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2

"Women of the Town"

PROSTITUTES AND MADAMS played an active and visible role in the public life of Salt Lake City. Several women began long careers managing brothels in the 1870s and 1880s, and more transient brothel prostitutes, saloon workers, crib workers, and streetwalkers started working in places where their successors could be found decades later. They built a network of prostitution venues, stratified along racial and class lines that reflected those of the surrounding community, that flourished for almost forty years. This chapter will detail the structure of prostitution, the places where women sold sex, the allies and supporters of prostitution, and the experiences of some women from the 1870s to approximately 1908.

      Temple Block is the geographic center of Salt Lake City, and "ground zero" is the corner of South Temple (originally Brigham) Street and Main (originally East Temple) Street. North-south running streets are numbered beginning at Main, which is "" longitudinally. East-west streets begin at South Temple, which is "" latitudinally. As one moves away from ground zero, streets are numbered by 100s; for example, 200 North (or "Second North") is two blocks north of South Temple. Any spot in the city can be pinpointed by its north-south, east-west coordinates (see figure 1).

      By the early 1870s, with the influx of gentiles and the gradual incorporation of Utah's products into outside markets, Salt Lake City had become a "commercial city" with a small business district concentrated on Main Street between 100 and 200 South Street. The location of this district, just one block south of the southeast corner of Temple Block, demonstrates the compact nature of the walking city of the 1870s. 1

      Women sold sex in locations that, in a physical and metaphorical sense, constituted the back side or underworld of this emerging business zone. One of the most persistent and best-known locations was Commercial (later Regent) Street. Commercial was one block long and fifty feet wide and ran north-south through Block 70 between 100 and 200 South. The street's situation made it contested ground. Since Commercial was a narrow street on the interior of a block, "disreputable" businesses were relatively less visible and obnoxious to passersby than they would have been on the outside streets of the block, yet still easily accessible to customers. Prostitutes, city authorities, and many businesspeople considered Commercial an ideal location for prostitution. Because of its centrality and proximity to the business district and Temple Square, however, Commercial Street property owners, municipal boosters, and reformers spoke frequently of its legitimate potential and demanded that prostitutes be removed. Despite these sentiments, which resulted in periodic "cleansings" of the street, the forces favoring prostitution held the upper hand and some women sold sex there until the 1930s. 2

      Madams and prostitutes established themselves in other long-term locales inside original city blocks. As the business district extended down Main Street to Third South in the 1880s, women began selling sex in Block 57, immediately south of Block 70. As on Commercial Street, brothels in Block 57 shared space with saloons, secondhand stores, restaurants, and other businesses. 3 Unlike the Commercial Street houses of prostitution, usually located in continuous-row buildings directly on the street, 4 the most persistent Block 57 brothels were detached dwelling houses in the center of the block, invisible from outside streets but easily accessible via narrow alleys. Franklin Avenue, which cut south through Block 56 from Second to Third South between State and Second East (one block east of Main), remained more residential than commercial throughout the period under study. 5

      Commercial Street and Franklin Avenue shared one characteristic that led many whites to consider them suitable for prostitution: they were the homes of racial minorities. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, white Americans across the nation instituted increasingly strict segregation and often violently repressed African Americans, Asians, and other ethnic groups. The high incidence of lynchings attests to the South's efforts to reestablish white supremacy over African Americans. 6 There is little reason to believe that racial attitudes in Salt Lake City differed from those in other northern cities. LDS leaders considered African Americans descendants of Ham and therefore ineligible for the priesthood or for marriage with Mormon women. Utah's territorial legislature legalized both African American and Indian bondage; slavery only ended when Congress barred it in the territories in 1862. Miscegenation was outlawed in 1852, and LDS leaders frequently warned their members against race mixing. 7 Mobs lynched a handful of African Americans in Utah between 1870 and 1925. 8 De facto residential segregation kept African Americans in distinct locations. By the 1890s, Franklin Avenue had become the center of the city's small African American population. 9

      The city's Asian inhabitants were also the object of severe prejudice and strict segregation. Throughout the West, whites resented the Chinese for allegedly depressing wages and feared their alien culture; as a result, Chinese were barred from emigrating to the United States in 1882. In Salt Lake, whites often associated them with vice, crime, and drug abuse. 10 Plum Alley, which paralleled Commercial Street some twenty feet to the east, was the center of Salt Lake City's tiny, overwhelmingly male Chinatown. 11 Many Chinese also lived and worked on Commercial, while at least one white woman managed a large brothel on Plum Alley in the 1890s. 12 A handful of Japanese immigrants began settling in the city after 1884, including some prostitutes on Franklin Avenue. 13

      The authorities considered Commercial and Franklin acceptable locales for prostitution, especially in its lower-status forms. Similarly, one reason municipal officials gave for moving prostitutes to the west side of town in 1908 was that neighborhood housed mostly immigrants. 14 By forcing or encouraging prostitutes and "less desirable" people to live together, the municipal authorities thought to keep white residential and business areas unpolluted by vice and crime (while still ensuring that prostitutes were available for white customers). Such segregation was common throughout the country. Historians Neil Shumsky and Larry Springer note that vice districts and "Chinatowns" were often co-located. Historian Ruth Rosen, who studied mostly eastern cities, notes that red-light districts were found commonly in poor sections of town, frequently where African Americans lived. 15

      Prostitutes worked in other places throughout the city. West Temple Street between First and Second South enjoyed a brief vogue as a brothel location in the mid-1880s and again in the mid-1890s. 16 Women also sold sex on Second South Street and near Fort Douglas. 17 The locales discussed above, however, were the most common areas for prostitution during the period studied. Customers could walk easily from one location to another, sampling the hospitality of each house. A supposed investigation by police and city councilmen in 1892 demonstrated this: in the course of the evening their party visited brothels on Commercial Street, Victoria Alley, Franklin Avenue, and Plum Alley within three contiguous city blocks. 18

      All three blocks contained a mixture of residential housing and commercial properties in varying proportions. Prostitutes and madams lived and worked alongside the owners, employees, and customers of a variety of legitimate businesses: tailor shops, gunsmithies, livery stables, breweries, locksmithies, cabinetmaking shops, barbershops, blacksmithies, confectioneries, drugstores, groceries, saloons, secondhand stores, cheap restaurants, and laundries, in addition to less savory "resorts": gambling halls, peep shows, and opium dens. This world was crowded, noisy, and busy, especially at night. Commercial Street at the turn of the century was particularly cosmopolitan.

From a corner there comes the cry of "hot tamales," from another "chicken sandwich" floats on the wind; in a nearby mission there is the sound of a hymn, and this is mingled with a coarse song from a maison de joie nearby; the evangelists on the street are listened to when they can be heard above the roar of traffic and the music from the houses; Japanese, Chinese, negroes and white mix together in a friendly way; occasionally from one of the saloons some tough who has aspirations to "run de place or doie," is seen to shoot out of a door—he doubles his fist, vows vengeance and then slides away; out from a dark and badly-scented alley comes a pale-faced man whose chief occupation in life is the burning of opium; Chinese merchants sit on their doorsteps and indulge in gossip and smoke after their day's trade is over; sad faces peer from the windows of shacks and watch the pedestrian as he ambles down the street; occasionally a female figure flits in from one of the side streets and is swallowed up in the darkness of Plum alley, and it needs not more than one guess from the uninitiated to tell where she has gone to. 19

      The women who sold sex in these locales were not there for excitement and entertainment. Scholars have studied and debated extensively the reasons some women turned to prostitution. At the turn of the twentieth century, Edward R. Seligman wrote The Social Evil, based on the influential work of the New York City vice commissions, completed in 1902. The commissions noted the existence of both "full-time" and "temporary" prostitutes. Seligman cited a number of possible factors that "impelled" women "to make a quasi-voluntary choice of prostitution as a means of livelihood," including poor wages, orphanhood, and "vicious" childhood influences. Seligman also claimed that certain women were "selfish," "greedy," or "hedonistic" and so entered prostitution because it paid better than respectable work. 20

      More recent scholars acknowledge the legitimacy of these factors (if not the moralizing tone Seligman attaches) but they emphasize economic necessity. Women's employment choices were severely limited, especially if they lacked education or had children to care for. Most women who turned to prostitution, whether full-time or occasional, did so because it seemed the best among their few alternatives. Some women sold sex occasionally between other jobs or before marriage. 21

      Economic prospects for a working-class woman in Salt Lake City in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were not promising. Relatively few women worked outside the home at all: 18.5 percent of adult women in 1900, rising to 20 percent by 1910, slightly below the national averages. The largest single category of available employment in Salt Lake and the nation was domestic service, although by the first two decades of the twentieth century virtually as many women performed clerical work. Other common occupations included dressmaking, millinery, laundry, and candy manufacturing. A few Salt Lake women achieved professional status, the majority as nurses and teachers, and a number of female physicians worked in the city. 22 The most widely available work offered poor wages. A "servant girl" working in a private home in 1880s Salt Lake City could expect to earn perhaps $3.00 a week, and some people would only hire girls of their own religion. 23 A brothel prostitute might earn ten times that amount. 24

      The evidence from Salt Lake City supports financial necessity, sometimes to the point of crisis, as the leading reason some women resorted to selling sex. Women's stories depict their desperate circumstances as they struggled to keep themselves or their families afloat. Rose Watkins told the city court that she turned to prostitution after her father died, leaving the family nothing and forcing her mother to take in washing. When her mother became ill and Rose lost her (unspecified) job, she began selling sex. 25 Alma Baxley feared she might be forced to become a prostitute. She claimed that her "fall" had been "effected" in Dallas, and that she had come to Salt Lake City to work as a domestic but that "stories of her former disgrace gained circulation here, and she lost her place.... as a final effort to avoid the inevitable" she called on the police for help. 26 About a third of likely prostitutes in the Stockade told the census enumerator that they were or recently had been out of work, sometimes for the entire previous year. One brothel alone contained a stenographer, two clerks, a telephone operator, a nurse, and a waitress, all unemployed. 27 Dogney Lofstrom entered the Stockade in 1911 after losing her laundry job during a strike. 28 When "rescue" workers offered one woman help finding "honest work," she replied "I can't support my child with the wages paid girls for honest work in this city." 29

      The Tribune characteristically provided "life histories" of prostitutes that indicted Mormonism rather than financial exigency. One unnamed 16-year-old purportedly was "the scion of a Mormon house ... [and] a good illustration of the beauty of Mormon education and training.... Her father has been to the Pen, and her mother, a polygamous wife, is now living as the mistress of another man." 30 The Tribune claimed that a Mormon upbringing, which exposed a girl to the immoralities of polygamy while offering her more opportunities to be in public, specially suited her to prostitution: "As soon as night comes she wants to be in the streets, for that is what she has been accustomed to all her life. So trained and with her passions abnormally excited by her teachings from childhood, a great many of them know no such thing as virtue from almost childhood." 31

      The numbers of prostitutes working in Salt Lake City during this time period cannot be stated with anything approaching certainty. This is a function of both the incompleteness and the inaccuracy of records, and also of the vagaries of the terms "prostitute" and "prostitution." While some women were full-time prostitution workers (i.e., madams and their brothel workers), others sold sex as a temporary expedient or a supplement to other work. Nevertheless, some clues can be found. Police arrested three to five brothel keepers and five to sixteen "inmates" on an irregular basis from 1872 through 1878. 32 About five or six keepers and twenty-five to thirty prostitutes were arrested from 1880 through 1891. 33 A raid in April 1891 produced ten keepers and fifty-two inmates. 34 Those approximate numbers remained through about 1894. 35 By 1903, nearly one hundred women were being arrested and fined on a monthly basis. 36 By mid-1908, when city officials were planning the Stockade district, eight housekeepers and about 130 prostitutes were on the arrest books. 37

      The women enumerated above worked in the well-known brothels and undoubtedly represent only a portion of women who sold sex. An unknown number of full- and part-time prostitutes escaped arrest, while some women arrested in brothels were probably servants. Other people occasionally offered their own estimates. Mary Grant Major, who helped found a "rescue home" for prostitutes, guessed in 1892 that there were nearly a thousand "fallen women" in Salt Lake. 38 ("Fallen women," of course, was a blanket term and might include mistresses and victims of seduction; in this context, Major seems to refer only to prostitutes.) J. Golden Kimball, an LDS leader, claimed in 1896 that "there are 500 girls who are public prostitutes in Salt Lake City some of these are dau[ghters] of Latter day Saints." 39 A reformer in 1902 suggested "there are at least 500 people who depend upon this nefarious business for a livelihood." 40

