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<NAME>Susie Lorand</NAME>
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<STC T="W">J137</STC>
<STC T="T">v. I, pt. I, p. 167</STC>
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<HEAD>KING IAMES His Iudgement of a KING and of a TYRANT. Extracted out of His own Speech at <HI>VVhite-Hall,</HI> to the Lords and Commons in Parliament, 1609. With certaine Notations anent the &s;ame.</HEAD>
<HEAD TYPE="sub">Al&s;o 28 Que&s;tions, worthy due con&s;ideration and &s;olution, in the&s;e dangerous times of <HI>England.</HI></HEAD>
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<BIBL>Eccle&s;ia&s;tes 4. 13.</BIBL>
<Q>Better is a poore and wi&s;e Child, then an old and fooli&s;h King, who will no more be admoni&s;hed.</Q>
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<P>A <HI>KING</HI> (&s;aith King JAMES) <HI>in a &s;ettled Kingdome, binds him&s;elfe to a double Oath; to the ob&s;ervation of the fundamentall Laws of His Kingdome, Tacitly; as by being a King, and &s;o bound to protect, as well the People, as the Laws of his King|dome: and expre&s;ly, by his Oath at his Coronation. So as every ju&s;t King in a &s;ettled Kingdome is bound to ob&s;erve that Paction (or Covenant) made to his People by his Laws, in framing his government agreeable thereunto, according to that Paction made with</HI> Noah <HI>after the Deluge</HI> (Gen. 9. 22.) <HI>And therefore a King governing in a &s;ettled Kingdome, leaves to be a King, and degenerates into a Tyrant, as &s;oone as he leaves off to rule according to his Laws. Therfore all Kings that are not Tyrants, or perjured, wilbe glad to bound them&s;elves within the limits of their Laws; and they that per&s;wade them the contrary, are Vipers and Pe&s;ts, both again&s;t them and the Common-weale:</HI> This was the opinion of our geud King JAMES.</P>
<P>Whence I Ob&s;erve, in the fir&s;t place, the occa&s;ion whereupon the King &s;pake the&s;e words: for in the beginning of the Parliament (as the cu&s;tome in <HI>England</HI> is) a Bi&s;hop preaching, in his Sermon he treated at large of the Prerogative of Kings, how boundle&s;&s;e it was, labouring to prove it out of Gods word. Whereat great offence being taken by the Parliament: the King to pacifie them, made this Speech, blaming the Bi&s;hop in this, that he did not di&s;tingui&s;h between a King at large, and the King of <HI>England,</HI> which is a &s;ettled Kingdome, of which his forementioned words are &s;poken. So as the occa&s;ion gives much &s;trength to his words.</P>
<P>And &s;ithence they are the Kings own words, I advi&s;e every wi&s;e man in <HI>England</HI> to take the better notice of them, and to Ob&s;erve the&s;e particulars.</P>
<P N="1">1. That though the King of <HI>England</HI> at his Coronation did take no Oath at all: yet his very being a King implyes as much as an Oath, and is in&s;tead of an Oath to oblige him to protect as well the People, as the Laws of his Kingdome. Seeing the
<PB REF="2"> Office of a King binds him, even by the very law of nature, to be a Protector, as an Ob&s;ervator lately well ob&s;erved. So farre is it, that any pretended, &s;welling exube|rant and boundle&s;&s;e Prerogative &s;hould a&s;&s;ume to it &s;elfe a right of power to over|turn the law of nature by de&s;troying both his People and Laws at his plea&s;ure, and expo&s;ing the Kingdome to ruine, in &s;tead of protecting and defending it.</P>
<P N="2">2. That every King of <HI>England</HI> is bound expre&s;ly by his Oath at his Coronation to be a ju&s;t King, in ob&s;erving his &s;olemne Covenant made with his People.</P>
<P N="3">3. That this his paction is by the Law of the Land agreeable to that whereunto he is to frame his Government.</P>
<P N="4">4. That this his Covenant ought to be as firme and inviolable, as that Covenant which <HI>God</HI> made with <HI>Noah</HI> after the Deluge, which was never yet broken, nor ever &s;halbe.</P>
