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<DATE>2013-10-03</DATE>
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<NAME>Leigh Rupinski</NAME>
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<TEXT LANG="eng">
<FRONT>
<DIV1 TYPE="title page">
<PB REF="1">
<PB REF="1" MS="y">
<P>A VOYAGE TO <HI>Mount Libanus,</HI> Wherein is An Account of the Cu&s;toms, Manners, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> of the <HI>T&V;RKS.</HI></P>
<P>Al&s;o a De&s;cription of
<LIST>
<ITEM><HI>Candia,</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Nico&s;ia,</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Tripoly,</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Alexandretta,</HI> &amp;c.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P>WITH Curious Remarks upon &s;everal Pa&s;&s;ages re<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">ating to the <HI>Turks</HI> &amp; <HI>Maronites.</HI></P>
<P>Written originally in <HI>Italian,</HI> by the R. F. <HI>Jerome Dandini.</HI></P>
<P>Printed by <HI>J. Orme,</HI> for <HI>A. Roper</HI> at the <HI>Black Boy,</HI> and <HI>R. Ba&s;&s;et</HI> at the <HI>Mitre</HI> within <HI>Temple|bar,</HI> in <HI>Fleet&s;treet.</HI> 1698.</P>
<PB REF="2" MS="y">
<PB REF="2">
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="dedication">
<HEAD>TO <HI>William Aglionby,</HI> E&s;q;</HEAD>
<OPENER><SALUTE>SIR,</SALUTE></OPENER>
<P>A Per&s;on of no &s;mall Character, who has left <HI>England,</HI> to make a Tour in <HI>France,</HI> was pleas'd to favour me with this Tran&s;lation. I thought my &s;elf oblig'd, both in Ju&s;tice and Ho|nour, to that Worthy Gentleman, not to confine it any longer to Manu&s;cript, pre&s;uming it may rea&s;onably de&s;erve no wor&s;e a Reception, than mo&s;t of our Modern Travels. Neverthele&s;s, being jealous of my own Opinion in things of this nature, I re&s;olv'd to prefix a Name that might &s;helter it from the Cavils of Some, who contemn every thing that bears the Title of a <HI>Voyage;</HI> not con&s;i|dering the great Advantages extracted therefrom, e&s;pecially tho&s;e of the <HI>Le|vant,</HI> which are very u&s;eful, to unravel
<PB REF="3">the Difficulties that occurr in Ancient Hi&s;tories. Who&s;e can be &s;o proper as that of the Judicious <HI>Aglionby?</HI> A &s;uffi|cient Pa&s;port for a le&s;s correct Piece than what is here offer'd.</P>
<P>Under Your Patronage, Worthy Sir, we may &s;ecurely de&s;pi&s;e the Frivolous Cen&s;ures of the Over-captious, if any there are &s;o maliciou&s;ly ill-natur'd, as to attack what You are pleas'd to protect.</P>
<P>Your large Experience in the&s;e Affairs, and Your profound Judgment in matters of State, which has on many accounts &s;o eminently appear'd, does indeed wholly deterr me from this Pre&s;umption: but then the Extraordinary Candour and Goodne&s;s of your Temper, of which I have receiv'd &s;uch Sub&s;tantial Proofs, encourages me to indulge the Ambition I always entertain'd of demon&s;trating how very much I am,</P>
<CLOSER><SALUTE>Honour'd Sir, </SALUTE> <SIGNED><HI>Your Obliged and mo&s;t Devoted Humble Servant,</HI>T. C.</SIGNED></CLOSER>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="table of contents">
<PB REF="3">
<HEAD>THE HEADS OF THE CHAPTERS.</HEAD>
<LIST>
<ITEM>Chap. I. <HI>THE Occa&s;ion of the Voyage, and what pa&s;&s;ed at</HI> Rome <HI>with the Pope.</HI> Page 1</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. II. <HI>Journey from</HI> Rome <HI>to</HI> Venice, <HI>and from thence to</HI> Candia. 6</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. III. <HI>Of the I&s;le and City of</HI> Candia. 9</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. IV. <HI>Pa&s;&s;age to</HI> Cyprus <HI>and</HI> Nico&s;ia, <HI>with an account of the City of</HI> Nico&s;ia <HI>and its Churches.</HI> 13</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. V. <HI>Of the I&s;le of</HI> Cyprus. 21</ITEM>