      As in other cities, contemporary opinion divided women involved in commercialized sex into five rough categories, from highest to lowest status: brothel operator or owner/operator (madam), brothel prostitute, saloon or dance hall worker, crib worker, and streetwalker. 41 The boundaries between these categories were fuzzy, and some women changed status, usually downward. While the physical venue where prostitution occurred had much to do with a woman's perceived status, her personal characteristics also mattered. Some women could not hope to inhabit the upper strata because of their race, advanced age, or drug or alcohol abuse. Prostitutes, municipal authorities, and the general public collaborated to create this status hierarchy, and all acknowledged its existence. The police and the public were usually much more tolerant of the madams and higher-end brothel prostitutes than they were of crib women or streetwalkers, who were often nonwhite. These women were understood to belong to different strata, and it was worthy of remark when police raids brought them together: "An almond-eyed beauty from the land of the Mikado fraternized with an ebony-hued damsel whose ancestors dwelt on the banks of the Kongo, and the sturdy Teuton swapped neighborhood gossip with an erstwhile grisette of Paris.... The inmates of the gilded palace of sin and the brothels of 'Darkest Africa' met for once on a common level, and a great deal of jolly badinage was indulged in by all." 42

      The most elaborate brothels were known as "parlor houses" for the central parlors where women and customers socialized. The owners and operators of parlor houses were the highest-status, most visible, and best-known representatives of the "sporting class." Through the period under discussion, the great majority of brothel operators and many owner/operators were white women. For them, prostitution offered a chance to use entrepreneurial talent and ambition to carve out comfortable livings in an economy that offered few other outlets. A handful succeeded in earning substantial amounts, especially through the appreciation of real estate; and at least one, Dora Topham, wielded considerable political power. Madams funded the construction of the brothel district through mortgages and loans from some of the city's most prominent and ostensibly respectable bankers and businessmen, both gentile and Mormon.

      The heyday of the independent female brothel keeper lasted from the 1870s until the establishment of the Stockade, although a few women continued to run houses outside that district. Three women, Kate Flint, Emma DeMarr, and Sadie Noble, owned and operated parlor houses in Salt Lake City for years, and after their retirement, other women continued to run the brothels the three established. Their persistence and centrality makes it important to examine their lives and careers in some detail.

      Kate Flint ran a brothel with three women in Corinne in 1870; the census describes her as twenty-three years old and Irish-born, although a census taker ten years later recorded that she was born in Tennessee to Tennessee-born parents. 43 Flint ran brothels on Commercial Street in Salt Lake City in the 1870s. In March 1880, her husband D. Frank Connelly bought a rectangular lot in Block 57, the narrow northern end of which opened on Second South Street, and immediately deeded it to Flint. On that lot she opened what seems to have been the first brothel in Block 57. 44 Connelly purchased an adjoining lot two years later and turned it over to his wife as well. Connelly bought both lots from David F. Walker of the prominent Walker Brothers banking firm, which also helped to finance the purchase of the first lot. 45 The roundabout purchases may have provided cover for Flint or the Walkers, since she was already a notorious figure.

      Until autumn 1886 or early 1887, when the now-widowed Flint apparently abandoned the business, she operated a brothel on her Block 57 property. The likeliest location, based on its relative seclusion and proximity to other long-term brothels, was a two-story adobe building at 42 or 44 east Second South, set some one hundred feet south of Second South Street in the interior of the block and accessible by a narrow alley (see figure 2). 46 Flint sold the property in 1888 for $25,000 and apparently retired from the business, moving to Social Hall Avenue a few blocks away. Tenants in her former properties operated brothels through at least 1899. 47

      Emma DeMarr, whose given name seems to have been Matilda Turnross, proved one of the most enduring and financially successful owner/operators. 48 Evidence suggests she was born in Sweden around 1860 and emigrated to the United States in 1873. 49 By 1876 she seems to have been working in Emma Davis's Salt Lake City brothel. 50 Emma and "Alvie," her sister, operated a brothel in Bellevue, Idaho, in 1882. The sisters returned to Salt Lake City in autumn of that year with over three thousand dollars in joint earnings. Less than a month before Kate Flint obtained her second Block 57 lot, the sisters bought a plot of land that included a two-story adobe house near the center of the same block, where they started a brothel. 51

      Alvie (née Christina Elvitina Turnross) married in 1883 and evidently left the management of the brothel to Emma. Three years later, however, Christina filed suit charging that her older sister had defrauded her of her share in the property. Emma skillfully (if not ruthlessly) defeated Christina and established sole control over the brothel. Emma convinced the court that no formal partnership had existed between the sisters, that Christina had signed over her interest to Emma, and that the bulk of the purchase money for the property was Emma's. Emma even convinced their brother to forge a letter, purportedly from their mother, misrepresenting Christina's age as several years older than it actually was to prove that she was competent to sign over her share. 52

      Emma DeMarr purchased surrounding lots until she owned a keyhole-shaped plot stretching east from Main Street to the center of Block 57 where stood the adobe dwelling house, no. 243 south Main Street, accessible from Main via an alley. 53 In 1888, DeMarr married Charles V. Whiting, a saloonkeeper and restaurant operator. 54 Emma and Charles embarked on a variety of financial ventures over the next decades, using the Block 57 property as a cash cow for other transactions. The Whitings repeatedly mortgaged part or all of that property, raising money to invest in other real estate. 55

      The brothel at 243 south Main Street was the heart of Emma's business. For thirty years she maintained ownership and she or women to whom she leased it ran the brothel almost continuously. 56 Emma gave up personal management sometime after 1887 (perhaps in conjunction with her 1888 marriage), but she and Charles continued to live there until at least 1898. 57 Emma resumed personal management in the mid-1890s, perhaps because she needed more income; by 1900, Ida Walker was running the house and the Whitings had moved elsewhere. 58

      Emma DeMarr Whiting was the dynamic financial partner in her marriage. Her name nearly always appears before Charles's in property records, and she continued to conduct extensive business in her name alone. 59 Emma left the brothel business entirely and reaped a financial windfall in 1909, selling all of her Block 57 property for $120,000 to William Montague Ferry (W. Mont Ferry), a prominent mining operator and future Salt Lake City mayor, and his wife Ednah. The Ferrys financed the purchase with an $80,000 mortgage from Emma Whiting. 60

      Within two weeks after purchase, however, the Ferrys conveyed the property via special warranty deeds at the same price to two banks. 61 Why W. Mont Ferry transferred ownership of this valuable property so quickly is not clear. It is possible (but unlikely, given 243 south Main's long history) that he did not realize he was buying a brothel, and when that realization came, moved to distance himself from it. The political context suggests a related explanation. In autumn 1909, Ferry was an American Party candidate for reelection to the city council and a member of the police and prison committee. The Salt Lake Herald-Republican, a bitter opponent of the Americans, attacked the party for sponsoring the Stockade. The newspaper charged that the Americans were illegally registering "women of the under world" and that "a piano player in a disorderly house at the rear of 243 Main street" had been fraudulently chosen an election judge. Ferry may have feared the political fallout from public knowledge of his ownership of that prominent brothel. Ferry won reelection ten days after he conveyed the Block 57 property; by 1915, he was mayor. Among his more controversial policies as mayor was support for regulated prostitution. 62

      Women continued to sell sex at 243 south Main until at least November 1910, one year after Ferry transferred the property. When the police raided the house in February 1911, they reported finding it empty, and the Sanborn map for 1911 labels the building "vacant." Competition from the Stockade, combined with police harassment of brothels located outside the restricted district, may have contributed to its abandonment. 63

      By the time of her death in 1919, Emma DeMarr Whiting had amassed a substantial fortune. She left Charles the bulk of her estate of about $145,000, nearly all in securities (more than $1,500,000 in 2000 dollars); at Charles' death in 1928, he left an estate worth about $231,000. Any residual family tension from the legal wrangling over 243 south Main had apparently eased by the time Emma executed her will in 1914. The childless Emma left $5,000 to her sister Christina and another $5,000 to her brother, along with $3,000 to each of her brother's three children. She had less close ties with her family in Sweden; her sister there, whose married name she apparently mistook, was only to receive $3,000. 64

      Sadie Noble was another Salt Lake City woman known to have made the transition from brothel prostitute to parlor house owner/operator. She was born Susan Norton on 19 November 1854 in Boston. 65 "Saddie Noble" worked as a prostitute in another woman's Salt Lake brothel in 1880. By 1882 she ran her own house, apparently at 137 south West Temple Street in Block 69 (one block west of Commercial Street). Noble closed that house after a police crackdown in May 1886; her employees and piano player were said to be leaving for Butte, Montana. 66

      Sadie Noble traveled east about this time, apparently for personal reasons. At some point in the 1880s she married John Finley Free, a saloonkeeper and ex-Mormon whom she had known since at least 1883. She gave birth to a daughter in Clinton, Iowa, in July 1887. By December 1887, the Frees were back in Salt Lake City. 67 They embarked on a flurry of real estate dealings. "Susie Free," as she now called herself, sold her Block 69 property in 1889, most of it (including 137 south West Temple) to Tribune owner/publisher Patrick H. Lannan for $33,500. She also extended Lannan a mortgage for $13,500. The Frees then bought and sold a number of other properties throughout the city. 68

      Like Emma DeMarr Whiting, Susie Free retreated from daily brothel operations, although she continued to own buildings used for prostitution. In March 1892, she leased a brothel on South Temple Street to Jessie Blake, who had worked at 243 south Main and who had since become a well-known madam. In December Blake fled the city, reportedly owing "several moneylenders ... in the neighborhood of four or five thousand dollars." She probably owed Susie Free money, as "the house which she run [sic] is said to be now run by its owner, who used to be known among the sporting fraternity as Sadie Noble." 69

      The Frees suffered financial reverses in the early 1890s that forced them to sell several lots for back taxes. Both Emma DeMarr Whiting and Susie Free may have been hurt by the general business panic that began in 1893. The depression hit Utah particularly hard because of its dependency on outside markets for its agricultural and mineral products, and that undoubtedly hurt the prostitution business as well; with unemployment hovering at perhaps 25 percent, customers had less disposable income. 70

      The ripple effects from the panic lasted through the decade and may well have disrupted the two madams' finances. Emma Whiting and Susie Free probably resumed management of their brothels to earn and save more money. Susie Free also mortgaged her brothel furniture five times in just over two years, raising over three thousand dollars overall, but she was forced to watch its sale for just $137.50 in 1895 when she was unable to repay a loan from the Deseret Savings Bank. 71 That sale marked the end of "Sadie Noble's" career, and indeed her existence apart from "Susie Free," who lived another half-century. Kate Flint apparently offered the Frees temporary refuge at her home on Social Hall Avenue. 72

      Kate Flint, Emma DeMarr, Sadie Noble, and other women laid the foundations for a long-lived prostitution district. Flint's and DeMarr's houses stood less than 150 feet apart in the interior of Block 57. Others established brothels and cribs nearby where women sold sex for years. Victoria Place (or Alley) ran east-west through Block 57 from State Street to Main (by 1911, only the eastern end was still open). Twelve feet wide at its State Street entrance, then opening to about twenty-five feet, the alley allowed discreet access to the brothels and dwellings in the interior. 73 A row of adobe tenements on the north side of Victoria Place (known as "Pugsley's Row" for its longtime owner, Philip Pugsley) midway between Flint's and DeMarr's houses, contained crib women as early as September 1885. 74 Pugsley sold the property in 1899 to Joseph J. Snell, and women continued to rent cribs there until at least 1916. 75 Various women operated a brothel on the south side of the alley at no. 7 Victoria Place, less than ten feet from 243 south Main, from 1897 until at least mid-1912. 76 Another major brothel stood some twenty-five feet northeast of Pugsley's Row and operated from at least 1892 through 1911. Customers reached this house, which bore the address 222 south State Street ("The Three Deuces"), from State Street via a short, six-foot-wide alley. 77

      Taken together, this handful of buildings and the women who worked in them constituted a prostitution district—localized, invisible from outside the block, accessible only by narrow alleys, but in the heart of downtown—which thrived for decades. While prostitutes also worked on Commercial Street, Franklin Avenue, and other nearby locales, their activities on those streets brought more scrutiny, economic competition, and subsequent turnover. The Block 57 buildings were the most permanent part of Salt Lake City's demimonde. Their owners equipped, furnished, and sometimes built them for prostitution; and the authorities knew and approved of them. These buildings served as nodal points in a network through which scores of madams and hundreds of women passed, some staying to work only for days or weeks, others staying for years, still others leaving but returning later. While some madams owned their brothels outright, they were the exception; most madams rented or leased their properties from others. A few examples illustrate this durable network and provide evidence of both the lucrative potential of the brothel business for some and its transient nature for most.