<P N="5">5. That a King governing in a &s;ettled Kingdome, as the Kingdome of <HI>England</HI> is, leavs to be a King &s;o &s;oon as he leaves off and failes to rule according to his Laws. And &s;o leaving off to be a King, the Covenant on his part is infringed, &s;o as the People are no longer his Subjects to obey him in his lawle&s;&s;e Government, then he is their King governing them according to his Laws.</P>
<P N="6">6. Such an one leaving to be a King and degenerating into a Tyrant, doth ther|b<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter"> alt<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">r <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">he whole frame of the State, as turning the Kingdome into a Tyranny, which are two oppo&s;ite forms of Government, the one excluding the other, as being incon&s;i&s;tent together: &s;eeing a Kings Function is to protect and pre&s;erve &s;afe and &s;ound the Laws and Subjects of the Kingdome: but a Tyrant overthrows and de|&s;troyes all Laws of the Kingdome, and all the Rights, liberties, and Priviledges of the true naturall leige people.</P>
<P N="7">7. If a King, &s;o &s;oon as he leaves off to rule according to his Laws, leaves off, and cea&s;es <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">o be a King, and degenerates into a Tyrant, then much more He, that not only hath begun to leave off to rule according to his Laws, but ob&s;tinately, perver&s;ly, wilfully, wittingly, yea and palpably holds on, and continues, yea &s;tifly maintaines under the Title of Prerogative, a mo&s;t boundle&s;&s;e, &s;welling, exuberant and lawle&s;&s;e Tyranny; yea moreover (which is one infallible marke and property of all Tyrants) doth take up Armes again&s;t the faithfulle&s;t, hone&s;te&s;t and godlye&s;t liege people of his Land; yea again&s;t the whole body of the Land, when a&s;&s;embled in Parliament, &s;<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">tting for the good of the Kirke and State, to pre&s;erve and vindicate the Laws of the Land, with the Rights, Liberties and Priviledges of the freeborne liege people from Tyranny, and &s;o from perpetuall bondage and Slavery, both of Soule and Body, and E&s;tate&punc; which Tyrannicall Government (but ever under the counterfeit colour and vizard of <HI>maintaining the Laws and Liberties of the Subject, with Priviledges of Parliament,</HI> and what not? and all this bound in with &s;olemne <HI>Prote|&s;tations, Declarati<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">ns,</HI> and calling <HI>God and the world to witne&s;&s;e,</HI> when they can witne&s;&s;e nothing, but that of all this, there is hardly a word true and all this, to &s;educe and blind not only the &s;imple and well minded people, but even tho&s;e that are prudent, &s;aving that they have not ob&s;erved the manifold juglings of the Court) will of ne|ce&s;&s;ity bring upon the Kingdome, if they can but come once to open the &s;luces of the Sea to let in Forraigne auxiliarie Forces, as &s;ome &s;econd Spani&s;h Fleet. For this is a con&s;tant maxime and practi&s;e of Tyrants, to call in Forraigne power, as confiding more in them then in the native liege people, which being freeborne, do naturally hate and abhorre to become the vild va&s;&s;alls and &s;laves to lawle&s;&s;e Ty|rants,
<PB REF="2"> to which if they cannot be wonne by flattery, faire words, and big promi&s;es, (but all as fal&s;e as the Father of lyes) then de&s;perate and down-right force mu&s;t do it, as we have both &s;eene wofull proofe in <HI>Ireland;</HI> and (but that Gods never fayl|ing mighty Providence had not &s;o many times prevented) both our Brethren in <HI>England,</HI> and we al&s;o in <HI>Scotland,</HI> had before this day felt.</P>