<PB REF="4">
<ITEM>Chap. VI. <HI>Our pa&s;&s;age into</HI> Syria: <HI>of the City of</HI> Tripoly. 25</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. VII. <HI>The fa&s;hion of the Turks Habits.</HI> 29</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. VIII. <HI>Of the Belief of the Turks.</HI> 33</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. IX. <HI>My arrival at Mount</HI> Libanus, <HI>and how I was receiv'd by the Patriarch,</HI> &amp;c. 36</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. X. <HI>Of the Cedars of</HI> Libanus, <HI>and the holy River, and of the nature of the Ground of Mount</HI> Libanus. 41</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. XI. <HI>Of the Cu&s;toms of the</HI> Maronites, <HI>and their manner of living.</HI> 44</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. XII. <HI>Of their Sciences and Books, and of their Money they pay to the Turks.</HI> 48</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. XIII. <HI>Of their Eccle&s;ia&s;ticks and Religi|ons.</HI> 52</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. XIV. <HI>Of the Errors that have been im|pos'd upon them.</HI> 57</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. XV. <HI>Of the a&s;&s;embling of a Synod, and of the Profe&s;&s;ion of Faith that was made there.</HI> 59</ITEM>
<PB REF="4">
<ITEM>Chap. XVI. <HI>Of the</HI> Maronites <HI>that were to be &s;ent to</HI> Rome; <HI>and of tho&s;e that &s;hould return from thence into their own Country.</HI> 64</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. XVII. <HI>Of the Death of the Patriarch, and of the Election of another.</HI> 67</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. XVIII. <HI>My Return from</HI> Jeru&s;alem <HI>to</HI> Tripoly, <HI>and thence to</HI> Alexan|dretta, <HI>with an account of</HI> Ale|xandretta. 71</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. XIX. <HI>Of what happen'd to us in</HI> Cyprus. 74</ITEM>
<ITEM>Chap. XX. <HI>Voyage from</HI> Cyprus <HI>to</HI> Venice. 78</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Remarks on the</HI> 4th <HI>Chapter.</HI> 82</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Remarks on the</HI> 8th <HI>Chapter.</HI> 88</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Remarks on the</HI> 9th <HI>Chapter.</HI> 110</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Remarks on the</HI> 11th <HI>Chapter.</HI> 112</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Remarks on the</HI> 12th <HI>Chapter.</HI> 117</ITEM>
<PB REF="5">
<ITEM><HI>Remarks on the</HI> 13th <HI>Chapter.</HI> 125</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Remarks on the</HI> 14th <HI>Chapter.</HI> 128</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Remarks on the</HI> 17th <HI>Chapter.</HI> 132</ITEM>
</LIST>
</DIV1>
</FRONT>
<BODY>
<DIV1 TYPE="text">
<PB N="1" REF="5">
<HEAD>A VOYAGE TO Mount Libanus.</HEAD>
<DIV2 N="1" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. I. <HI>The Occa&s;ion of the Voyage, and of what pa&s;&s;ed at</HI> Rome <HI>with the Pope.</HI></HEAD>
<P>AS I taught Philo&s;ophy at <HI>Peruge,</HI> the Capital City of <HI>&V;mbria,</HI> the <HI>F. Claudus Aquavira,</HI> our Ge|neral, writ unto me, that accord|ing to the re&s;olution his Holine&s;s had had to &s;end a faithful Per&s;on to the Pa|triarch of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> living in <HI>Mount Li|banus</HI> in <HI>Syria,</HI> now call'd <HI>Sorie,</HI> I had been cho&s;en for that purpo&s;e; and if I found no repugnance within my &s;elf to undertake that Voyage, I &s;hould &s;et forward as &s;oon
