 'Now Sauron, whom the Sindar call Gorthaur' 'In Valinor he had dwelt among the people of the Valar, but there Morgoth had drawn him to evil and to his service' (see p. 239, $143; LQ 1 has 'gods'): this was struck out. $147. In 'Morgoth goes ever halt of one foot since that day, and the pain of his wounds cannot be healed; and in his face is the scar that Thorondor made' the words 'goes', 'since', 'cannot', and 'is' were changed to 'went', 'after', 'could not', and 'was'. Cf. p. 239, $144. $151. Borlas and Boromir and Borthandos > Borlad and Borlach and Borthand. In GA, in a passage extant in two versions, appear both Borthandos and Borthand (pp. 61, 64), the other names remaining as in QS. Here Borlad replaces Borlas and Borlach replaces Boromir, which latter had become the name of the fourth ruler of the People of Beor. $152. 'Yet Haleth and his men' > 'Yet the People of Haleth' Haleth > Halmir (and subsequently); at the first occurrence > 'Halmir Lord of the Haladin'. For Halmir see p. 236 and the genealogical table of the Haladin on p. 237. $153. Since no alteration to this passage in QS had ever been made, at this late date the LQ 2 typescript still retained the old story that it was Haleth the Hunter and his fosterson Hurin who, hunting in the vale of Sirion in the autumn of the year of the Battle of Sudden Flame (455), came upon the entrance into Gondolin. That story had already been altered in the Grey Annals ($149), in that Hurin's companion had become Haleth's grandson Handir, and in a long rider inserted into the Annals ($$161-6, and see the commentary, pp. 126-7) it had been much further changed: Hurin's companion was now his brother Huor, and it was their presence (as fostersons of Haleth) among the Men of Brethil in the battle against the Orcs three years later (458) that led to their coming to Gondolin. The only alterations that my father made to the passage in LQ 2, however, were the replacement of Gumlin by Galdor and Haleth by Halmir - thus retaining the long since rejected story while substitut- ing the new names that had entered with the chapter Of the Coming of Men into the West. This was obviously not his intention (prob- ably he altered the names rapidly throughout the chapter without considering the content in this paragraph), and indeed he marked the passage in the margin with an X and noted against it 'This is incorrect story. See Annals and tale of Turin'. This treatment may have been due to haste, or disinclination to deal with the text at that time; but it possibly implies uncertainty as to how he should relate the content of the Quenta Silmarillion at this point to the same material appearing in closely similar form both in the Grey Annals and in the Narn: see pp. 165 ff. In the published work the old text of QS $153 was replaced by that of GA $$161-6 (with a different ending: see p. 169). Two alterations made hastily to the QS manuscript are not found in the typescripts. The first of these concerns the opening of $133: 'But when the sons of the sons of the Fathers of Men were but newly come to manhood'; this referred to the second generation after Beor, Hador, and Haleth according to the old genealogies, i.e. Baragund, Belegund, Beren; Hurin, Huor; Handir of Brethil. When correcting the LQ 2 text my father had not observed the need to correct this in the light of the revised history of the Edain in Beleriand, and when he did recognise it he made the change only on the QS manuscript, thus: But when the fifth generation of Men after Beor and Marach were not yet come to full manhood Even so, the change is not quite as is to be expected; for in the fifth generation after Beor and Marach were Bregolas, Barahir; Gundor, Galdor. There is of course no question that the men referred to are not these, but their sons - and even so the new reading 'not yet come to full manhood' is hardly suitable to Baragund and Belegund, who according to the changed dates in the genealogical table (pp. 231-2) were at this time 35 and 33 years old. At any rate it seems clear that 'fifth' was an error for 'sixth'. The other alteration made to QS only, and obviously made much earlier than that just given, was an addition to the end of $137, after the words 'he [Felagund] gave to Barahir his ring'. But fearing now that all strong places were doomed to fall at last before the might of Morgoth, he sent away his wife Meril to her own folk in Eglorest, and with her went their son, yet an elvenchild, and Gilgalad Starlight he was called for the brightness of his eye. Felagund's wife Meril has not been named before, nor any child of his; and this is the first appearance of Gil-galad from The Lord of the Rings. Another note on the subject is found in the QS manuscript near the opening of the 'short' (i.e. condensed) version of the tale of Beren and Luthien (see V.293), pencilled rapidly at the foot of a page but clearly referring to the statement in the text that Felagund gave the crown of Nargothrond to Orodreth before his departure with Beren (The Silmarillion p. 170): But foreseeing evil he commanded Orodreth to send away his son Gilgalad, and wife. This was struck out; and somewhat further on in the tale