<P>Againe, the&s;e twe la&s;t Notations following from our geud departed Kings &s;aid Speech do ea&s;ilie inferre thus much, That if Kings cea&s;e to be Kings, &s;etting up an ab&s;olute Tyranny over the people, to governe them no longer by the Laws as free|borne liege people but lawle&s;ly as va&s;&s;alls and &s;laves; then on the other &s;ide the peo|ple leaving to be Subjects do owne them no more obedience, as being none of their Kings, but u&s;urping Tyrants. For as a King turning Tyrant, practi&s;ing Tyranny under the name of Prerogative, hath broken the bonds of the Kingdome: &s;o the Subjects owe him no more duty of liege people, except they will avow them&s;elves his Slaves, and &s;o betrayers of their own and the publike Liberties, which ought to be more precious unto them then their lives and lands.</P>
<P N="8">8. A King &s;o degenerating into a Tyrant, is by the verdict of our geud K. <HI>Iames</HI> departed, a perjured Man, &s;eeing he leaves off to bound him&s;elfe within the circle of his Laws, which he hath &s;olemnly &s;worne and vowed to keep, with many <HI>Pro|te&s;tations,</HI> as afore &s;poken. And perjured men as they are odious to <HI>God,</HI> &s;o they bring an Execration upon a Land, <HI>zach.</HI> 5.</P>
<P N="9">9. Such as Councell the King &s;o to turne Tyrant, are <HI>Vipers and Pe&s;ts, both again&s;t Him, the Kirke and Common wealth.</HI> And therefore though the Tyrant will needs in de&s;pight of the Body of the Kingdome maintaine and nouri&s;h &s;uch Vipers and Plagues in his bo&s;ome to the ruine both of Him&s;elfe, the Kirke and Common|wealth: yet it &s;tands not with the &s;afety of the State to &s;uffer &s;uch Vipers and Plagues, but to &s;pue them out. According to that Coun&s;ell of K. <HI>Salomon, Take away the wicked from before the King, and his Throne &s;halbe e&s;tabli&s;hed in righteou&s;nes.</HI> Pro. 25. 5. I will conclude this with a &s;cruple or ca&s;e of Con&s;cience, which is this&punc; <NOTE PLACE="marg">A ca&s;e of Con&s;cience.</NOTE> Many in the&s;e dayes dare not out of the &s;oftne&s;&s;e of their Con&s;cience, put to their helping hand by affording part of their e&s;tate, or hazarding their per|&s;ons for the defence of the Common weale, though they have both &s;een the blee|ding example of <HI>Ireland,</HI> and have and do &s;ee the &s;anguineous attempts of a crew of wa&s;h-bucklers and cut-throats, to make <HI>England</HI> a &s;econd Stage whereon to Act their bloody Tragedy, in &s;acrificing the lives of all tho&s;e that will not lay downe their crages under the yoake of perpetuted va&s;&s;ilage and tyranny over their goods, liberties, lives and lawes, yea <HI>&s;oules</HI> and all. And their rea&s;ons are twe e&s;pecially.</P>
<P>Fir&s;t, becau&s;e they thinke they cannot u&s;e defen&s;ive meanes for the Common|weale, but they mu&s;t prove offen&s;ive to their King, as the ca&s;e now &s;tands.</P>
<P>Secondarily, becau&s;e their King hath u&s;ed &s;o many &s;olemne Prote&s;tations with execrations and imprecations, upon him&s;elf and his off-&s;pring (as in his by-pa&s;t an|&s;wer, <HI>pag.</HI> 5.) invoking God to witne&s;&s;e oft times, if ev<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">r he intend to alter the Pro|te&s;tant Religion, or the forme of the re-publike e&s;tabli&s;hed upon good Lawes, or to gather Forces, &s;ave onely for the Guard of His Per&s;on, and no way to make Warre again&s;t the Parliament, and the like.</P>
<P>Now anent the former of the&s;e twe rea&s;ons, it is &s;ufficiently &s;olved from what is gathered by nece&s;&s;ary con&s;equence from King <HI>Iames</HI> his owne words as afore. For a King cea&s;ing to governe according to his lawes, to which he is obliged by