<PB N="2" REF="6">as po&s;&s;ibly I could. I was gone then from <HI>Peruge</HI> to take the Air, and give &s;ome re|laxation to my &s;pirits, being re&s;olved to go vi&s;it our Lady of <HI>Agnes,</HI> and &s;ome other Religious places adjacent to <HI>Peruge.</HI></P>
<P>At my return I was pre&s;ented with our Generals Letter, and when I had fini&s;h'd the reading of it, I render'd God thanks for his favour towards me in the underta|king of this Voyage, and for the opportu|nity offered me to go render my devoirs in Per&s;on to the glorious Sepulchre of his Son, and to other Sacred Places of <HI>Pale&s;tine,</HI> &s;ince they were not far di&s;tant from the Place I was to be &s;ent unto.</P>
<P>Whereupon I returned an&s;wer, That not|with&s;tanding I found &s;ome difficulty in the undertaking of this Voyage, principally by rea&s;on of a long and dangerous Navigation, as being not well accu&s;tomed to the Sea, yet I would pur&s;ue, with all diligence, that which was de&s;ired of me, and put my &s;elf upon the Road as &s;oon as po&s;&s;ibly, in or|der to be at <HI>Rome</HI> the 15th of <HI>May,</HI> for to wait upon his Holine&s;s, and receive his Commands; which I punctually execu|ted. For after having taken my leave of my Friends at <HI>Peruge</HI> I took Hor&s;e, and by the way of <HI>Boligni,</HI> rendered my &s;elf at <HI>Rome</HI> the day I had appointed, about two hours before Sun-&s;et; in&s;omuch, that I had nothing to hinder my &s;etting forwards on my Jour|ney but to &s;ee his Holine&s;s, for to receive of him the nece&s;&s;ary In&s;tructions, and his Benediction.</P>
<P>But as the Fea&s;t of Penteco&s;t approach'd,
<PB N="3" REF="6">and that his Holine&s;s was wholly taken up with thoughts of the creation of &s;ome Car|dinals, I was retarded &s;ome days at <HI>Rome,</HI> till a bu&s;ine&s;s &s;o important to the Church was fini&s;hed. In the mean time, I failed not to confer with the Cardinal <HI>Paleo&s;e,</HI> Protector of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> and with our Father-General, who informed me of the intentions of his Holine&s;s.</P>
<P>The <HI>Maronites</HI> had now, for a long time pa&s;t, been ill repre&s;ented to the Pope and Cardinals; they were al&s;o accu&s;ed of divers Errors, and con&s;iderable Here&s;ies: and tho&s;e of that Nation, which were then at <HI>Rome,</HI> u&s;ed all their Efforts for to ju&s;tifie them. But as &s;ome denied that which others af|firmed, the verity of their circum&s;tance could not be known with any certainty; however, they have been at the expence of founding of a College for them in this Ci|ty, where they are in&s;tructed with much Pains and Indu&s;try. They have al&s;o &s;ent, not long &s;ince, for a con&s;iderable number of young <HI>Maronites,</HI> out of their own Country, the major part of whom were not yet of Age to Study; which has been very expen&s;ive, not reckoning the hazards they run, in re&s;pect of the <HI>Turks,</HI> and di&s;|plea&s;ure they conceived to under&s;tand, that &s;ome of the young <HI>Maronites,</HI> &s;ent back la&s;t year, were yet without Imployments, altho they had run through all their Philo&s;ophy, and Theology, and that the Inhabitants &s;tood in great need of the like Arti&s;ts for the e&s;tabli&s;hing of Religion, in a Country where they &s;pared no Indu&s;try to effect it.</P>
<PB N="4" REF="7">