      At least one would-be madam seems to have resorted to fraud upon a dying woman in an attempt to acquire her brothel. Sometime before November 1891, Emma DeMarr leased no. 243 south Main Street to Minnie Barton. Barton fell mortally ill, setting off a complex and sordid battle over her possessions. According to the Tribune, she summoned her friend Martha Turner to her deathbed since "more than once [Barton had] abandoned the gilded halls of dissolution and vice, and, raising her eyes upward, declared that henceforth she would lead a pure life.... she would go to the house of Martha Turner in Chicago, and remain there until the weakness of the flesh overcame her good resolutions." 78 Turner claimed that about ninety minutes before Barton died on 20 February 1892, the madam signed over to Turner bank accounts, securities, furnishings, and personal belongings worth over twelve thousand dollars, as well as her leasehold interest in the brothel and its "piano, groceries, provisions, wines, [and] liquors." Turner swore that Barton had assigned her the property in return for $1,000 and the nursing she had lavished on her dying friend. 79

      Subsequent events cast serious doubt upon this melodramatic tale. Since Barton died intestate, her estate's administrator challenged the transfer, claiming that she was much too ill to voluntarily assign her property to Turner. Martha Turner won in the Third District court, but the Utah Supreme Court overturned the decision, finding that she and another woman, Helen Smith, had used "crafty, avaricious, and selfish" means to coerce Barton into signing over her belongings. 80

      Helen Smith, better known as "Helen Blazes," was also present at Barton's deathbed, and Barton's death may have launched her long career as a Salt Lake City madam. On 18 April 1892 (less than two months after Barton's death) Helen Smith borrowed $1,500 from Martha Turner, secured by the furniture at no. 243 south Main, which Smith had purchased. Helen Blazes ran the brothel for the next two years. 81 Turner may also have tried to run a brothel after Barton's death; the Third District grand jury indicted "Mattie Turner" on 21 May 1892 for keeping a house of prostitution at an unspecified location. The case was dismissed, probably because Turner had already left town. 82 Helen Blazes, however, managed a series of brothels within the Salt Lake City network for years and became one of the city's best-known madams. She moved to Franklin Avenue in 1894 when the police forced all prostitutes there (by unlikely coincidence to no. 243). In 1895, Blazes took over Sadie Noble's former house at 166 1 /2 west South Temple. By 1897, she was firmly established at 7 Victoria Place and ran that house until 1908. 83

      Other women also rotated throughout the network. Ida Walker kept houses in Salt Lake City from 1891 through at least 1906; she successively managed 22 Commercial Street, 222 south State Street, 243 south Main Street, and 222 south State again. 84 While little direct evidence remains to explain why madams moved so often, some plausible reasons can be advanced. Police or citizen pressure might force women to change venues or leave town. Retirement or death created openings, as we have seen. Some madams may have wanted a larger or smaller and less expensive house. When one madam left a desirable location, another could "move up" from a less desirable house. Brothel owners like Emma DeMarr wanted experienced women managing their profitable houses. Survival, let alone success, in the network required women to have entrepreneurial know-how, political and diplomatic skills, and an ability to adjust to changing circumstances.

      Some madams neither retired with a small fortune like DeMarr, nor settled their debts and retired like Sadie Noble, nor operated successfully for years like Helen Blazes. Dozens of other women operated on the edge of disaster. Jessie Blake fled the city in 1892, leaving behind unsatisfied creditors. 85 Essie Watkins suffered many setbacks—legal, personal, and financial—that resulted in her hasty departure. Though she was reportedly once the madam of "the leading flash house of Dallas," scandal and legal bills forced Watkins to leave that city for Salt Lake, where she was running a house by mid-1893. When one of her women killed a customer in 1894, her brothel came under heightened police scrutiny. Watkins moved to Franklin Avenue with other women in 1894, but she was forced off that street with the others at the end of the year. In early 1895, she moved into the Salt Lake Times building on Commercial Street, but the Brigham Young Trust Company and the police almost immediately forced her out. 86

      Watkins found anchorage in Kate Flint's old house at 44-46 east Second South, but trouble arose there too. The multiple moves, which probably resulted in the loss of chattel property, and constant legal pressure were undoubtedly expensive. Watkins mortgaged various items seven times in two years, ranging from her elaborate furnishings to her "Cleveland 'Ladys' Bicycle," and at one point borrowed eight hundred dollars from her mother. In October 1897, she was convicted of obtaining money under false pretenses for claiming the property of one of her prostitutes. The police raided her Commercial Street brothel in December, claiming that she had not paid her regular fine for three months. Before the month ended, Watkins had left the city. Henry Dinwoodey, a furniture dealer to whom she owed over one thousand dollars, reportedly claimed her property. 87

      While the madam-prostitute system obtained in the best-known houses, men were arrested occasionally for keeping houses of prostitution. These were often husbands accused of forcing or allowing their wives to prostitute themselves. Other men owned or managed rooming houses or hotels. This class of arrest was particularly common following police crackdowns on the regular houses that forced prostitutes to find other lodgings and especially after the Stockade closed in 1911. Men caught with known prostitutes were sometimes charged with keeping. At least two men, Philip Pugsley and Joseph J. Snell, owned and rented cribs for years. Throughout this time period, however, women largely controlled the prostitution business in Salt Lake City. 88

      Madams transacted extensive business with a broad spectrum of bankers and businessmen, who thus developed a direct interest in the success of their operations. Bergen DeMott, a farmer, and Samuel A. Merritt, an attorney (and future city attorney), both loaned money to Kate Flint. 89 Henry Dinwoodey was a Mormon and a member of the city council committee that recommended settling Flint's case against Jeter Clinton in 1877. He loaned her $500 three years later. 90 Susie Free was particularly involved with the city's elite, Mormon, Jew, and gentile. Many of these transactions had nothing directly to do with Free's brothel properties, and it is possible that some people she dealt with did not know she was a madam, especially since most transactions occurred during her hiatus from active management. Free conducted business with William H. King, an LDS attorney and future U.S. congressman and senator; Frederick H. Auerbach, a prominent Jewish merchant; Louis C. Karrick, a gentile banker and later member of the city council's police committee; and William S. McCornick, owner of the city's largest independent bank and the first gentile on the city council. 91 A more common way that women raised money was to mortgage their furniture. The Freed Furniture and Carpet Company executed dozens of chattel mortgages with madams, allowing them to use furniture, kitchen utensils, linens, glassware, paintings, and other items while paying for them on time. 92 These transactions indicate that while society might condemn prostitution, many citizens were willing to conduct business with prostitutes.

      Although madams left behind far more records than prostitutes did, many details of their lives remain shadowy, and the information that can be found is often contradictory. Many basic facts about their lives such as given names, marital status, birthplace, and date of birth cannot easily be determined. Much of this confusion was deliberate, as madams sought to protect their identities, keep families ignorant of their profession, or hamper authorities in their prosecutions. While some women blurred their pasts, they also worked to construct alternate identities for the brothel and beyond. Many madams used two names, one for brothel business and the other for legitimate life. Thus in 1885, "Mrs. D. F. Connelly, wid[ow]" lived at 46 east Second South, while "Mrs. Kate Flint, wid." lived at no. 44. 93 "Helen Blazes" and "Helen Smith" (once "Mrs. Helen Blazes Smith") both lived at 7 Victoria Court. 94 One woman apparently created different birthdates and birthplaces and current addresses for her two identities, "Catherine Fairchild" and "Kitty Hicks." 95 Some madams used their pseudonyms for legitimate business; "Sadie Noble" transacted real estate deals involving thousands of dollars. 96 Dora B. Topham (whose real name is uncertain) evidently called herself or was variously known by at least five names during her life. Two of her identities became well known: Topham and her alter ego, Belle London, both became notorious. Topham/London evidently wanted to leave her infamy behind; by 1920, she had become "Maxine Rose." 97

      Emma DeMarr engineered perhaps the most complete makeover. Her sister swore in 1886 that Emma's maiden name was Turnross, and her brother filed a deposition under that surname; but Emma swore she was born DeMarr (and won the case). 98 She may have been establishing a legal basis for an alternate identity while laying the economic foundation for her future. From 1880 (and perhaps earlier) until her marriage in 1888, she was "Emma DeMarr." Bits of evidence suggest she may also have successfully left behind her notorious past and attained respectability. In 1890, a grand jury indicted her for keeping a house of prostitution at 243 south Main, but the case was dismissed because DeMarr had leased the brothel to another woman. The prosecutor cited the "defense of landlord" provision that protected owners of property from prosecution. 99 In 1893, a prostitute denied a floor seat in the Salt Lake Theater complained that "the Madame of two forty three" was sitting in the parquette. That brothel belonged to Emma Whiting but was then being managed by Helen Blazes. Was the woman in the theater Blazes or Whiting? A year later, the Deseret News reported a small fire at 243 south Main, which it described as "formerly occupied as a 'sporting' house"; now "Mrs. Emma Whiting" owned it. 100 Had Emma Whiting so successfully left Emma DeMarr behind that she fooled the district attorney, theater ushers, and a reporter? The former madam sought to memorialize permanently her rise to respectability, leaving money in her will for a handsome monument at her gravesite. 101

      The women who actually performed sex for hire within the brothels were the "inmates" (the police and newspaper term) or simply the "girls" (generally used among themselves and their madams). Each brothel housed between two and twelve women; most commonly four to seven. 102 The women who worked and lived in the fancier "parlor houses" were at the top of the hierarchy, although they lived a far more tenuous existence than their madams and were much less persistent over time. Like many madams, prostitutes moved from house to house and city to city to escape personal conflicts or legal harassment.