<PB REF="3"> oath, and acording to which hee is by &s;olemne Covenant with his liege people taken for their King, he cea&s;eth to be a King and degenerates into a Tyrant. Now never any of the Subjects of <HI>England,</HI> not their Parliament, not any of tho&s;e that now &s;tand up to defend the Kings boundle&s;&s;e Prerogative in <HI>England,</HI> which he in|tends to be no le&s;&s;e then an ab&s;olute Tyrannie, ever gave their a&s;&s;ents (for ought that ever I could yet read or ob&s;erve in their government) or made a Covenant; that they would bee &s;laves under a Tyrannicall, or Arbitrary Lawle&s;&s;e Govern|ment. So that who&s;oever doth &s;tand for the Kings lawle&s;&s;e Prerogative (for &s;uch hee under&s;tands it to be, as plainly appeareth by all his anti-Parliamentary cour|&s;es, tending to the utter ruine and de&s;olation of the fice-borne Liege people of <HI>Eng|land,</HI> together with their Rights, Lawes and Liberties, as hath beene unanimou&s;ly Voted by both their Hou&s;es of Parliament, the highe&s;t and mo&s;t unpartiall Judge, for the declaring of the laws of their Land) who&s;oever (I &s;ay) doth &s;o &s;tand up in defence of the Kings boundle&s;&s;e and &s;welling Prerogative again&s;t the Parliament is a mo&s;t notorious enemy of the Kirke and Common-weale, of the Laws, and Li|berties of their Native Country, and &s;o of them&s;elves, their families, and po&s;teri|ties for ever. And this is a maxime in nature, <HI>that the whole is to bee <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">nte&punc;poned before any part:</HI> and herefore <HI>every member</HI> ought to collate its whole &s;trength for the con|&s;ervation <HI>of the whole &s;tate.</HI> Sundry heathens have willingly peri&s;hed to &s;ave their Country. And &s;o much the rather, when it &s;tands, even with rationall prudence, that the relinqui&s;hing of a part, yea the one halfe, pre&s;erves that which remaines, which otherwi&s;e, with the owner him&s;elfe, and all his would nece&s;&s;arily peri&s;h. And in &s;uch a ca&s;e of nece&s;&s;itie, all per&s;ons, or Members of the Common-weale ought to bee forced (if otherwi&s;e unwilling) to contribute liberally, according to their &s;everallabilities, to the pre&s;ervation of it. And above all, when we &s;ee the true Religion &s;truck at, and &s;o Chri&s;ts Kirke or Kingdom openly invaden, that &s;o both it, and the Common-weale might fall and peri&s;h together. And &s;hall we doe no|thing for Chri&s;t, and for the &s;alvation of our &s;oules?</P>
<P>To the &s;econd Rea&s;on I an&s;wer, that all the Kings &s;olemne oaths, vowes, pro|te&s;tations&punc; Declarations Imprecations and Execrations upon him&s;elfe and Po&s;te|ritie, calling God to witne&s;&s;e, and the like, &s;hould bee examined what truth is in them by comparing therewith his ordinary and daily practi&s;es, and that even from the fir&s;t entrance of H<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">s Reigne, ever &s;ince he wrote that letter of his to the <HI>Pape</HI> of <HI>Rome,</HI> lately publi&s;hed in Engli&s;h&punc; with the Papes letter to him In which let|ter&punc; he profe&s;&s;eth and voweth to the Pape (whom hee &s;tiles, <HI>mo&s;t holy Father)</HI> his &s;er|vice and zeale to imitate his Progenitors and Ance&s;tors, as who expo&s;ed their e&s;tates and lives&punc; (as hee writes) for the exaltation of the holy Chaire, or See of <HI>Rome.</HI> This he accounts his greate&s;t honour, that he is de&s;cended of &s;uch Progeni|tors. He commends his father for endeavouring unity with <HI>Rome,</HI> and other her confederates: and the Pape his holines for his <HI>Wi&s;dom</HI> in contriving &amp; <HI>de&s;igning the match with the Infanta of</HI> Spaine, thereby to reduce all to one Religion, which he cals the <HI>true Religion&punc;</HI> and that hee expre&s;&s;eth to bee <HI>the Catholicke Apo&s;tolicke, Roman Religion, for the maintenance whereof</HI> (&s;aith hee) <HI>I have re&s;olved to &s;pare nothing that I have in the World, but will hazard e&s;tate and life, and &s;uffer all incommodities for a thing &s;o plea&s;ing to God,</HI> and for the Prote&s;tant Religion, he &s;aith, <HI>I intreat your holine&s;&s;e to beleeve, that I have beene alwaies very farre from incouraging novelties, or to be a part of any faction a|gain&s;t the Catholicke, Apo&s;tolicke, Roman Religion: but on the contrary, I have &s;ought all oc|ca&s;ions</HI>