of Beren and Luthien in the same version is a third hasty note, without direction for insertion but evidently referring to the passage in which Orodreth expelled Celegorn and Curufin from Nargothrond (The Silmarillion p. 176): But the Lady wife of Inglor forsook the folk of Nargoth- rond and went with her son Gilgalad to the Havens of the Falas. A blank space is here left for the name of Felagund's wife. In each of these mentions, taking them in sequence, her departure is displaced to a later point; but of course they need not have been written in that sequence (although the third presumably replaced the second, which was struck out). On the other hand it seems very unlikely that the three additions do not belong together, though there seems to be no way of discovering with certainty when they were written. - It may also be noticed that a later correction to the old AB 2 manuscript changed the sentence in the concluding annal (V.144) 'But Elrond the Half-elfin remained, and ruled in the West of the world' to 'But Elrond the Half-elven remained with Gilgalad son of Inglor Felagund who ruled in the West of the world.' In this connection must be mentioned the passage in the Grey Annals $$108-9 (p. 44), where it is expressly stated that 'King Inglor Felagund had no wife', and that when Galadriel came to Nargothrond for the feast celebrating its completion in the year 102 she asked him why: ... but foresight came upon Felagund as she spoke, and he said: 'An oath I too shall swear and must be free to fulfill it and go into darkness. Nor shall anything of all my realm endure that a son should inherit.' But it is said that not until that hour had such cold thoughts ruled him; for indeed she whom he had loved was Amarie of the Vanyar, and she was not permitted to go with him into exile. Amarie appears again in GA, in both versions of the retelling of the story of Beren and Luthien ($$180, 199), where it is said that Felagund dwells in Valinor with Amarie. Later evidence makes it certain that the notes on the QS manuscript represent a rejected idea for the incorporation of Gil-galad into the traditions of the Elder Days; and the passage just cited from the Grey Annals is to be taken as showing that it had been abandoned. That Gil-galad was the son of Fingon (The Silmarillion p. 154) derives from the late note pencilled on the manuscript of GA ($157), stating that when Fingon became King of the Noldor on the death of Fingolfin 'his young son (?Findor) [sic] Gilgalad he sent to the Havens.' But this, adopted after much hesitation, was not in fact by any means the last of my father's speculations on this question. THE LAST CHAPTERS OF THE QUENTA SILMARILLION. Of the next chapters in QS (12 - 15), the tale of Beren and Luthien, there is almost nothing to add to my account in V.292 ff. A typescript in the LQ 1 series was made, but my father only glanced through it cursorily, correcting a few errors in the typing and missing a major one; from this it was copied in the LQ 2 series, which again he looked at in a cursory and uncomparative fashion: such old names as Inglor and Finrod were not changed to Finrod and Finarfin. The only change that he made to the LQ 2 text was at the very beginning (V.296), where against 'Noldor' he wrote in the margin 'Numenor', i.e. 'which is the longest save one of the songs of [the Noldor >] Numenor concerning the world of old.' With this cf. X.373. The textual history of the following chapters (16 and 17) of the Quenta Silmarillion has been fully described in Vol.V (see especially pp. 293-4), and need not be repeated here. To Chapter 16, the story of the Battle of Unnumbered Tears, no further changes to the text as given in V.306-13 had been made (apart from those mentioned in V.313, $1) when the LQ 1 typescript was taken from it, and this my father did not correct or change at any point. Years later, the LQ 2 typescript was simply a copy of LQ 1, perpetuating its errors, and similarly neglected. Thus the confused account of Turgon's emergence from Gondolin, discussed in V.314-15, which had been resolved in the story as told in the Grey Annals (see p. 133, $221), remained in this text without so much as a comment in the margin. With Chapter 17, the beginning of the story of Turin (V.316-21), my father abandoned, in December 1937, the writing of the continu- ous Quenta Silmarillion. He had made no changes to the chapter when the last typescript of the LQ 1 series was taken from it, and this text he never touched. In this case he did indeed return later to the manuscript, making many additions and corrections (and rejecting the j whole of the latter part of the chapter, V.319 - 21, $34-40); but this is best regarded as an aspect of the vast, unfinished work on the 'Saga of Turin' that engaged him during the 1950s, from which no brief retelling suitable in scale to the Quenta Silmarillion ever emerged. LQ 2 was again a simple copy of LQ 1, by that time altogether obsolete. Chapter 17 ended with Turin's flight from Menegroth after the slaying of Orgof and his gathering of a band of outlaws beyond the borders of Doriath: 'their hands were turned against all who came in their path, Elves, Men, or