      The women in the lower classes were even more transient. Their lives and careers pose problems for a historian, as they are difficult to identify in directories, property, or probate records. Just as with madams, much of this obscurity was deliberate, as mobility and anonymity were useful tools for prostitutes; some of it was a function of the brevity of their prostitution careers. The sources in which they do occasionally appear, especially newspapers and police and court records, can give the researcher a skewed picture. Prostitutes appear in those sources almost solely for criminal or other negative reasons: as subjects of arrests; as perpetrators or victims of crime or violence; or as victims of suicide, overdose, or other grisly deaths. While these harsh possibilities were real enough, the nature of the sources almost precludes knowledge of any positive outcome. For example, a woman leaving the brothel for a respectable job or marriage would leave little trace. 103 The quality of these sources is also dubious; police court reporters or desk sergeants often showed little interest in accurately recording names (especially since prostitutes often used pseudonyms), ages, nationalities, or the like. 104

      With these caveats in mind, some information about these women can be tentatively advanced. The women of the well-known brothels that can be identified in the census were young, averaging twenty-three years of age, and all identified themselves as white. Nearly two-thirds of them were native born of native parents; of those foreign born or with one or both foreign parents, nearly all had Canadian or western European backgrounds. About one in ten was married, and about one in eight had children. 105

      A few women are known to have made the transition from prostitute to madam, including Emma DeMarr, Sadie Noble and Jessie Blake; most madams probably began as prostitutes. "Housekeeper" was an intermediate step between prostitute and madam. A madam might hire a trusted woman to manage the house when she was absent or wanted to leave day-to-day management. 106 May Hart moved up from a virtually penniless prostitute in Emma Davis's house in 1886 to a housekeeper in Ogden in 1889. By 1891, she was running a brothel on Franklin Avenue. 107

      Some women probably left the brothel through marriage. Stella Holmes, the "star boarder at Hattie Wilson's," was reportedly courted by a "wealthy miner" who plied her with "frequent and heavy orders of champagne, moonlight drives and the usual etceteras." The couple married in Ogden, but a deputy marshal "disturbed the pleasures of the honeymoon by ruthlessly seizing the fair Stella's trunk on a claim for $56, which Mary Miller, a colored woman and a housekeeper at one time in the employ of Hattie Wilson, claims is due her for money advanced and services rendered." 108

      Race and ethnicity of both the prostitutes and their customers played a key role in perceived status. The prostitution hierarchy reproduced the racial biases of society. The fancier parlor houses were all-white and most likely served an all-white clientele. Nonwhite prostitutes nearly always appear in lower-status houses. A handful of Chinese prostitutes were arrested in the 1870s, but apparently none after the 1890s. 109 African American women were arrested for prostitution throughout the period under study. 110 Japanese women began appearing in the 1890s, always within all-Japanese houses. 111 The great majority of women arrested as prostitutes, however, were white. Mixed-race houses were rare, although Essie Watkins, a white madam, did employ at least two black women in her Franklin Avenue brothel in 1894. 112 That unusual circumstance may have resulted from the forced move to Franklin; some white madams may have hired women they otherwise would not, and some African American prostitutes were already working on that street. Crossing the color line could cause a white parlor worker to lose caste; accusations of such behavior could lead to violence. Bessie Johnson, who worked in the plush "Palace," provoked a fight when she taunted "Miss Midget" (née May Brown), a prostitute in another brothel, for working in a house "frequented by negroes and Chinamen." 113

      Drugs caused some women's slide down the status hierarchy. Opiate use, a common habit in the late nineteenth century (made easier by the proximity of Chinatown), could be a prostitute's downfall. 114 One madam reportedly fired two women because "they were wont to seek the seclusion of the joint of the celestial washee-washee man and engage in hitting the pipe." 115

      Below parlor house women were saloon or dance hall workers, crib workers, and streetwalkers. These categories were fluid; an individual woman might, at various times, work in more than one venue. The city's saloons provided ready customers. Women in parlor houses often had ties of economics and affection with saloon denizens. At least two prominent madams married saloonkeepers, and parlor houses shared neighborhoods, buildings, and patrons with saloons. Saloonkeepers often put up bond money for prostitutes and their customers. 116 The saloon itself was in theory an all-male province. Respectable women did not frequent saloons, and parlor house women probably did not need to, as customers came to them and could get alcohol in brothels. The saloons' all-male status was established in law. Women could not be employed in them as musicians or performers; in 1891, the city barred women altogether after 9 P.M. , and in 1901, when saloons could operate around the clock, women were barred between 7 P.M. and 7 A.M. 117

      Despite this official prohibition, prostitutes often solicited men in saloons. One paper complained of a place where "one or more fallen females, representing the lowest order of their class, conduct their calling on the premises, dividing the financial proceeds with the saloon." 118 Women were arrested frequently for such activity. 119 Some saloons featured partitions or curtained booths where women could solicit or perform sex acts. 120 Saloonkeepers were sometimes accused of encouraging or coercing women into prostitution. 121 A shorter-lived venue was the variety theater on Franklin Avenue in the early 1890s, where women sold drinks and sometimes sex. 122

      The women who worked in cribs were perceived to stand well below parlor house prostitutes in the status hierarchy. One paper claimed the residents of Victoria Alley cribs were so degraded as to be unsexed: "Having the forms and faces of women, they have no other attributes of their sex." 123 Given their work, this may seem a strange remark, but this writer obviously means that crib women did not display gender-appropriate behavior. As employed by Salt Lake City newspapers, "crib" was an elastic term: it could refer to anything from a single tiny room used only for prostitution to a small house in a minority neighborhood. 124 The simple presence of foreign-born or women of color may have led the newspapers and police to label a locale a "crib." Some so-called crib workers lived and worked in dwelling houses that resembled humbler versions of the parlor house, with a designated keeper and two to four prostitutes. Many of these smaller brothels were located on Franklin Avenue, particularly in the dwelling houses at its southern end. Examples included the houses operated by African American, Japanese, and French women on Franklin in the 1890s and 1900s, each housing two or three women. Some of these contained prostitutes of various races; Nellie Davis, an African American keeper on Franklin, apparently had some white inmates. 125 Other houses apparently had no designated "keeper"; those arrested at these locations were lumped together as "inmates." 126

      Some prostitutes may have worked alone by preference, since it meant greater independence than the parlor house: they could accept customers when they wanted or needed to, and they could keep all their earnings instead of sharing with a madam. Women who solicited on the streets earned the label "streetwalker" or "night walker." 127 The blatantly public and unregulated nature of such women's actions was particularly obnoxious to citizens and the municipal authorities. Those identified as streetwalkers often suffered from alcohol or drug abuse, and they evoked responses of pity, contempt, and fear in the newspapers. The death of a white streetwalker elicited the comment that "she has for years been regarded as the lowest of the degraded class, of which she was a member." 128 Perhaps even lower were the women who sometimes operated on the edges of Fort Douglas. One soldier claimed that "women, who are known as sage-hens, are in the habit of frequenting the brush on the reservation near the quarters of the men ... one has utilized an abandoned pigpen for a bedroom for weeks at a time." 129

      Gender, race, and class biases in contemporary society make the men who patronized prostitutes even more difficult to identify than the prostitutes themselves. Because women were held largely responsible for prostitution, police seldom arrested customers and identified them even less often. Men of color, those who patronized crib workers, and those accused of other crimes were arrested but often identified in arrest records or newspapers only as "John Doe." These men may have refused to give names, but it is likelier that the police or newspapers were protecting them. Those who were named were invariably working class: miners, railroad workers, laborers, saloon employees, and the like. Men of all classes undoubtedly patronized prostitutes; working-class men would have had great difficulty affording parlor house women. The police particularly targeted and newspapers named black men caught with white prostitutes. 130 White men who patronized black prostitutes, on the other hand, almost never had their identities revealed. 131

      One possible customer who left a brief record was John Held, Jr., a Salt Lake native who went on to fame as a Jazz Age cartoonist. Held recalled with relish (but without self-revelatory details) his youthful visits to the brothels of Ada Wilson, Helen Blazes, Belle London, and others, which were furnished with "mirrored ballrooms and red plush." Held claimed he learned the song "Frankie and Johnny," a version of which he later illustrated, from the "colored piano player" in Helen Blazes's house. 132

      Evidence of other customers is rare. Higher-status customers obviously existed, but they received preferential treatment from the police and courts. The diary of Abraham H. Cannon, an LDS Apostle and son of George Q. Cannon, provides a glimpse of a few brothel patrons. On 18 March 1885, Abraham learned that his half-brother Frank J. Cannon "was in Kate Flint's establishment and that his associations with that notorious prostitute are well know[n] to several police officers." 133 Frank, twenty-six years old at the time and married (monogamously), continued to carouse in saloons and brothels for at least the next four years, interspersed with periods of repentance and sobriety. Abraham protected him from scandal and apparently settled an embarrassing debt Frank owed Kate Flint. 134 The all-Mormon city police also protected Frank, since he was evidently never arrested for a prostitution-related offense. 135 Abraham also noted that three lesser-known Mormons pardoned in 1886 from the territorial penitentiary immediately got drunk and visited a brothel, where one assaulted a prostitute. 136

      Relations among women in the brothel district were complex and often troubled. Prostitutes and madams may have felt a sense of "sisterhood," as Ruth Rosen terms it. She suggests that these women felt a kinship based on their participation in an illegal but lucrative business that violated and mocked conventional social mores. They shared a subculture with its own rules, conventions, and traditions, and sometimes looked out for and protected one another. But their experiences were almost certainly more often bleak than positive. 137

      Parlor house women worked, ate, and slept in the larger houses. Several brothels employed servants and cooks, often Chinese men or black men and women. Prostitutes paid their madam a fixed weekly sum for board ($16 a week in one house in 1886). Many houses also employed musicians, usually piano players ("professors"), at least one of whom was married to a prostitute and resided in the house with her. 138 Other people sometimes lived in the houses. Emma and Charles Whiting, for example, lived at 243 south Main Street while Minnie Barton actively managed the brothel. 139 Some of the larger brothels may have kept rooms for husbands, lovers, or other roomers. The "Big V" on Plum Alley, for instance, had six bedrooms downstairs and ten upstairs, but no more than seven women at a time were arrested from that house. 140

      The larger houses' locations were well known, if discreet. Madams often listed their addresses in city directories, but nothing overtly identified these addresses as brothels and they did not appear in the business listings. Some madams, however, were bolder than others. Ada Wilson and Helen Blazes had elaborate business cards made up to advertise their establishments. 141 In 1901, some Commercial Street brothels featured "flaring electric signs." Wilson, a flamboyant character who seemed to enjoy flaunting her occupation, paraded the streets in a dogcart drawn by a Hackney pony; by 1907, she traveled by chauffeur-driven automobile. She listed her brothel, "The Palace," in boldface in the 1899 city directory (with no further identification). Both Elsie St. Omar and Ada Wilson sent engraved invitations to scores of prominent citizens upon the "grand openings" of their brothels. Wilson sent invitations to the city attorney and high officials of the LDS Church. 142

      Parlor houses were elaborately furnished and decorated. Several houses received guests in two parlors, decorated with thick carpets, tapestries, oil paintings, and silk-covered sofas and chairs (and many spittoons). Gussie Foote kept a "Light Green Parrot named Judah with [a] yellow head." 143 The professor or one of the women might play or sing at a customer's request. 144 Cigars and alcohol were staples; Helen Blazes's high-end houses served wine only, while the majority offered beer and whiskey, although many had no liquor license. 145 At least one brothel boasted a ballroom. A typical bedroom in one of Sadie Noble's brothels contained a black walnut bedstead, dressing case, wash stand, and wardrobe; a patent rocker; an oak chair; a towel rack; a zinc heating stove; a window shade with a pair of lace curtains and black curtain pole; a brussels carpet; a seven-piece toilet set; a box spring mattress, two feather pillows, one pair of blankets, and one quilt. 146

      A reporter purported to describe a parlor house visit in 1916:

      Into the parlor one is ushered with all due ceremony, everyone from the colored attendant to the landlady beaming graciousness.

      The gay tones of "raggy step" greet one's ears as the nickel-a-tune piano does its duty. Perhaps a "professor" conducts the orchestra and pounds out a melody....

      Cleo approaches patronizingly and queries as to how her "dear" is tonight and if he won't join her in a bottle of beer.

      How much? One dollar—and the sight of a dollar automatically removed all liquor restrictions and a bottle of the amber liquid immediately made its appearance and two tiny glasses clinked while the visitor held "Gladys" on his lap and drinks to her health and she to his.

      And with each drink the siren grows bolder and the visitor more gullible.

      And then the dance sets up and if the visitor be a disciple of Terpsichore he whirls his companion around the floor a dozen times or so, until the tune ends and both conveniently flop down into the soft lap of a lounge, and Cleo nestles close to her "man," while a display of lingerie and hose and ankles stirs the blood....

      And as the display of lingerie and ankles, amorous caresses and the liquor get in their work, she nestles still closer and whispers an invitation....