<PB REF="3"> <HI>to take away the &s;u&s;picion that might re&s;t upon me, and that I will imploy, my &s;elfe for the time to come, to have but one Religion, and one faith.</HI> And againe <HI>It is very cer|taine, I &s;hall never be &s;o extreamely affectionate to any thing in the World, as to endeavour alliance with a Prince, that hath the &s;ame apprehen&s;ion of the true Religion with my &s;elfe.</HI> Thus it is expre&s;&s;ed in the letter, &s;igned (as the Story &s;hewes) with <HI>Charles Steward.</HI> Thus we &s;ee a precontract made the with <HI>Pape</HI> of <HI>Rome,</HI> which nulls &amp; makes voyd and of none effect all other vowes, promi&s;es, Prote&s;tations &amp;c. contrariwi&s;e, con|&s;idering al&s;o, that though hee married not the <HI>Infanta,</HI> but the daughter of <HI>France,</HI> all is one in point of Religion, this having the &s;ame conditions, and articles with that of <HI>Spaine,</HI> which (I hope) doe in nothing cro&s;&s;e the contents of the &s;aid letter, neither hath hee renounced either tho&s;e articles, or the &s;aid Letter for ought that can yet bee di&s;cerned. And therefore I thinke <HI>England</HI> hath no rea&s;on to con|fide in &s;uch Prote&s;tations, as are &s;o palpably contradicted both by &s;uch a league and by &s;o many practi&s;es ever &s;ince that letter was written, and that match made, to this very day. And for &s;uch Prote&s;tations, though they &s;eeme to reach as farre as Heaven and are &s;uch&punc; as the wor&s;t of the Heathen would dete&s;t; yet the mo&s;t holy Father, the Pape, giving a di&s;pen&s;ation thereunto, it is a warrant &s;ufficient both to God di&s;honour to delude men, and to injure their own con&s;ciences, yea and withour repentance to damne their owne &s;oules, and yet for all this, bee innocent Catholicke men of <HI>Rome,</HI> in the <HI>Papes</HI> e&s;teeme.</P>
<P>The example of <HI>David</HI> in &s;paring King <HI>Saul,</HI> his heart al&s;o &s;miting him for having cut off the skirt of his garment in the cave, is objected as an argument, to prove the unlawfullne&s;&s;e of taking up armes again&s;t the King in the&s;e dayes.</P>
<P>Whereto I an&s;wer: 1. It is confe&s;&s;ed, and the Scripture di&s;alows it not, as be|ing the law of nature, that <HI>David</HI> got together an Army of 600. valiant men, for his and their defence again&s;t <HI>Sauls</HI> tyrannie, who &s;ought to kill <HI>David,</HI> whom God had de&s;igned and anointed for the Kingdome of I&s;rael. And if one particular man, (though as yet a private per&s;on in compari&s;on) might lawfully defend him&s;elfe a|gain&s;t a Tyrant, that &s;ought his life: then much more a whole &s;tate, or body re|pre&s;entative of a Kingdome, may u&s;e meanes to defend them&s;elves, and the King|dome, by whom they are put in tru&s;t, even by force of armes in a Military way, when a King goes about to overthrow their Laws, Liberties, and livelyhood, and to bring them and their po&s;terity being free-borne liege people under the tyranni|call yoake of perpetuall &s;lavery.</P>
<P N="2">2. Againe, tis a different ca&s;e for a private man to lay violent hands upon the per&s;on of a Tyrannicall King, to take away his life, (which I utterly di&s;allow) and for a whole &s;tate to &s;tand up to defend them&s;elves again&s;t tyrannicall u&s;urpation. <HI>David</HI> would not, nor dur&s;t doe the former: but he and his men did the latter, &s;o farre as concerned them and theirs, for their &s;afety.</P>
<P N="3">3. I an&s;wer from an other example in Scripture: when the 10. Tribes complai|ned of their unju&s;t burthens to the young King <HI>Rehoboam,</HI> and petitioned to him, (like <HI>Englands</HI> petition of right) that he would ea&s;e their yoke &amp;c. and the King rejecting the Coun&s;ell of his grave Senators, who had been the Councellors of King <HI>Sal<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">mon</HI> his Father, and following the un&s;ound coun&s;ell of his younkers and mad Cavaliers: they thereupon (and that by (1 <HI>Ki.</HI> 12.) Gods own approbation) &s;et up a new King over them, and &s;o became a di&s;tinct Kingdom from <HI>Iuda.</HI> And this I &s;ay) God him&s;elfe confirmed; &s;o that if the new King <HI>Ieroboam,</HI> had not in his foo|li&s;h