<P>All which con&s;iderations together, moved his Holine&s;s to &s;end into tho&s;e Parts a Per|&s;on, who at his return would make him a faithful Report of the Belief of tho&s;e Peo|ple; who &s;hould treat fairly with them, and put their Affairs into that po&s;ture he judged convenient, conformable to the end propo&s;ed unto him. Who &s;hould regulate al&s;o the Age and Capacity of tho&s;e that &s;hould be &s;ent, for the time to come, to the College at <HI>Rome;</HI> who &s;hould give Or|ders for their coming by &s;afe ways; who &s;hould find profitable and proportionable Imployments for them who were already returned, and to others that &s;hould return for the future; and for that purpo&s;e he &s;hould e&s;tabli&s;h, if it were nece&s;&s;ary here, Pari&s;hes, wherein he might a&s;&s;ign them Churches, to which they &s;hould apply their Cares.</P>
<P>The &s;acred College being augmented with &s;ix Cardinals, by the la&s;t Promotion, I pre&s;ented my &s;elf on the eleventh of <HI>June</HI> before his Holine&s;s, who received me kind|ly: After he had given me an account of that which he would have me undertake, I promi&s;ed to &s;erve him with all Fidelity in every thing he was plea&s;ed to order me, and pray'd him to tell me if he would add any further In&s;tructions. Moreover, as great difficulty mu&s;t be rencountred with in the execution of what he had communi|cated unto me, particularly, for to a&s;&s;ign Imployments unto them that were already returned, and that the&s;e difficulties would not be removed but by his Holine&s;s, I &s;poke
<PB N="5" REF="7">to him hereof, to the end, that the&s;e be|ing &s;urmounted, the way might remain free and facile, for to render the re&s;t of the de|&s;ign &s;ucce&s;sful. I demanded of him like|wi&s;e, what power he was plea&s;ed to give me among&s;t the <HI>Levantines,</HI> as well to di&s;|charge Ca&s;es and Cen&s;ures, which his Holi|ne&s;s re&s;erved for him&s;elf, as to di&s;pence with the irregularities I &s;hould rencounter with; and as I was to go into a Country adjacent to that of the Land of <HI>Pale&s;tine,</HI> I entreated, with a profound re&s;pect, that his Holine&s;s would grant me leave to go render my devoirs to the Sepulchre of my Saviour. He gave me favourable Audience, and when I had done &s;peaking he made me an&s;wer: <HI>As for the Journey you de&s;ign to make to</HI> Jeru&s;alem, <HI>we can no le&s;s than bear you envy, and if it were in our Power we would undertake it with all our heart! Go then, pur&s;ue it with the Grace of God, and pray for us.</HI> After I had render'd him thanks, I put him in mind of my fir&s;t reque&s;t, wherein I received &s;atisfaction; however, he found &s;ome difficulty touching a kind of irregularity to be di&s;penced with, and gave me Orders to treat about it with the Car|dinal St. <HI>Severine</HI> Grand Penitenciary, who made him afterwards a report thereof, that he might determine it him&s;elf, whereupon I had al&s;o granted me a very large Power, and without Re&s;ervations as to the matter of Irregularities. Finally, his Holine&s;s had the goodne&s;s to grant me all that I de&s;ired, in order to facilitate this Enterprize; where|upon I took my leave of him.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="2" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="6" REF="8">
<HEAD>CHAP. II. <HI>Journey from</HI> Rome <HI>to</HI> Venice, <HI>and from thence to</HI> Candia.</HEAD>
<P>THE Pope's Brief, whereof I had occa|&s;ion, being di&s;patched, I departed from <HI>Rome</HI> on the fifteenth of <HI>June</HI> for <HI>Peruge,</HI> where I arrived the &s;eventeenth about Noon; the Father <HI>Fabio Bruno,</HI> who was to accom|pany me in this Voyage, joyned me next day. On the 19th we took the way for <HI>Florence,</HI> and from thence Journying along the Mountains, we di&s;covered <HI>Bolonia</HI> the 23d, <HI>Ferrara</HI> the 24th, and <HI>Venice</HI> the 26th. After we had Travelled almo&s;t four hun|dred Miles, I &s;aw our de&s;ign in a manner overthrown, for that having imprudently informed a Friend of this departure from <HI>Rome,</HI> who was to go to the <HI>Levant,</HI> my de&s;ign was not only divulged at <HI>Venice,</HI> but came al&s;o to be known by 54 <HI>Jews;</HI> as much as to &s;ay, So many Spies, &s;worn Enemies to Chri&s;tians, who were al&s;o bound for <HI>Smyrna,</HI> in a new Ship named <HI>Mo&s;ta.