      A moment later the room is minus two occupants. 147

      The opulence of the larger brothels testifies to the profits they generated. Madams earned money from liquor sales, plus room and board payments and often a percentage of each prostitute's takings. Prostitutes, however, shared little in this generous income. The records are virtually silent about some basic economic realities of the Salt Lake City brothel business: for instance, prices charged for sexual services, the number of customers that each woman might have in the course of a night or week, and the percentage of income that went to the madam. Parlor houses in eastern cities charged five to ten dollars per customer, while "middle-class" houses might charge one dollar, and women in shacks or cribs fifty cents. While parlor house women might only entertain one customer, the lower-class prostitute could see as many as thirty men per night. Five dollars was a standard price for a night of sex in western brothels in the late nineteenth century. 148 Whatever the prices charged, it is almost certain that most brothel women were not earning substantial sums. Many owned little more than the contents of a trunk and had to rely upon their madams for bail or money to purchase food or clothing. Women sometimes supplemented their meager earnings with theft. A Victoria Alley prostitute named Tillie Williams, for example, was twice convicted of robbery, one time of her Chinese laundryman and the other of a Mexican customer. 149 Madeline Mortimer was accused of stealing $92 in cash and a $450 check (not endorsed) from a customer, but only served fifty days for keeping a house of prostitution. 150 A "panel worker" could hide behind a removable panel in a closet or wall and rob a customer after he fell asleep or passed out. Estella King was accused of panel work, but the grand jury failed to indict her, probably because the customer refused to testify. 151 The frequency of theft of clothing, jewelry, and other items of value further testifies to prostitutes' general impoverishment. 152

      Crib workers lived an even more precarious existence far different from the posh surroundings of the parlor houses. A murder in 1902 offered a rare glimpse into Joseph J. Snell's cribs: "He harbors at the present time fifteen women of the town.... Each of these women occupies one room, the furniture of which, consisting of a small stove, a washstand, a chair and a bed, are furnished by Joseph J. Snell. The tenant furnishes her own bedclothing and other linen, and also light and heat. There are no sanitary arrangements in the buildings and no conveniences." One woman detailed her expenses:

We have to make at least $5 a day, but that isn't so hard to do. If a girl can't make that much money she had better get off the row, for Snell don't want her....

      To make any kind of a decent living, I have to take in more than $100 a month. Snell takes $60 for rent, the city takes $10 for fine, coal and light cost me from $8 to $10, board is $20, and then I have to dress myself and have spending money for cigarettes and beer. 153

If fifty cents per crib customer is an accurate figure, this woman had to service at least ten men each day, six days a week, to earn her "decent living."

      Parlor house madams, dependent upon their women to generate income, provided a greater degree of protection and assistance than crib owners. Madams were usually willing and eager to post bail or appearance money to keep prostitutes out of jail. 154 Emma DeMarr even "went out to try and rustle up the amount necessary" to bail another housekeeper out of jail. 155 Prostitutes themselves probably felt a similar sense of mutual dependence, and sometimes friendship. Of sixty-three women arrested in a mass raid in 1891, four could not afford to pay their fines; other women contributed to free them. 156 A number of tearful prostitutes brought flowers to one woman's funeral. 157 Ada Wilson, the keeper of the "Palace," even adopted the four-month-old baby of one of her women. 158

      Relations among madams and prostitutes were not always close, of course. Disputes sometimes led women to move from one house to another. When two of Emma DeMarr's employees for whom she had filed bonds failed to pay their court costs, they were "delivered up by the fickle Emma to the police." 159 Helen Blazes claimed to have paid dressmaking and boarding bills totaling $400 for two women, and she attached a diamond and a trunk for the return of the money and had the women arrested. One of the women left Blazes's house shortly afterwards, perhaps as a result of this dispute, and moved to another brothel; by July 1899, she was working in a third house. 160 When May Hart could not pay her $50 fine, her husband convinced Emma DeMarr to pay it—with the understanding that Hart would move to DeMarr's house. DeMarr also loaned Hart $34 and gave her two weeks' free board. The madam's altruism had its limits, though: Hart charged that DeMarr sold her trunk, wardrobe, and canary bird to another woman, but DeMarr won the ensuing lawsuit. 161 Ruth Rosen concludes that a madam could be "both friend and exploiter of her 'girls.'" 162

      Disputes were not always settled in the courtroom. Prostitutes frequently faced violence at the hands of customers, husbands, lovers, madams, and each other. Men sometimes punched, kicked, or stabbed prostitutes. 163 Drunken or disgruntled customers broke furniture or ripped up upholstery, carpets, and curtains with knives; one man completed his destruction of Hattie Wilson's parlor by "acting the beast" (presumably, urinating or defecating). 164 Minerva Reeves tried to shoot her sister Juanita, a fellow inmate of 243 south Main Street, allegedly because Juanita refused to entertain a male friend of Minerva's. 165 Essie Watkins led another woman and two customers in an early morning attack on the women of Ida Walker's "Three Deuces" for unknown reasons. 166 When Bessie Johnson taunted Miss Midget about black and Chinese patrons, Midget and a customer beat Johnson so badly that she was hospitalized. 167 Lena Carter, who worked in several Salt Lake brothels, was murdered by her husband, who then killed himself. 168 Madams were not immune. When Edna Prescott ordered a drunk out of her brothel, he knocked her unconscious with a rock. 169 Emma DeMarr Whiting claimed that her drunken husband Charles beat her severely and called her "a bitch, a damned whore and [oddly] a damned son of a bitch." 170 Sometimes brothel patrons experienced violence. Nellie Ogden stabbed to death Charles "Kid" Mason after he beat and kicked her. 171 Cora Thomas shot her soldier husband to death when she found him at breakfast with two suspected prostitutes. 172

      Physical violence was perhaps the worst hardship that prostitutes faced, although not the only one. Women faced many consequences of their sexual activity; Ada Wilson's adopted child demonstrates one. Nineteenth-century women had a range of contraceptive technology of questionable efficacy to choose from, including rubber condoms, womb veils, and douches. Folklore has always maintained that professional sex workers had special knowledge of and access to contraceptive methods. 173 What Salt Lake prostitutes actually used is a matter of speculation, since the records are silent. Some may have used commonly available patent medicines containing traditional emmenagogues, such as pennyroyal. 174 When these methods failed, doubtless some women turned to abortionists. 175

      Sex workers also faced the danger of venereal diseases, especially syphilis and gonorrhea, for which treatments of the time were largely ineffective. 176 Infection rates for prostitutes ran as high as 70 to 80 percent in some cities, and Salt Lake prostitutes were certainly not immune. The body of a streetwalker who died in police custody reportedly "was a most repulsive sight, as it was marked with syphilitic sores which made the undertaker's men handle it very gingerly." 177 Dora Topham, the Stockade manager, employed a doctor to examine prospective prostitutes for infection before hiring them. She also operated a "hospital" for her employees, both in Ogden and in Salt Lake City. 178

      Prostitutes often sought temporary escape from the violence and degradation of their lives in alcohol and drugs. Alcohol was easily available in nearby saloons and in their own brothels, cribs, and rented rooms. All classes of prostitutes used alcohol, and hundreds of them were arrested for drunkenness over the years. The lower classes were especially reported to indulge in other substances. The "morphine fiend" was a stock police court character. 179 Two well-known streetwalkers were accused of "stealing furniture from their lodgings with which to buy opium, whisky, cocaine and tobacco." 180 Busts of opium houses frequently yielded prostitutes among those indulging. 181 A raid on Victoria Alley found "morphine, cocaine and opium fiends, as well as inveterate drunkards" of both sexes. 182 Nellie Conley, one of the women who stole from Helen Blazes, was committed to the state insane asylum, reportedly as a result of morphine use. 183

      Drugs could also provide a permanent solution to a prostitute's misery. From 1885 to 1908, at least nine Salt Lake City prostitutes killed themselves, while twenty other women attempted suicide, including two madams. Women most commonly chose morphine, easily obtained from drugstores; others used chloroform, laudanum, or carbolic acid. The papers claimed that shame over a misspent life or unrequited love caused most prostitute suicides. 184 One madam, however, reportedly tried to kill herself when relatives in the East discovered her profession and took custody of her child. 185 Some of these "suicides" may have been accidental. A woman may have attempted to induce miscarriage with opiates and taken too large a dose. 186

      The women who created, lived, worked, and sometimes died in the prostitution district did not do so in isolation. They had to negotiate the terms of their work with the municipal authorities, elected officials and especially the police. They also had to cope with citizen pressure and respond to reform efforts. Prostitutes and authorities came to a mutual accommodation that allowed women to sell sex while the authorities defined them as criminals and maintained a great deal of control over their activities.

Notes

      1. See Marilyn Reed Travis, "Social Stratification and the Dissolution of the City of Zion in Salt Lake City," esp. chap. 4, "The Commercialization of Zion"; Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, pp. 87-91; and Boyce, "Historical Geography of Greater Salt Lake City," pp. 52-82. On the "commercial city," see Warner, Urban Wilderness, pp. 88-9

      2. "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1884," sheet 8. On the persistence of prostitution on Regent Street, see McCormick, "Red Lights in Zion," p. 181.

      3. "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1884," sheet 1

      4. See, for example, buildings labeled "F.B." ("female boarding") on Commercial Street; "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1898," sheet 103. See also "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1895," sheet 41.

      5. "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1884," sheet 14; "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1889," sheet 41; "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1898," sheet 113; "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1911," sheet 238.

      6. On race relations at the turn of the century, see Newby, Jim Crow's Defense, pp. 4-15; Brown, Strain of Violence, pp. 151, 209, 214-18; Williamson, Crucible of Race, pp. 327-45; Painter, "Race and Disfranchisement," chap. in Standing at Armageddon; and Brands, "Plessy v. Crow," chap. in Reckless Decade. 7. Bringhurst, Saints, Slaves, and Blacks, pp. 3-14, 98, 129; Bush, "Mormonism's Negro Doctrine"; and Embry, "The LDS Church and African Americans," chap. in Black Saints in a White Church. 8. Gerlach, "Vengeance vs. the Law"; Gerlach, "Ogden's 'Horrible Tragedy'"; Gerlach, "Justice Denied"; and Quinn, Mormon Hierarchy: Extensions of Power, p. 259.

      9. Salt Lake City Herald, 9 Apr. 1901; Coleman, "History of Blacks in Utah"; and Coleman, "Blacks in Utah History." For African Americans on Franklin, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 144, sheets 8A and 8B. In 1870, 118 "colored" people were counted in the city; see table 22, "The Table of Sex," in U.S. Bureau of the Census, Ninth Census (1870), vol. 1: Population and Social Statistics, pp. 606-7. By 1890, 218 lived in the city; in 1900, 278; and 1910, 737; see table 2, "Composition and Characteristics of the Population for Cities of 25,000 or More," in U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Abstract, p. 592.

      10. See, for example, Salt Lake City Daily Tribune, 14 Apr. 1890; Edwin G. Straub to the editor, Tribune, 1 Sept. 1890; and Herald, 27 Mar. 1891. See also Barth, Bitter Strength; R. White, "It's Your Misfortune and None of My Own," pp. 282-84.

      11. The census counted 222 Chinese in Salt Lake City in 1890; table 17, "Population by Sex, Nativity, and Color, for Places of 2,500 Inhabitants or More," in U.S. Bureau of the Census, Compendium of the Eleventh Census (1890), part 1: Population, p. 577; and 193 in 1910; table 2, "Composition and Characteristics of the Population for Cities of 25,000 or More," in U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Abstract.

      12. Conley, "Pioneer Chinese of Utah,"; Liestman, "Utah's Chinatowns"; and Cheng, "Chinese." See also "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1884," sheet 8; "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1889," sheet 31; "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1898," sheet 103; and "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1911," sheet 235. For the Plum Alley brothel, see Tribune, 7 July 1892, 23 Jan. 1893.

      13. Papanikolas and Kasai, "Japanese Life in Utah"; Kasai, "Japanese." The 1890 census lists 4 Japanese in Utah, none in Salt Lake County; table 17, "Population by Sex, Nativity, and Color, for Places of 2,500 Inhabitants or More," in U.S. Bureau of the Census, Compendium of the Eleventh Census (1890); in 1900, 22 were counted in Salt Lake City; in 1910, 345; and in 1920, 403; see table 7, "Indians, Chinese, and Japanese, for Counties and for Cities of 25,000 or More," in U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Census (1920), vol. 3: Population, p. 1033. For Japanese prostitutes, see SLCPD, "Arrest Register, 1891-94" (hereafter "Arrest Register, 1891-94"), 20 May 1891, p. 34.

      14. Herald, 10 Dec. 1908.

      15. Shumsky and Springer, "San Francisco's Zone of Prostitution"; and Rosen, Lost Sisterhood, p. 79.

      16. Tribune, 2 Feb. 1895.

      17. McCormick, "Red Lights in Zion," p. 181; Tribune, 24 Mar., 17 Nov. 1892, 14 June 1899.

      18. See Tribune, 7 July 1892; and chap. 3.

      19. Tribune, 15 Oct. 1900. See also Hoop, "Recollections of Fort Douglas."

      20. Seligman, Social Evil, pp. 5-10.

      21. Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, pp. 85-103; Rosen, Lost Sisterhood, pp. 137-62; Butler, Daughters of Joy, Sisters of Misery, p. 126; and Petrik, "Capitalists with Rooms."