<PB REF="4"> policy led the Ringdome away to Idolatry, God would have made it a con|&s;tant and a happy Kingdome to him and his. And when at the fir&s;t parting, <HI>Reho|boam</HI> would have with an Army recovered his lo&s;&s;e, 1 <HI>Kings</HI> 12. the Lord would not allow of it. And according to the Proverb. <HI>Vox populi, Vox Dei:</HI> when there is a generall Vote and agreement of the people, or of the whole body of the State re|pre&s;entative concerning the &s;afe-guarding and defending of the Civill Govern|ment when invaded by Tyrannicall violence, and u&s;urpation, threatning confu|&s;ion of the whole State; then &s;urely the God of order and not of confu&s;ion, and the greate&s;t pre&s;erver of Kingdomes and States, and the mo&s;t wi&s;e Governor and di&s;|po&s;er of them to whom he will, doth clearely appeare in &s;uch publicke unanimity of the people to re&s;traine and regulate unju&s;t, u&s;urpers &amp; un&s;ationable, cruell, and bloody Tyrants&punc; who&s;e lu&s;ts nothing can &s;atisfie, but the ruine of all, rather then their proud tyranny &s;hall fall to ground.</P>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="queries">
<HEAD>Certaine Quaeries of things done &s;ince King <HI>Charles</HI> his Reign began.</HEAD>
<P N="1">1. VVHen our geud King <HI>Iames</HI> his death was by one of his Phi&s;itians tendered to the King, and Parliament, to be examined, why the Parliament was oft &s;oone di&s;&s;olved?</P>
<P N="2">2. When in the fir&s;t and &s;ucceeding Parliaments, they began to fall upon Re|formation in <HI>Kirke</HI> and <HI>State,</HI> why &s;till were the Parliaments di&s;&s;olved?</P>
<P N="3">3. Why, pre&s;ently after the Petition of Right in <HI>England</HI> was &s;igned, it was vi|olated and nulled by impri&s;oning of &s;undry members of <HI>Parliament,</HI> which co&s;t &s;ome of them their lives?</P>
<P N="4">4. Why at length came <HI>Parliaments</HI> to bee &s;o out of date and reque&s;t, as that a Proclamation was publi&s;hed inhibiting the lea&s;t mention of ever having any more <HI>Parliaments</HI> in <HI>England?</HI></P>
<P N="5">5. Why again&s;t the Petition of Right was tunnage and poundage extorted?</P>
<P N="6">6. Why again&s;t the Petition of Right was Ship-money levied?</P>
<P N="7">7. Why again&s;t the petition of Right was Coat and conduct money impo&s;ed?</P>
<P N="8">8. Why again&s;t the <HI>Petition</HI> of Right was &s;uch an infinite number of Monopo|lies to the draining and exhau&s;ting of the Subjects, graunted?</P>
<P N="9">9. Why was it attempted to make all <HI>England</HI> a Forre&s;t, and &s;o to make the people &s;o many Deere for <HI>Nimrods</HI> to hunt?</P>
<P N="10">10. Who is the author of all the evills and grievances in the <HI>Kingdome,</HI> and &s;o the great troubler of I&s;rael, &s;eeing &s;o many malefactors, and delinquents, and in|&s;truments of cruelty, are authorized and protected as Innocents?</P>
<P N="11">11. Who ayded the French King with 8. Ships, by meanes whereof the pro|te&s;tants in <HI>Rochel</HI> were mo&s;t mi&s;erably de&s;troyed, and all the re&s;t in <HI>France</HI> left to the mercy of papi&s;ts; the more ea&s;ily to exerci&s;e their ma&s;&s;acres upon them?</P>
<P N="12">12. How, or by whom was it, that we poore harmele&s;&s;e, yet much oppre&s;&s;ed Scots, were proclaimed Rebells, when we onely &s;ought for right and Ju&s;tice?</P>
<P N="13">13. By who&s;e authority, and for what end was it, that that more then heathe|ni&s;h Beuk for &s;ports, to prophane the Lords day, was publi&s;hed in every <HI>Kirke</HI> in <HI>England?</HI></P>