Orcs' (V.321). The antecedent of this passage is found in Q (Quenta Noldorinwa), IV.123; and from this point, in terms of the Silmarillion narrative strictly or narrowly defined, there is nothing later than Q (written, or the greater part of it, in 1930) for the rest of the tale of Turin, and for all the story of the return of Hurin, the Nauglamir, the death of Thingol, the destruction of Doriath, the fall of Gondolin, and the attack on Sirion's Haven, until we come to the rewriting of the conclusion of Q which my father carried out in 1937. This is not to suggest for a moment, of course, that he had lost interest in the later tales: 'Turin' is the most obvious contradiction to that, while the later Tale of Tuor was undoubtedly intended to lead to a richly detailed account of the Fall of Gondolin, and The Wanderings of Hurin was not to end with his departure from Brethil, but to lead into the tale of the Necklace of the Dwarves. But the Quenta Silmarillion was at an end. I have said of the Quenta Noldorinwa (Q) in IV.76: The title ['This is the brief History of the Noldoli or Gnomes, drawn from the Book of Lost Tales'] makes it very plain that while Q was written in a finished manner, my father saw it as a compendium, a 'brief history' that was 'drawn from' a much longer work; and this aspect remained an important element in his conception of 'The Silmarillion' properly so called. I do not know whether this idea did indeed arise from the fact that the starting point of the second phase of the mythological narrative was a condensed synopsis (S) [the Sketch of the Mythology]; but it seems likely enough, from the step by step continuity that leads from S through Q to the version that was interrupted towards its end in 1937. In these versions my father was drawing on (while also of course continually developing and extending) long works that already existed in prose and verse, and in the Quenta Silmarillion he perfected that characteristic tone, melodious, grave, elegiac, burdened with a sense of loss and distance in time, which resides partly, as I believe, in the literary fact that he was drawing down into a brief compendious history what he could also see in far more detailed, immediate, and dramatic form. With the completion of the great 'intrusion' and departure of The Lord of the Rings, it seems that he returned to the Elder Days with a desire to take up again the far more ample scale with which he had begun long before, in The Book of Lost Tales. The completion of the Quenta Silmarillion remained an aim; but the 'great tales', vastly developed from their original forms, from which its later chapters should be derived were never achieved. It remains only to record the later history of the final element in QS, the rewritten conclusion of the Quenta Noldorinwa, which was given in V.323 ff. with such emendations as I judged to have been made very early and before the abandonment of work on QS at the end of 1937. It is curious to find that a final typescript in the LQ 2 series of 1958(?) was made, in which the text of Q was copied from the words 'Hurin gathered therefore a few outlaws of the woods unto him, and they came to Nargothrond' (IV.132) to the end. It has no title, and apart from some corrections made to it by my father has no independent value: its interest lies only in the fact of its existence. The reason why it begins at this place in the narrative is, I think, clear (though not why it begins at precisely this point). At the time when my father decided to 'get copies made of all copyable material' (December 1957, see X.141-2) he provided the typist not only with the Quenta Silmarillion papers but also with (among other manuscripts) the Grey Annals. Thus the story of Turin, in that form, was (or would be) secure in two typescript copies. But from the death of Turin, if anything of the concluding parts of The Silmarillion was to be copied in this way, it had to be the text of Q: for there was nothing later (except the rewritten version of the conclusion). Yet in this text we are of course in quite early writing: for a single example among many, Q has (IV.139) 'For Turgon deemed, when first they came into that vale after the dreadful battle ...' - an explicit reference to the now long-discarded story of the foundation of Gondolin after the Battle of Unnumbered Tears; and so this appears in the late typescript. That was of course a mere pis-aller, an insurance against the possibility of a catastrophe, but its existence underlines, and must have underlined for my father, the essential and far-reaching work that still awaited him, but which he would never achieve. The typist of LQ 2 was given the manuscript (see V.323) of the 1937 rewriting of the conclusion of Q, beginning 'And they looked upon the Lonely Isle and there they tarried not'. Some of the later, roughly made emendations (see V.324) had already been made to the manuscript, but others had not. Up to the point where the rewritten text begins my father understandably paid no attention at all to the typescript, but the concluding portion he corrected cursorily - it is clear that he did not have the actual manuscript by him to refer