      22. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), vol. 4: Population: Occupation Statistics, p. 37. See also Miriam B. Murphy, "Working Women of Salt Lake City."

      23. Dudden, Serving Women, pp. 219-22; Sutherland, Americans and Their Servants, pp. 102-20; Katzman, Seven Days a Week, app. 3, "Servant Wages," pp. 303-14; and Salmon, Domestic Service, pp. 88-89. On women's work, see Kessler-Harris, "Women's Choices in an Expanding Labor Market," chap. in Out to Work; on low wages as cause of prostitution, see pp. 103-7. For Mormons hiring only Mormons, see Salt Lake City Deseret Evening News, 6 Jan. 1885; for Mormon girls in gentile homes, see Tribune, 26 May 1887, 17 May 1888.

      24. Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, pp. 96-98.

      25. Tribune, 28 Jan. 1905.

      26. Tribune, 16 Mar. 1900.

      27. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 120, sheets 13A, 15A, 15B.

      28. Salt Lake City Herald-Republican, 23 July, 7 Aug. 1911.

      29. Herald, 8 Feb. 1896.

      30. Tribune, 22 June 1886.

      31. Tribune, 26 May 1887.

      32. "Police, Record 1871-1875"; "Police, Record 1875-1878."

      33. Tribune, 28 Feb. 1885, 7 Feb. 1891.

      34. Tribune, 1 May 1891; "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 28, 30 Apr. 1891.

      35. SLCPD, "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 56, 7 Aug. 1891; p. 79, 28 Oct. 1891; p. 110, 18 Mar. 1892; p. 285, 13 Mar. 1894; p. 330, 17 Aug. 1894; p. 340, 17 Sept. 1894; p. 348, 17 Oct. 1894; p. 357, 19 Nov. 1894.

      36. Herald, 22 July 1903.

      37. Salt Lake City Court Criminal Division, "Minute Book, 1908," passim; Herald, 4 May 1908.

      38. Herald, 13 Dec. 1892; Tribune, 17 Dec. 1892.

      39. Levi J. Taylor Diary, microfilm copy in CA, 20 Sept. 1896.

      40. Herald, 11 Feb. 1902.

      41. Butler, Daughters of Joy, p. xvii.

      42. Tribune, 1 May 1891.

      43. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Ninth Census (1870), Box Elder County, p. 46, line 37; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Tenth Census (1880), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 52, p. 204, lines 6-8.

      44. SLCR, "Abstract Book A 10," p. 81, line 8, 24 Mar. 1880; line 9, 24 Mar. 1880. (All succeeding "Abstract Books," "Mortgage Books," "Deed Books," etc. in these notes are from SLCR; that identifier will be omitted.) See also Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1896).

      45. "Abstract Book A 10," p. 126, line 15, 1 May 1882; line 17, 1 May 1882. For the first lot, see "Mortgage Book H," deed of trust, pp. 858-62, 24 Mar. 1880. The Walkers left the LDS Church in the 1860s; see Tullidge, History of Salt Lake City, pp. 52-58; Bliss, Merchants and Miners, pp. 49-272 passim; and T. Stenhouse, Rocky Mountain States, pp. 623-25.

      46. Crofutt, Crofutt's Salt Lake City Directory (1885-86); Tribune, 17 Mar. 1887; "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1884," sheet 13; and "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1889," sheet 42. For D. F. Connelly's estate, see Probate Court for Salt Lake County, "Probate Record Book O," p. 80.

      47. For the sale, see "Deed Book 2Q," warranty deed, pp. 252-54, 7 Feb. 1888. For continued prostitution, see Herald, 22 Jan. 1895; Tribune, 3, 4 July 1899.

      48. "DeMarr" is the most common spelling and will be used throughout this study. The name also appears as "DeMar," "Demarr," "Demar," "De Mar," and "De Marr."

      49. Salt Lake City Death Records, register and burial permit P-1368, lists a birth date of 14 Mar. 1861 in Sweden. The 1900 census lists a birth date of Mar. 1863 in Sweden of Swedish parents, and an immigration date of 1873 (U.S. Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census [1900], Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 54, sheet 4, line 88). A birth date of 1858 would accord with both the 1880 census and DeMarr's and Charles V. Whiting's marriage license, Salt Lake County Probate Court, U.T., Record of Marriage Certificates, license no. 430, filed 19 June 1888.

      50. "Miss Emma Le Mar" appears in "Police, Record 1875-1878," 17 July 1876, pp. 128-29. See also U.S. Bureau of the Census, Tenth Census (1880), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 52, p. 198, lines 1-2.

      51. For the sisters' earnings, see Christina E. T. Johnstone v. Matilda Turnross, alias Emma DeMar, no. 6528 (3d dist. civil case files, 1887). For the purchase of the property, see "Abstract Book A 10," p. 126, line 127, 10 Apr. 1882; "Abstract Book A 10," p. 186, line 3; and "Deed Book X," warranty deed, pp. 537-38, 6 Feb. 1884.

      52. Johnstone v. Turnross. For the deed assigning "Alvie's" interest to her sister, see "Deed Book V," warranty deed, pp. 318-20, 24 Mar. 1883; for the suit, see "Liens and Leases etc. Book D," notice of lis pendens, pp. 585-86, filed 24 Apr. 1886.

      53. "Abstract Book A 10," p. 148, line 34, filed 26 Nov. 1883; warranty deed, p. 230, line 5, filed 19 Aug. 1886. See also "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1884," sheet 13, and "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1889," sheet 42.

      54. Marriage License No. 430, Record of Marriage Certificates.

      55. See, for example, "Deed Book Q," trust deed, pp. 478-81, 19 Aug. 1886; "Leases and Liens Book J," lease, pp. 514-16, filed 1 Apr. 1890; "Mortgage Book 3I," mortgage, pp. 309-10, filed 20 Aug. 1892; "Mortgage Book 5M," mortgage, p. 559, entry no. 186760, filed 14 Oct. 1904.

      56. For DeMarr at 243 South Main Street, see Crofutt, Crofutt's Salt Lake City Directory (1885-86); and Polk's Salt Lake City Directory (1890, 1891-92, 1896, 1897, 1898). For the brothel, see People et al. v. Emma Whiting, case no. 832 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1891); Tribune, 23 Jan. 1893; and Herald-Republican, 9 Feb. 1911.

      57. See Historicus, "Offences in 1882"; and Tribune, 19 May 1887. No further evidence was found until she was indicted for leasing no. 243; People et al. v. Emma Whiting, case no. 832. For the Whitings elsewhere, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census (1900), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 54, sheet 4, lines 88-89; Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1901); and Deseret Evening News, 27 Aug. 1919.

      58. Evidence of financial difficulties includes "Liens and Leases Book R," assignment of goods and chattels, pp. 74-75, filed 30 Jan. 1893; "Deed Book Q," trust deed, pp. 478-81, 19 Aug. 1886; and "Deed Book 3J," release of trust deed, pp. 133-34, filed 3 Sept. 1892. DeMarr reappears as a brothel keeper in 1894; see "Arrest Register, 1891-94," passim, and SLCPD, "Arrest Register, 1896-98" (hereafter "Arrest Register, 1896-98"), 15 Nov. 1895. For Ida Walker, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census (1900), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 54, sheet 4, line 77; and Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1900-1905).

      59. For example, see "Deed Book 3R," deed, p. 287, filed 30 Sept. 1890.

      60. For the sale of the property, see "Deed Book 7X," warranty deed, entry no. 255912, p. 127, filed 9 Oct. 1909. For the mortgage, see "Mortgage Book 6H," mortgage, entry no. 256111, p. 467, filed 14 Oct. 1909. For the release, see "Mortgage Book 9O," release of mortgage, entry no. 436983, 21 July 1920.

      61. "Deed Book 6K," special warranty deed, entry no. 269113, p. 411, 22 Oct. 1909; and "Deed Book 8U," special warranty deed, entry no. 281543, pp. 210-11, 22 Oct. 1909.

      62. For Ferry as councilman, see Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1908). For accusations against the Americans, see Herald-Republican, 16 Oct. 1909 and 13 Sept.-2 Nov. 1909, passim; quotes from 16 Oct. For Ferry's election, see Herald-Republican, 3 Nov. 1909. On Ferry as mayor, see Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, pp. 166-72, and chap. 5 of this study.

      63. For the last evidence of prostitution, see Herald-Republican, 5 Nov. 1910; Herald-Republican, 9 Feb. 1911; "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1911," sheet 237; and "Liens and Leases Book 2Y," lease, entry no. 303718, pp. 114-18, 5 Dec. 1912. For brothels outside the Stockade, see chap. 4.

      64. Estate of Emma Whiting, "Salt Lake County Probate Record Book 78," p. 35. Emma listed the name of her sister as "Wilman"; the settlement indicated it was "Willmer." Estate of Charles V. Whiting, "Salt Lake County Probate Record Book," p. 691, no. 15449.

      65. Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Office of the Secretary of State, "Copy of Record of Birth," Susan Norton, no. B 000897, date of birth 19 Nov. 1854.

      66. U.S. Bureau of the Census, Tenth Census (1880), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 45, p. 92, line 14; Historicus, "Offences in 1882." For the brothel, see "Deed Book V," warranty deed, pp. 54-55, 17 Feb. 1883; Crofutt, Crofutt's Salt Lake City Directory (1885-86); "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1884," sheet 9; "Liens and Leases Book D," mechanics' lien, p. 13, 12 Jan. 1884; and Tribune, 1 Mar. 1885; 30 May 1886. For the closure, see Tribune, 22 June 1886.

      67. For John F. Free, see Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1890). Free witnessed some of Noble's business transactions; see "Deed Book V," warranty deed, pp. 54-55, 17 Feb. 1883. For the child, see State of Iowa, Department of Health Records and Statistics Division, "Certification of Birth," Free, state file no. 23-87-264, date of birth 27 July 1887. Property records after mid-1887 refer to "Susie M. Free formerly Sadie M. Noble"; see "Mortgage Book U," deed of trust, pp. 356-60, 15 Dec. 1887.

      68. For the sale of the Block 69 property, see "Deed Book 2V," quit-claim deed, pp. 203-4, filed 11 June 1889; and "Deed Book 2W," deed, pp. 495-96, filed 31 Aug. 1889. For the mortgage to Lannan, see "Mortgage Book 2F," mortgage, pp. 74-76, filed 2 Sept. 1889. For examples of the Frees' dealings, see "Deed Book 2H," multiple deeds, pp. 285, 290-93, filed 23 July 1889; "Deed Book 3A," deed, pp. 24-25, filed 11 Sept. 1889; "Deed Book 3K," deed, pp. 30-31, filed 6 Mar. 1890; "Deed Book 3T," warranty deed, p. 585, filed 23 June 1891.

      69. Tribune, 22 Dec. 1892. For the lease, see "Liens and Leases Book Q," lease, pp. 174-75, filed 8 Mar. 1892. For Blake at 243 south Main, see "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 79, 28 Oct. 1891; for other arrests, see p. 111, Mar. 18 1892; p. 139, 13 July 1892; p. 164, Oct. 15 1892.

      70. See Tribune, 5 Aug. 1893; Arrington, "Utah and the Depression of the 1890s"; and Arrington and Alexander, Dependent Commonwealth.

      71. For evidence of financial problems, see "Liens and Leases Book N," notice of lien, pp. 289-90, filed 24 Oct. 1891, released 4 Apr. 1893, "Grantee Index M"; "Grantor Index O," tax sale, filing 79005, filed 23 Jan. 1894; "Grantor Index X," tax sale, filing 125233, sale of 27 Dec. 1895, filed 31 Oct. 1898; "Grantor index X," tax sale, filing 125149, sale of 10 Jan. 1894, filed 31 Dec. 1898. For Susie Free's chattel mortgages, see "Chattel Mortgage Book G," pp. 9-11, 2 Mar. 1893; ibid., pp. 289-92, 29 Aug. 1893; ibid., pp. 542-44, 15 Feb. 1894; "Chattel Mortgage Book I," pp. 110-13, 10 Oct. 1894; "Chattel Mortgage Book J," p. 271, 13 July 1895. For the furniture, see The Deseret Savings Bank v. Susie M. Free, case no. 12972 (3d dist. civil case files, 1894).