<P N="14">14. By who&s;e countenace was it, that &s;o many Novations have taken place, &s;o much Idolatry and Super&s;tition hath over&s;pread <HI>England,</HI> &s;o many, notorious pa|pi&s;h
<PB REF="4"> Beuks in Engli&s;h of late dayes printed with their high dedications, &s;o much re&s;traint of preaching, &s;o grievous per&s;ecuting of preachers even unto blood and bani&s;hment, with all waies and crafts to root out the Go&s;pell and to &s;et up pope|ry every where, and &s;o to put the Prince of the Apo&s;tles <HI>(Peter,</HI> or the <HI>Pape)</HI> in po&s;|&s;e&s;&s;ion of that noble and long flouri&s;hing I&s;land?</P>
<P N="15">15. Who hath murdered &s;o many Innocents in <HI>Ireland,</HI> by the long retarding of &s;ending &s;uccours in due time, by meanes whereof &s;o many thou&s;ands, and they <HI>Prote&s;tants,</HI> might have been pre&s;erved from &s;uch horrid and bloody butcheries? Or how came it to pa&s;&s;e (then when the plot among us in <HI>So<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">tland</HI> for murthering &s;ome of our prime Nobles, in the Kings chamber, &s;hould have taken place) that the Rebellion in <HI>Ireland</HI> began to breake forth ju&s;t about the &s;ame time? Such a &s;ympathy and harmony (it &s;eemes) there was betweene the&s;e twe?</P>
<P N="16">16. What was the end of plotting, the comming up of the <HI>Yorke</HI> armie towards the <HI>City</HI> and <HI>Parliament?</HI></P>
<P N="17">17. What was the end of the Kings going to the <HI>Parliament</HI> with his armed Troopes of furious Cavaliers, and their manner of carriage there?</P>
<P N="18">18. What was the end of turning out our faithfull brother Sir <HI>William Pelphore</HI> from being Lievtenant of the Tower, and placing in his roome that de&s;perate Ca|valier <HI>Lunsford?</HI></P>
<P N="19">19. By what authority was it, that the Captaines, that were by the <HI>Parliament</HI> &s;ent into <HI>Ireland</HI> to &s;uppre&s;&s;e the Rebells there, came into <HI>England</HI> againe to help the Malignant party again&s;t the <HI>Parliament?</HI></P>
<P N="20">20 Whether the pre&s;ent taking of <HI>Port&s;mouth</HI> by the King, through the infamous perfidiou&s;ne&s;&s;e of <HI>Goring,</HI> may not &s;tand the Malignants in as good &s;tead again&s;t the Parliament and people, as <HI>Hull,</HI> con&s;idering that <HI>Port&s;mouth</HI> is neerer both to <HI>France</HI> and <HI>Spaine?</HI></P>
<P N="21">21. Whether the Kings Commi&s;&s;ion of <HI>Array,</HI> though it may &s;eem to have in generall &s;ome countenance from the Law, yet can po&s;&s;ibly be imagined to have any Law at this time, when the King &s;tands out again&s;t his Parliament, to overthrow their <HI>Militia,</HI> which is to no other end, but to pre&s;erve both King and Kingdome from imminent ruine: con&s;idering that no Laws of the Kingdome are de&s;tructive thereof but pre&s;ervative only?</P>
<P N="22">22. Whether the Gentry of <HI>England,</HI> who now appeare for the King again&s;t the Parliament, and &s;o again&s;t the whole Kingdome, be true bred Engli&s;h men and Gentlemen, or no: or if true bred, whether they be not &s;o farre degenerate, as to be|come enemies of <HI>God</HI> and their Countrey, and with <HI>E&s;au</HI> to &s;ell their birthright of Lawes and Liberties for a me&s;&s;e of broth and &s;o to purcha&s;e to their Hou&s;e a per|petuall Slavery, by &s;hedding the blood of their Brethren, which they prize at &s;o vile and ignoble a rate?</P>
<P N="23">23. Whether the di&s;placing of the good Old Ju&s;tices all over <HI>England,</HI> and &s;et|ting up of new, being of the Malignant party&punc; and enemies of the Kingdome, do not ha&s;ten the ruine therof&punc; while they labour to root out the Go&s;pell, and all <HI>goodne&s;&s;e,</HI> to de&s;troy the Parliament and all geud Laws, and to countenance and maintaine the mo&s;t prophane in the Land, who are ready every where to make Warre again&s;t the Go&s;pell, and all the faithfull preachers thereof?</P>