to. These corrections are mostly no more than regular changes of name, but he made one or two independent alterations as well, and these are recorded in the notes that follow. The corrections to the manuscript, carried out as it appears in two stages (before and after the making of the typescript), are mostly fairly minor, and a few so slight as not to be worth recording. I refer to the numbered paragraphs in V.324 - 34. Changes of name or forms of name were: Airandir > Aerandir ($1); Tun > Tirion ($3 and subsequently); Kor > Tuna ($4); Lindar > Vanyar ($$6, 26); Vingelot > Vingilot ($11, but not at the other occurrences); Gumlin > Galion ($16); Gorthu > Gorthaur ($30, see p. 240, $143); Palurien > Kementari ($32); Eriol > Ereol ($33). Fionwe was changed to Eonwe throughout, and son of Manwe to 'herald of Manwe' in $5 (but in $6 'Fionwe son of Manwe' > 'Eonwe to whom Manwe gave his sword'); 'the sons of the Valar' became 'the host of the Valar' in $6, but 'the Children of the Valar' in $18, 'the sons of the Gods' in $20, and 'the sons of the Valar' in $$29, 32, were not corrected (see also under $15 below). Other changes were: $6. 'Ingwiel son of Ingwe was their chief': observing the apparent error, in that Ingwiel appears to be named the leader of the Noldor (see V.334, $6), my father changed this to 'Finarphin son of Finwe': see IV.196, second footnote. In the typescript he let the passage stand, but changed Ingwiel to Ingwion (and also 'Light-elves' to 'Fair-elves', see X.168, 180). $9. 'Manwe' > 'Manwe the Elder King' $12. 'she let build for her' > 'there was built for her' $13. 'they took it for a sign of hope' > 'they took it for a sign, and they called it Gil-Orrain, the Star of high hope', with Gil-Orrain subsequently changed to Gil-Amdir (see X.320). The typescript had the revised reading, with Gil-Orrain, which my father emended to Gil-Estel; on the carbon copy he wrote Orestel above Orrain. $15. 'the Light-elves of Valinor' > 'the Light-elves in Valinor' 'the sons of the Gods were young and fair and terrible' > 'the host of the Gods were arrayed in forms of Valinor' $16. 'the most part of the sons of Men' > 'a great part of the sons of Men' $17. 'was like a great roar of thunder, and a tempest of fire' > 'was with a great thunder, and lightning, and a tempest of fire' $18. 'and in his fall the towers of Thangorodrim were thrown down' > 'and he fell upon the towers of Thangorodrim and they were broken and thrown down' 'the chain Angainor, which long had been prepared' > 'the chain Angainor, which he had worn aforetime' $20. 'But Maidros would not harken, and he prepared... to attempt in despair the fulfilment of his oath' > 'But Maidros and Maglor would not harken...', with change of 'he' to 'they' and 'his' to 'their'. $26. 'and especially upon the great isles' > 'and upon the great isles' $30. 'and bears dark fruit even to these latest days' > 'and will bear dark fruit even unto the latest days' 'Sauron ... who served Morgoth even in Valinor and came with him' > '... who served Morgoth long ago and came with him into the world' (cf. the removal of the passage on this subject from the chapter Of the Ruin of Beleriand, p. 240, $143). $31. 'Turin Turambar... coming from the halls of Mandos' > 'Turin Turambar... returning from the Doom of Men at the ending of the world'. In the margin of the manuscript my father wrote 'and Beren Camlost' without direction for its insertion. $32. 'and she will break them [the Silmarils] and with their fire rekindle the Two Trees': this was emended on the carbon copy of the typescript only to: 'and he [Feanor] will break them and with their fire Yavanna will rekindle the Two Trees' Approximately against the last two sentences of the paragraph (from 'In that light the Gods will grow young again...') my father put a large X in the margin of the manuscript. Among these later changes were also the subheadings (Of the Great Battle and the War of Wrath at $15, Of the Last End of the Oath of Feanor and his Sons at $20, and Of the Passing of the Elves at $26) which were noticed in the commentary on this text, V.336; I neglected however to mention there the introduction of a further subheading, The Second Prophecy of Mandos, at $31. I said of this text in V.324: 'The very fact that the end of "The Silmarillion" still took this form when The Lord of the Rings was begun is sufficiently remarkable'. It seems much more remarkable, and not easy to interpret, that my father was treating it as a text requiring only minor and particular revision at this much later time. But his mode of emendation could sometimes be decidedly perfunctory, suggesting not a close, comparative consideration of an earlier text so much as a series of descents on particular points that struck his attention; and it may be that such later emendations as he made in this case are to be regarded rather in that light than as implying any sort of final approval of the content. But this text was peculiar in its inception, jumping forward from the beginning of the story of Turin to the middle of a sentence much further on in the Quenta, and its later history does not diminish its somewhat mysterious nature.