      72. For Noble's last arrests, see Tribune, 2 Oct. 1894; and "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 364, 17 Dec. 1894. For the Frees and Flint on Social Hall Avenue, see Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1896); and "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1889," sheet 17. For her death, see Deseret Evening News, 20 July 1948.

      73. The eastern part was also known as "Hyde's Alley." Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1897); "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1911," sheet 237.

      74. Tribune, 3 Sept. 1885. For "Pugsley's Row," see Crofutt, Crofutt's Salt Lake City Directory (1885-86); and Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1907).

      75. For Pugsley's purchase, see "Abstract Book A10," quit claim deed, p. 126, line 22, filed 19 May 1882. For the sale to Snell, see "Deed Book 5Y," warranty deed, p. 245, executed 11 Nov. 1899, filed 9 Nov. 1900. For prostitution in Snell's buildings, see Herald, 20 Dec. 1902; Herald-Republican, 23 Sept. 1916; and chaps. 3 and 5.

      76. For the building, see "Liens and Leases Book V," lease, entry no. 109393, executed 29 Sept. 1896, filed 19 Feb. 1897. For prostitutes at no. 7 Victoria, see "Helen Blazes" in Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1897-1908); "Arrest Register, 1891-94," passim; and Helen Smith v. H. J. Robinson et al., case no. 11444 (3d dist. civil case files, 1911). For other women arrested at 7 Victoria, see Herald-Republican, 26 May 1911.

      77. Tribune, 10 Sept. 1892; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Thirteenth Census (1910), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 145, sheet 2B, line 77; and Salt Lake City v. Edna Prescott, No. 2979 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1912).

      78. Tribune, 22 Apr. 1893. For the lease to Barton, see People et al. v. Emma Whiting, case no. 832.

      79. Salt Lake City Death Records, Death Certificate No. C 3070 lists cause of death as "Bright's disease"; the Utah Supreme Court decision "syphilitic degeneration of the kidneys"; see Turner v. Utah Title, 10 Utah 61 (1895). The brothel's contents are in the latter.

      80. Martha Turner v. Wells, Fargo & Company, No. 10326 (3d dist. civil case files, 1893); Martha Turner v. Union National Bank, No. 10330 (3d dist. civil case files, 1893); Martha Turner v. Union National Bank, No. 10415 (3d dist. civil case files, 1893); and Martha Turner v. Utah Title Insurance and Trust Company, No. 10493 (3d dist. civil case files, 1893). See Turner v. Utah Title for the Supreme Court's reversal.

      81. For Turner and Blazes, see "Chattel Mortgage Book D," trust deed, pp. 522-24, 18 Apr. 1892. For Blazes at 243 south Main, see Utah Gazetteer (1892-93); "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 357, 19 Nov. 1894.

      82. People v. Mattie Turner, case no. 919 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1892).

      83. For Blazes on Franklin Avenue, see Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1894-95); Tribune, 22 Dec. 1894. For Noble at 166 1/2 west South Temple, see Tribune, 22 Dec. 1892; 2 Oct. 1894; for Blazes at that address, see Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1896). See also Helen Smith v. H. J. Robinson et al.

      84. For Walker at 22 Commercial, see Tribune, 21 Apr. 1891; for 222 south State, see Utah Gazetteer (1892-93), and Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1896, 1897); for 243 south Main, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census (1900), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 54, sheet 4, line 77; and Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1901-5); for her move back to 222 south State, see Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1906). For arrests, see "Arrest Register, 1891-94," passim; SLCPC, "Book of Miscellaneous Offenses, 1891-93," passim; Salt Lake City Court Criminal Division, "Minute Book, 1905," passim.

      85. Tribune, 22 Dec. 1892.

      86. For Watkins in Dallas, see Tribune, 6 Jan. 1894. For the murder, see Tribune, 2 Jan. 1894; and People v. Nellie Ogden, case no. 1116 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1894). For Watkins on Franklin, see Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1894-95). For Watkins in the Times building, see Tribune, 15 Jan. 1895.

      87. For Watkins at 44-46 east Second South, see Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1897). For the mortgages, see "Chattel Mortgage Book E," p. 601, 25 Feb. 1895; "Chattel Mortgage Book J," p. 390, filed 13 Apr. 1895; "Chattel Mortgage Book K," p. 347, filed 30 Dec. 1895; "Chattel Mortgage Book E," p. 628, entry no. 104754, filed 11 July 1896; "Chattel Mortgage Book K," p. 397, entry no. 104789, filed 13 July 1896. For the bicycle, see "Chattel Mortgage Book J," p. 192, filed 5 June 1895. For her mother, see "Chattel Mortgage Book I," pp. 586-89, filed 8 Feb. 1897; see also Tribune, 1 Sept. 1897. For Watkins's last arrest, see SLCPC, "Book of Miscellaneous Offenses, 1897-99," p. 101, no. 1959, complaint filed on 29 Nov. 1897. For her departure, see Tribune, 26 Dec. 1897.

      88. For men arrested for involving their wives, see Tribune, 15 June 1886; Deseret Evening News, 20 July 18For men with prostitutes in their homes or rented rooms, see Tribune, 26 Mar. 1892, 17 June 1892. For male rooming house or hotel keepers, see Tribune, 13 Apr. 1887, 3 Mar. 1898.

      89. For DeMott, see "Mortgage Book T," mortgage, pp. 357-59, filed 14 Sept. 1887; and Deseret Evening News, 18 Oct. 1932. For Merritt, see "Mortgage Book T," mortgage, pp. 17-18, filed 16 July 1887; and Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1890).

      90. For Dinwoodey and Flint, see "Mortgage Book I," mortgage, pp. 139-41, 12 Aug. 1880; 25 May 1881. For the committee, see "Salt Lake City Council Minutes," Book H, p. 103, 18 Sept. 1877.

      91. For the deal with King, see "Deed Book 3T," warranty deed, p. 585, filed 23 June 18On King, see Alexander, Mormonism in Transition, pp. 10, 29, 32, 45, 55, 86. For the deal with Auerbach, see "Deed Book 3C," deed of trust, pp. 90-93, filed 29 June 18On Auerbach, see also Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, p. 68. For the deal with Karrick, see "Deed Book 2V," deed, pp. 203-4, filed 11 June 1889. For Karrick as councilman, see Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1890); Utah Gazetteer (1892-93). For the deal with McCornick, see "Mortgage Book 2W," marginal release of mortgage, p. 407, 25 Sept. 18On McCornick, see Bliss, Merchants and Miners, pp. 208-9; and Alexander and Allen, Mormons and Gentiles, pp. 13, 91, 99, 103, 105, 129.

      92. For example, see "Chattel Mortgage Book D," pp. 227-28, 2 Nov. 1891.

      93. Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1885-86).

      94. Ibid. (1901-8) lists "Helen Blazes" and "Helen Smith." "Smith, Mrs. Helen Blazes" appears in Utah Gazetteer (1892-93).

      95. For Catherine Fairchild, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census (1900), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 65, sheet 9, line 63; for Kitty Hicks, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census (1900), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 55, sheet 1, line 82. "Mrs. Kittie Fairchild" lived at 58 Commercial Street in 1897 (Polk, Salt Lake City Directory [1897]); "Kitty Hicks" lived there in 1898 (Polk, Salt Lake City Directory [1898]). See also Herald, 13 Mar. 1909; and Catherine C. Fairchild v. Milton A. Fairchild, case no. 5052 (3d dist. civil case files, 1902).

      96. See n. 68 above.

      97. Adora Long, Dora Hughes, Dora Topham, Belle London, and Maxine Rose. Ethel Topham's death certificate names her mother as "Adora Long," born Kentucky; State of California Department of Health Services, Certificate of Death no. 86-174183. "Dora B. Hughes" married Thomas Topham, Jr., on 1 May 1890 in Ogden; see Weber County Record of Marriage Certificates, license no. 1330, filed 1 May 1890. Thomas's vital information matches that in his obituary, Ogden Standard, 19 Nov. 1906, and the marriage date accords with census records below. "Dora Topham" and "Belle London" appear in scores of 1911 newspaper articles. "Maxine Rose," head of household, lived with her "daughter" "Ethel Topham," whose information matches Ethel's in other censuses; and "boarder" Thomas Matthews, "lawyer," in California; see chap. 4 and U.S. Bureau of the Census, Fourteenth Census (1920), San Francisco County, Calif., Enumeration District No. 92, sheet 1A, lines 7-16. "Maxine Rose's" age, birthplace, and parents' birthplaces match Dora Topham's in U.S. Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census (1900), Weber County, Enumeration District No. 187, sheet 8, line 1.

      98. See Clos Adolf Reinholt Turnross's deposition, 1 Apr. 1887 (Johnstone v. Turnross).

      99. People et al. v. Emma Whiting; Brigham Young Hampton Papers, 1870-1901, microfilm copy in CA. For the law, see "An Ordinance Relating to Houses of Ill-fame and Prostitution," Book C, Salt Lake City Council Ordinances (1877).

      100. For the theater, see Nellie Kingsley v. Salt Lake Dramatic Company, case no. 11774 (3d dist. territorial civil case files, 1893); for the fire, see Deseret Evening News, 6 July 1894, in JH, 6 July 1894.

      101. Estate of Emma Whiting, p. 35; Estate of Charles V. Whiting, "Salt Lake County Probate Record Book," p. 691, no. 15449.

      102. For "inmate," see for example Tribune, 1 Mar. 1885. No brothel listed more than twelve inmates. In August 1894 three brothels contained twelve women, probably resulting from crowding women onto Franklin Avenue. For twelve inmates, see "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 330, 17 Aug. 1894; for the average size, see same source, passim.

      103. On the difficulty in tracing prostitutes' lives after prostitution, see Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, pp. 104-8.

      104. The police often listed inmates by the madam's last name; e.g., "Cora Blazes et al." worked in Helen Blazes's brothel; Salt Lake City Court Criminal Division, "Minute Book, 1908," 21 Jan. 1908, p. 29.

      105. This tentative statistical profile is based on sixty-four women identified as brothel prostitutes in the federal censuses of 1870, 1880, 1900, and 1910 (other than those in the Stockade; see chap. 4). No woman appears twice. Mean age was 23.06. Of those who reported their own and their parents' birthplaces, 62.3 percent claimed to be native born of native-born parents (N=53); no statistically significant change occurred over time. Of twenty women who were foreign-born or had at least one foreign parent, only one—a Japanese—was not of Canadian or western European background. Of those reporting a marital status, 89.3 percent claimed to be single or divorced (N=56), and 12.8 percent reported having children (N=64). See also Rosen, Lost Sisterhood, pp. 138-54; Hobson, Uneasy Virtue, pp. 88-93.

      106. See, for example, Tribune, 2, 3 June 1886.

      107. For Hart as inmate, see Tribune, 15 Aug. 1886. For Hart in Ogden, see Ogden Police Court, "Justice's Docket, 1889," 14 Aug. 1889, pp. 386-87; Tribune, 26 Sept. 1889. For Hart on Franklin, see "Chattel Mortgage Book D," pp. 227-28, 2 Nov. 1891; and "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 56, 7 Aug. 1891.

      108. Tribune, 2 Nov. 1891.

      109. "Police, Record 1871-1875," 23 May 1872, pp. 104-5; 25 Aug. 1872, pp. 148-49; 11 Mar. 1873, pp. 220-21; 8 Aug. 1873, pp. 300-301. Evidence after 1873 is scant; see Deseret Evening News, 19 Mar. 1879; 15, 18 July 1890; and Tribune, 16 July 1890; 5 Aug. 1895. On Chinese prostitutes elsewhere, see Hirata, "Free, Indentured, Enslaved"; Tong, Unsubmissive Women.

      110. The earliest record of a woman identified as African American arrested for prostitution is in "Police, Record 1871-1875," 22 Apr. 1873, pp. 242-43.

      111. "Arrest Register, 1891-94," passim.