</HI> Be&s;ides, our Fathers believing that it was dangerous for an Envoy, of the Pope, to pa&s;s at &s;uch a juncture of time into tho&s;e Pla|ces, where the War was &s;o violent between the <HI>Turks</HI> and <HI>Chri&s;tians,</HI> writ to our Gene|ral about that matter; he returned them an|&s;wer, That he &s;eriou&s;ly deliberated upon it,
<PB N="7" REF="8">and that if there was any danger in it, we &s;hould advance no further. The fruit of my Mi&s;&s;ion being no ways augmented &s;ince our arrival, I eagerly demanded Permi&s;&s;ion to continue my Voyage, and to change my Ship, to the end I might perform the thing more exactly, and with as much &s;ecre&s;ie as I could; all which I had granted unto me, and recei|ved Information, with all diligence, of what was nece&s;&s;ary for that Voyage. I changed my habit of Je&s;uit into that of a Pilgrim, and made no &s;eruple to take the Name of <HI>Rene Bucy,</HI> a French-man, upon me, my Compa|nion changing his for that of <HI>Fabio Daverto,</HI> a Venetian. I took along with me a young <HI>Maronite</HI> named <HI>Jo&s;eph Eliam,</HI> for my Do|me&s;tick and Interpreter; neverthele&s;s, as our Ship protracted her departure, we re&s;olved to go for <HI>Padua,</HI> to pay a Vi&s;it to &s;ome of our good Friends there, and to divert our &s;elves with their company for two or three days.</P>
<P>At our return from <HI>Padua,</HI> we pa&s;&s;ed to the Port of <HI>Malomocco,</HI> which is 18 Miles di&s;tant from <HI>Venice;</HI> it was there we imbark|ed merrily on the 14th of <HI>July,</HI> in a Ship called the <HI>Torniell,</HI> or <HI>Augu&s;tina.</HI> It was a Ve&s;&s;el of 900 Tun, well Mann'd, and had a brave Commander; it &s;eemed probable we had no occa&s;ion to fear any damage from the Sea or <HI>Cor&s;airs.</HI> Neverthele&s;s, we could not &s;ail before the 17th, for that the Weather was not au&s;picious unto us. The Seamen carry'd us that &s;ame day out of Port, by the means of Shallops, wherein they Rowed us; but as there is nothing &s;o uncon&s;tant as the Wind, it failed us forthwith, and as we were &s;olicitous
<PB N="8" REF="9">to repo&s;e our &s;elves, after all the fatigue we had had in a &s;ea&s;on &s;o hot, there happened &s;o great a Calm that we could not po&s;&s;ibly ad|vance any more than 100 Miles in four days time. We had afterwards a back Wind, which helped us in a &s;hort &s;pace to fini&s;h our Voyage: We di&s;covered many I&s;lands and Rocks on either &s;ide, which we left behind in a moment; and which rendred our pa&s;&s;age very delightful.</P>
<P>We di&s;covered <HI>I&s;tria</HI> forthwith upon the Left, which is under the Dominion of the States of <HI>Venice,</HI> and on the Right the high Mountain of <HI>Arcona,</HI> which is on that &s;ide the Boundary of the Eccle&s;ia&s;tical E&s;tate. A little further we perceived on the Left two inhabited Rocks, the one called <HI>Pomo,</HI> and the other St. <HI>Madre;</HI> the fir&s;t is &s;ubject to none, the other is under the <HI>Venetians.</HI> There is al|&s;o on the &s;ame hand <HI>Buzo</HI> and <HI>Eli&s;a,</HI> which are inhabited by Chri&s;tians, and belong to the &s;ame <HI>Venetians.</HI> We di&s;covered afterwards on the &s;ame &s;ide <HI>Gaza, Ari&s;ta, Meleda,</HI> which belong to the Republick of <HI>Ragu&s;a; Ca&s;aro</HI> and <HI>Budua,</HI> &s;ubject to the <HI>Venetians.