<P N="24">24. Whether the wounding of Religion by reproachfull names, as calling all the true profe&s;&s;ors thereof Roundheads and the like, be not a &s;leight of Je&s;uites to
<PB REF="5"> &s;et the Prote&s;tants together by the eares, and their Swords in one anothers &s;ides, that &s;o they may all peri&s;h together?</P>
<P N="25">25. Whether it be not the wi&s;dome of all true hearted Engli&s;h and &s;uch as ac|count it their honour to be called and be true Prote&s;tants, and namely &s;uch as are enemies to Papi&s;try, however they may differ in opinion in matter of Religion, according to the different degrees of light in their Soules, yet not to differ in their Affections one to another, but to be fa&s;t united in the bond of Charity, and com|bined in a firme re&s;olution for the rooting out of all Papery, according to the late <HI>Prote&s;tation,</HI> which no true Prote&s;tant, and &s;uch as is not Papi&s;hly affected, nor a lover of Antichri&s;t, and &s;o a hater of his own &s;oule and Salvation, will ever refu&s;e to take profe&s;&s;e&punc; and maintaine.</P>
<P N="26">26. Why notwith&s;tanding &s;o many <HI>Prote&s;tations,</HI> and <HI>Declarations</HI> to the contrary, are Papi&s;h-Prie&s;ts and Je&s;uites, after they are ju&s;tly condemned, according to the Law for Traitors, Reprived, time after time, &s;o as no ju&s;tice can be executed on them?</P>
<P N="27">27. Whether &s;o many <HI>Proclamations, Declarations, Prote&s;tations</HI> or <HI>Remon&s;trances,</HI> as are publi&s;hed in the Kings name&punc; being &s;o full of manife&s;t and palpable fal&s;hoods, and &s;hamele&s;&s;e untruths, wherby the true meaning people are mo&s;t pittifully abu|&s;ed, &s;educed, deluded and blindfoulded, to the undoing of them&s;elves and of their deare Countrey by betraying it and them&s;elves into the hands of mo&s;t wicked Ty|rants and cut-throats, and open enemies both of God and Men, ought not to be laid upon the King him&s;elfe, as the &s;upreme Author of them, &s;eeing he is plea&s;ed to be the owner and maintainer of them? And whether, in particular, it be not a meer mockerie to &s;end forth <HI>Proclamations</HI> again&s;t Papi&s;h-Recu&s;ants, inhibiting and forbiding them upon pain of high di&s;plea&s;ure to approach the Kings per&s;on, Court, or Armie, whenas, for all this, mo&s;t of them that be of the Kings Cavallry, and of his Commanders, are Papi&s;ts, having nothing to excu&s;e them from being Recu|&s;ants but meerly the Papes Di&s;pen&s;ation for going to Kirke; and all men know by experience, that Kirke-Papi&s;ts are the wor&s;t and mo&s;t dangerous?</P>
<P N="28">28. Whether the &s;etting up of the Kings Standard again&s;t the Parliament and the be&s;t Subjects of the Kingdome, be not an actuall unkinging of him, as wherby he profe&s;&s;eth an open Ho&s;tility again&s;t that Kingdome and State, which at His Coronation, he &s;wore to protect; and as now, intending and indevouring with Might and maine to come in as a Conquerour, and &s;o to &s;et up a lawle&s;&s;e and Tyrannicall Government over His Land, and &s;o to make good whathe hath pro|mi&s;ed, and (in His Letter to the Pape of <HI>Rome</HI> lately publi&s;hed in Engli&s;h, as afore|&s;aid) &s;olemnly prote&s;ted and vowed.</P>
<P>The&s;e Queres and Que&s;tions being &s;eriou&s;ly and impartially &s;atisfied and &s;oy|led; it cannot but mo&s;t evidently appeare to every intelligent heart, that will not be willfully blinde, what is the ayme and end of the malignant party now in <HI>England,</HI> from the head to the foot of them; and how much it concernes them all who love their Religion, Laws, and liberties to look about them, and timely to endevour (by <HI>Gods</HI> a&s;&s;i&s;tance) to prevent their great and imminent Dangers.</P>
<CLOSER><DATELINE><DATE>Septem. 8. 1642.</DATE></DATELINE></CLOSER>
<TRAILER>FINIS.</TRAILER>
</DIV1>
</BODY>
</TEXT>
</EEBO>
</ETS>