      112. For Watkins and black women, see "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 331, 17 Aug. 1894; and p. 271, 22 Dec. 1893.

      113. Herald, 10 July 1901; SLCPC, "Book of Miscellaneous Offenses, 1899-1901," no. 1681, 9 July 1901.

      114. Mary Murphy, "Private Lives of Public Women," pp. 198-200.

      115. Tribune, 10 Sept. 1891.

      116. See the "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City" for 1884, 1889, 1895, 1898, and 1911 for the proximity of brothels and saloons. For an example of saloonkeepers posting bond, see Tribune, 10 Oct. 1886.

      117. On saloon culture, see Noel, City and Saloon; West, Saloon on the Rocky Mountain Mining Frontier; and Hathaway, "History of the American Drinking Place." For the ban on women performers, see Utah, Compiled Laws (1876), pp. 600-601. For the ban on women in saloons after 9 p.m., see Herald, 19 Mar. 1890. For the ban between 7 p.m. and 7 a.m. see Tribune, 4 Jan. 1901.

      118. Deseret Evening News, 27 Sept. 1890.

      119. See, for example, Tribune, 6 Jan. 1887, 10 July 1892, 16 Feb. 1899.

      120. For partitioned saloons, see Herald, 18 Dec. 1907. No explicit evidence of sex in saloons was found, although Ruth Rosen suggests that it occurred; see Rosen, Lost Sisterhood, p. 84.

      121. See, for example, Tribune, 26 July 1905.

      122. Tribune, 8 Dec. 1891.

      123. Herald, 19 Dec. 1902.

      124. The small rooms in the Stockade were called "cribs" ("Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1911"), as were adobe "tenements" ("Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1889) on Victoria Alley (see Herald, 19 Dec. 1902) and small dwelling houses on Franklin Avenue (Tribune, 2 Nov. 1891).

      125. Davis is described as "colored" and her inmates as "American" in "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 338, 9 Sept. 1894.

      126. For Franklin, see "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1884," sheet 14; "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1889," sheet 41; "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1898," sheet 113; "Fire Insurance Map of Salt Lake City, 1911," sheet 238. For French "cribs," see Tribune, 2 June 1892; for Japanese women, see "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 34, 20 May 1891; and Tribune, 10 Dec. 1897; for African American women, see Deseret Evening News, 10 Nov. 1890. For "inmates" but no "keeper," see "Arrest Register, 1891-94," passim.

      127. Tribune, 9 June 1886.

      128. Tribune, 15 Apr. 1888.

      129. Tribune, 24 Mar. 1892. One nickname for a brothel near a post was "hog ranch"; Butler, Daughters of Joy, p. 8.

      130. For examples of "John" or "Joe Doe" arrests, see Tribune, 2 June 1886; "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 343, 27 Sept. 1894; and Tribune, 2 Oct. 1894. For working-class patrons, see "Arrest Register, 1891-94," passim. For examples of nonwhite men with white women, see "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 114, 26 Mar. 1892; p. 215, 30 Apr. 1893; p. 219, 10 May 1893.

      131. See Deseret Evening News, 12 Aug. 1910.

      132. For the "mirrored ballrooms," see Held, Most, p. 100. For "Frankie and Johnny," see Shelley Armitage, John Held, Jr., p. 5.

      133. Abraham H. Cannon Diaries, 5:92-3, 18 Mar. 1885, photocopy in JWM.

      134. Ibid., 5:118-19, 9 May 1885. Abraham Cannon made no further mention of Flint, but detailed Frank's drunkenness and periodic repentance; see 5:124, 21 May 1885; 5:134, 5 June 1885; 5:206-7, 31 Dec. 1885; 6:31-2, 3 Mar. 1886; 11:78, 8 Aug. 1889; 13:211-12, 12 Jan. 1891.

      135. Frank Cannon lobbied for Utah statehood and served as territorial delegate to Congress and as one of Utah's first U.S. senators. On lobbying, see Lyman, Political Deliverance, pp. 131-32. On his political career, see pp. 200-202, 257-58, 282-83. On his conflict with the LDS Church, see K. Godfrey, "Frank J. Cannon"; and chap. 4 of this study.

      136. Abraham H. Cannon Diaries, 7:52-54, 24, 25 Apr. 1886.

      137. Rosen, Lost Sisterhood, pp. 102-7.

      138. Chattel mortgages often list kitchen equipment; see, for example, "Chattel Mortgage Book D," p. 227, 2 Nov. 1891. For servants, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Tenth Census (1880), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 45, p. 92, lines 10-11. For housekeepers, see Tribune, 2 June 1886. For piano players, see U.S. Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census (1900), Salt Lake County, Enumeration District No. 54, sheet 4, line 82; Held, Most, p. 99.

      139. Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1891-92).

      140. For the "Big V" (No. 5 Plum Alley), see "Chattel Mortgage Book F," pp. 105-7, 25 June 1892. For arrests, see "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 135, 25 June 1892; p. 156, 13 Sept. 1892; p. 202, 17 Mar. 1893; p. 228, 15 June 1893; p. 250, 29 Aug. 1893.

      141. Held, Most, p. 99.

      142. For signs, see Herald, 6 Mar. 1901. For the dogcart, see Held, Most, pp. 99-100. For the automobile, see Thompson v. Wilson et al., case no. 9432 (3d dist. civil case files, 1908). For "The Palace," see Polk, Salt Lake City Directory (1899). For St. Omar's invitations, see Tribune, 23 Aug. 1890; for Wilson's, see Foster, "Open Letter to Angus M. Cannon," and chap. 3.

      143. "Chattel Mortgage Book I," filing number 99657, pp. 376-78, filed 19 Nov. 1895.

      144. Tribune, 7 July 1892.

      145. For wine at Blazes's, see Held, Most, pp. 99-100. For alcohol and cigars, see Tribune, 29 Apr. 1885. For liquor without a license, see "Police, Record 1875-1878," 24 Nov. 1875, pp. 52-53; Tribune, 7 July 1892; and Tribune, 19 Feb. 1895.

      146. "Chattel Mortgage Book G," pp. 9-11, 2 Mar. 1893. For other lavish furnishings, see the inventory at the "Big V," "Liens and Leases book P," bill of sale, pp. 340-41, filed 27 May 1892.

      147. Herald-Republican, 17 Sept. 1916.

      148. On eastern brothels, see Rosen, Lost Sisterhood, pp. 86-98; on western, see Butler, Daughters of Joy, pp. 59-61.

      149. SLCPC, "Book of Miscellaneous Offenses, 1899-1901," no. 199, 2 June 1899; State v. Tillie Williams, case no. 684 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1901); Tribune, 8 June 1907; SLCPD, "Criminal Record, 1892-1920," p. 334, 6 June 1907.

      150. SLCPD, "Criminal Record, 1892-1920," p. 98, 26 Sept. 1894; Herald, 27, 28 Sept. 1894.

      151. SLCPD, "Criminal Record, 1892-1920," p. 113, 14 Jan. 1896; Tribune, 27 Aug., 2 Oct. 1895, 14 Jan. 1896. For other "panel workers," see Tribune, 22 June 1891, 15 Apr. 1892.

      152. For prostitutes with little more than a trunk, see Tribune, 15 Aug. 1886, 8 Aug. 1891. For brothel theft, see Tribune, 19 Jan. 1899; Herald, 11 Apr. 1902.

      153. Herald, 18, 19 Dec. 1902.

      154. See, for example, Kate Flint; Tribune, 2 June 1886.

      155. Tribune, 26 June 1886.

      156. Tribune, 2 May 1891.

      157. Tribune, 27 Apr. 1897.

      158. Tribune, 4 Feb. 1899; Salt Lake County Probate Court, "Estate Registers Book F," no. 2884, p. 406.

      159. Tribune, 19 May 1887.

      160. Tribune, 24 Aug. 1893 and "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 249, 24 Aug. 1893. Cecil Gray (née Nellie Conley) moved to Malvina Beauchamp's brothel; see "Arrest Register, 1891-94," p. 250, 29 Aug. 1893; then to the "Three Deuces"; Tribune, 12 July 1899.

      161. Tribune, 15 Aug. 1886.

      162. Rosen, Lost Sisterhood, p. 88.

      163. See, for example, Tribune, 27 Feb., 27 Apr. 1892.

      164. Tribune, 17 Jan. 1892.

      165. SLCPD, "Criminal Record, 1892-1920," p. 290, 22 Jan. 1906; Tribune, 23, 25 Jan. 1906; Deseret Evening News, 23 Jan. 1906.

      166. Tribune, 20 Mar. 1894; SLCPC, "Book of Miscellaneous Offenses, 1893-5," p. 133, 20 Mar. 1894.

      167. Herald, 10 July 1901.

      168. Tribune, 25, 26, 27 Apr. 1897.

      169. Herald, 11 Nov. 1906.

      170. Emma M. Whiting v. Charles V. Whiting, case no. 1873 (3d dist. civil case files, 1897).

      171. Ogden was sentenced to three months for involuntary manslaughter. People v. Nellie Ogden, case no. 1116; Tribune, 28 Dec. 1893, 2, 3, 5, 6, 9 Jan., 27 Feb. 1894.

      172. Thomas was acquitted on mental grounds; State v. Cora Thomas, no. 246 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1897); Tribune, 9, 12 June, 26, 27, 28, 30 Oct. 1897; Herald, 9 June 1897; and Deseret Evening News, 9 June 1897.

      173. Himes, Medical History of Contraception, pp. 181-94; Gordon, Woman's Body, Woman's Right; Reed, Birth Control Movement, pp. 3-39; McLaren, History of Contraception, pp. 184-91; and Tone, "Contraceptive Entrepreneurs" and "Black-Market Birth Control," chaps. in Devices and Desires. The index of Duke, CRC Handbook of Medicinal Herbs, lists thirty-eight herbal substances with claimed abortifacient value. See also Rosen, Lost Sisterhood, p. 99.

      174. Such products were frequently advertised in Salt Lake newspapers; see Tribune, 1 Jan. 1890.

      175. I found no abortion cases that specifically labeled the woman a prostitute. One woman arrested for "keeping a house of assignation" was labeled "abortionest"; see "Police, Record 1871-1875," 16 Apr. 1873, pp. 240-41. For abortion arrests, see "Police, Record 1871-1875," 31 May 1874, pp. 412-13; Tribune, 20 Jan. 1893; Tribune, 30 Nov. 1895; Herald, 8 Jan. 1903.

      176. Brandt, No Magic Bullet.

      177. Tribune, 19 Mar. 1890; Deseret Evening News, 19 Mar. 1890. The death certificate does not cite the condition. Salt Lake City Death Records, death certificate no. 15877, p. 397. On other cities, see Rosen, Lost Sisterhood, p. 99.

      178. Herald-Republican, 28 Sept. 1911; State v. Topham, no. 2710 (3d dist. criminal case files, 1911).

      179. Tribune, 2 July, 21 Aug. 1887.

      180. Tribune, 19 Jan. 1888.

      181. See, for example, Tribune, 6 May 1888; SLCPC, "Book of Miscellaneous Offenses, 1899-1901," no. 1542, 14 May 1901.

      182. Herald, 5 Sept. 1907. See also Finnegan, Poverty and Prostitution, pp. 125, 145.

      183. Tribune, 12 July 1899; U.S. Bureau of the Census, Twelfth Census (1900), Utah County, Enumeration District No. 211, sheet 3, line 30.

      184. For suicides, see Tribune, 12 June 1887, 4 June 1889, 27 Aug. 189, 16 Mar. 1891, 4 Feb. 1892, 30 Aug., 3, 27 Dec. 1893, 4 Apr., 22 May, 16 Aug. 1894, 7 Sept. 1896, 9 June 1897, 11 June, 19 July, 10 Oct. 1898, 29 July 1900; Herald, 3 Mar., 23 May 1901, 13 Mar., 4 May, 18 Sept. 1902, 7 May 1903; and Tribune, 17 Mar. 1904. The madams were Grace Fuller; see Herald, 27 Jan. 1908; and Cleo Starr; see Herald, 6 June 1908.

      185. Herald, 27 Jan. 1908.

      186. Mary Murphy, "Private Lives of Public Women," p. 205, n. 29.

   

 

 

 
   
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