</HI> And we &s;aw al&s;o, at a great di&s;tance, the famous City of <HI>Ragu&s;a;</HI> further are <HI>Cluticari, Dele|igno, Durazzo, Sa&s;amo, Vallona</HI> and <HI>Ci|marra,</HI> governed and inhabited by the <HI>Turks.</HI> A little further is al&s;o a Rock called <HI>Fano,</HI> un|inhabited, belonging to the Signiory of <HI>Ve|nice;</HI> as well as <HI>Corfu, Ce<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">alonia, Zant, Strivalli:</HI> All the&s;e places are inhabited by Chri&s;tian <HI>Greeks.</HI> A little further we di&s;co|vered <HI>Navarino, Sapienza, Cavogallo</HI> and <HI>Camatapano,</HI> which are &s;ubject to the <HI>Turks:</HI>
<PB N="9" REF="9">And further again, upon the Left is <HI>Cerigo,</HI> and on the Right <HI>Cerigo&s;o,</HI> depending upon the <HI>Vene|tians.</HI> Finally, as we continued to look on that &s;ide, we di&s;covered the I&s;land of <HI>Candia,</HI> which we had longed to &s;ee, and where we arrived &s;afe a little while after.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="3" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. III. <HI>Of the I&s;le and City of</HI> Candia.</HEAD>
<P>IN all the cour&s;e of our Sailing, we ca&s;t Anchor no where but here, and that we were obliged to do, becau&s;e our Ship carry'd 60 <HI>Venetian</HI> Sol|diers which were to be put there on &s;hoar; lea|ving therefore the <HI>Cape</HI> St. <HI>John,</HI> or <HI>Cape Lion,</HI> to the South, and following the Cape <HI>Spada,</HI> which is to the North, &s;ometime called <HI>Cimario,</HI> we Anchored at <HI>Fra&s;hia</HI> on the 13th of the &s;ame Month, half an hour after Sun-&s;et, being 8 Miles di&s;tant from the City of <HI>Candia,</HI> and as we were obliged to &s;ojourn there for &s;ome time, we went a&s;hoar next day in a Galley that came to fetch the Soldiers.</P>
<P>This I&s;le, called by the Ancients <HI>Creet,</HI> is much &s;amed for its bigne&s;s, for it is 560 Miles in cir|cumference, 250 long, and 60 Miles over where 'tis broade&s;t; it is much celebrated by the An|cients, who believed, as did their Poets, that it was the Country of the Gods, and that <HI>Jupiter</HI> was Nur&s;ed up there on <HI>Mount Ida,</HI> not to mention its famous Labyrinth, which they hold to have been near to the ancient City of <HI>Cortina,</HI> and of the excellent Laws of <HI>Rodamanthus</HI> and <HI>Minos,</HI> who
<PB N="10" REF="10">governed the People after <HI>Jupiter,</HI> and founded the Republick of <HI>Creet.</HI></P>
<P>This I&s;land had once an hundred Cities, altho' <HI>Homer</HI> in his <HI>Ody&s;&s;ees</HI> allows it but 90; there re|mains not at this day but four, which are <HI>Canea, Retimo, Candia</HI> to the We&s;t, and <HI>Sittia</HI> to the Ea&s;t: <HI>Candea</HI> and <HI>Canea</HI> are the be&s;t; be&s;ides that, there are in it two Ports, called <HI>Spina Longa,</HI> and <HI>Sude,</HI> not to &s;peak of other Places fit for An|chorage.</P>
<P>The City of <HI>Candia</HI> &s;tands in the middle of the I&s;land, a dozen Miles di&s;tant from the Grot of <HI>Minos,</HI> and very near to <HI>Mount Ida;</HI> it is, in|deed, a very great and &s;pacious City, but much ruined by Earthquakes. The Hou&s;es are almo&s;t all built with Gravel, yet the Buildings are not unhand&s;ome; they have no Tiles, but there, and in all the <HI>Levant,</HI> except at <HI>Antioch,</HI> have Terra&s;&s;es of Lime, or of &s;ome other Matter well made, with Spouts on the &s;ides for to let the Water run out. Probably they u&s;e &s;uch &s;ort of Buildings, becau&s;e they are not &s;o Curious and Indu&s;trious as we; however, I believe they cover their Hou&s;es in that manner out of frugality, to the end they may as well &s;pread Cloth and Linnen there for to be whitened, as to &s;leep in Summer Nights thereon, for the coolne&s;s of the Air, when the exce&s;&s;ive heat hinders them to remain in their Hou&s;es. When they would repo&s;e them&s;elves upon the Terra&s;s, they &s;pread thereon a Mat, and &s;ometimes over that a Carpet, and &s;leep in that manner expo&s;ed to the Air, which is very &s;weet in tho&s;e Parts, and no ways injurious to health. The u&s;e al&s;o of their Terra&s;&s;es, might proceed in that they have &s;eldom any Rain, for there falls not often|times a drop of Water for &s;ix Months together;
<PB N="11" REF="10">and I under&s;tood that they had had no Rain &s;ince the &s;econd day of <HI>February,</HI> neither did they ex|pect any till <HI>November.</HI> The Streets of that City are &s;treight, but very na&s;ty; the Republick of <HI>Venice</HI> kept a Gari&s;on of 2000 Soldiers about it, part of which were Po&s;ted in a Citadel upon the Sea-&s;ide, and the re&s;t di&s;po&s;ed in other Places. There is al&s;o &s;ome Gari&s;on in <HI>Canea.</HI> The re&s;t of the Inhabitants are almo&s;t all <HI>Greeks,</HI> among&s;t whom there remains yet &s;ome noble <HI>Venetians,</HI> for that <HI>Boniface,</HI> Marquis of <HI>Montferat,</HI> having &s;old them that I&s;land in the Year 1194. they tran|&s;ported thither &s;ome Families of the Nobility, and Citizens, for to inhabit the Place. It was after|wards retaken in 1349. after a Revolt, and &s;ince that time they have enjoyed it peaceably. The Country is very Mountanous, and almo&s;t Barren; one can &s;ee there al&s;o but few Trees and Herbs, but yet it follows not but that it hath Plains of many Miles extent, fertile in Grain, Trees, Olives, Oranges, Lemons, and all other &s;ort of Commodities: Moreover, there grow Berries for to dry Cloth withal, much Wax there is, and Honey, Chee&s;e, and Medicinal Herbs; &s;o that 'tis very good Living there. There is al&s;o a great quantity of excellent Wines, whereof the mo&s;t e&s;timable is <HI>Mu&s;cadine,</HI> in&s;omuch that tho&s;e that know it not take it for <HI>Malm&s;ey,</HI> but they are mi&s;taken, for it comes from a little I&s;land that bears the Name of it. The goodne&s;s of the Wines of <HI>Candia</HI> renders the Natives great Drunkards; and it happens &s;ometimes, that two or three great Drinkers will &s;et them&s;elves at the head of a Tun of Wine, from whence they will not &s;tir till they have emptied it. There is no venemous Animal to be found in that Country, &s;o
<PB N="12" REF="11">that they are not afraid of Scorpions, Serpents, Toads; neither can you &s;ee there a Wolf, Tyger, nor any other the like Bea&s;t, &s;o that they live there in great repo&s;e both Night and Day. Per|&s;ons of approved Faith have told me a remarkable thing there, which hath al&s;o been written of by good Authors; to wit, That there is growing upon <HI>Mount Ida,</HI> which hath been &s;hewed me at a di&s;tance, an Herb who&s;e Vertue was to gild the Teeth of tho&s;e Animals that eat of it: one may believe, and with good rea&s;on, that that proceeds from the golden Mines which are in that ground. There grows al&s;o a certain Herb called <HI>Alincos,</HI> which being bitter, preventeth ones being hungry for a whole day; but that which is wonderfully &s;urprizing, and beyond the force of Nature, are certain pieces of Money which they call St. <HI>Helens,</HI> that are found up and down the Fields, where there is al&s;o Bra&s;s, and other Silver. They pre|tend that that Saint happening to be in that Country without Money, made &s;ome of Bra&s;s, which in pa&s;&s;ing of them changed into Silver; this Money, they &s;ay, hath the vertue to this day, to cure the Falling-Sickne&s;s in them that hold it to their Hand, or apply it to their Fle&s;h.</P>
<P>The Cu&s;tom of the Women of this I&s;land, is not to go out of their Hou&s;es in the day time; no, not to go hear Ma&s;s or Sermon: neverthele&s;s they run in great Troops along the Streets all Night, and for the mo&s;t part with Men, enter into the Churches which they leave open on purpo&s;e for them. This Cu&s;tom is blame-worthy, not only becau&s;e the&s;e Women perform not their Duties towards God, but al&s;o, becau&s;e it is again&s;t Mo|de&s;ty and good Manners; for it would be a far more laudable thing for them to go civilly by Day
<PB N="13" REF="11">to Church, than tumultuou&s;ly in the Night Sea&s;on.</P>
<P>I &s;hould have work to do to reckon up all the Impurities of the Prelates, Prie&s;ts, and other Ec|cle&s;ia&s;ticks of this Nation; their Separation from the <HI>Latine</HI> Church, their Maledictions and Ex|communications they fulminate upon the mo&s;t &s;anctified Days again&s;t it, when we pray for their Welfare. I &s;hall al&s;o &s;ay nothing of their Right, Pride, Ob&s;tinacy, Defection of Faith, of the dif|ficulty to Treat with them, of their Enchant|ments, Super&s;titions, horrible and continual Bla&s;|phemies, which cannot be heard without horror. Finally, St. <HI>Paul</HI> had rea&s;on to &s;ay according to one of their own Poets, <HI>Tho&s;e of</HI> Creet <HI>are al|ways Lyars; they are wicked Bea&s;ts, Gluttons, and Lazy.</HI> The 8 days I &s;taid in this Town would have been very weari&s;ome unto me, becau&s;e of the exce&s;&s;ive and continual heats, if we had not received &s;ome relaxation from the Charity and agreeable Conver&s;ation of the Fathers <HI>Benedelto Benedetto,</HI> and <HI>Franci&s;co Paro&s;chetti,</HI> of our So|ciety, who re&s;ided there at that time.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="4" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. IV. <HI>Pa&s;&s;age to</HI> Cyprus <HI>and</HI> Nico&s;ia, <HI>with an Account of the City of</HI> Nico&s;ia <HI>and its Churches.</HI></HEAD>
<P>WE parted from <HI>Candia</HI> the 8th of <HI>Augu&s;t,</HI> two hours before day, in a little Frigat, for to go on board our Ship, into which we en|tred at Sun-ri&s;ing; &s;ome time after we weighed
<PB REF="12">Anchor and &s;ailed. The Wind was favourable unto us in pa&s;&s;ing by the I&s;le, which we left to the Right; then we entred into the Gulph of <HI>Settalia,</HI> a dangerous place for &s;ailing, and &s;o continuing our cour&s;e through that Gulph, we di&s;covered on the Left <HI>Ca&s;&s;o</HI> and <HI>Scarpanto,</HI> which are Inhabited by <HI>Greeks</HI> and <HI>Turks,</HI> and depending upon the la&s;t. We left al&s;o on the &s;ame hand <HI>Rhodes,</HI> and all <HI>Ca|ramania,</HI> without yet being able to &s;ee them, for we were too far wide; that was al&s;o the rea&s;on, that after we had run for three Days and three Nights without the &s;ight of Land, that we arri|ved on the 12th of <HI>August</HI> at <HI>Cyprus.</HI> We An|chored in the Evening at <HI>Lemi&s;o,</HI> where the Inha|bitants, particularly the <HI>Turks,</HI> made a vi&s;it to our Ship; we were there 3 days on board, for that there was nothing in that place worth the &s;eeing, and no Church for to do our Devotion in.</P>
<P>We parted about Twelve on the 16th for <HI>Sali|na,</HI> whither a good Wind brought us in a &s;hort time, and we arrived there two hours before Sun|&s;etting; from thence to <HI>Candia</HI> is about 600 Miles. Next day, very early, we went a&s;hoar, and on directly to <HI>Arnique,</HI> which is not pa&s;t a Mile di|&s;tant; 'tis a Mona&s;tery of Religious <HI>Franci&s;cans,</HI> who live there in a &s;mall number for the conve|niency of &s;ome <HI>Italian</HI> Merchants. Our Ship continued its cour&s;e for <HI>Alexandretta,</HI> the which obliged us to &s;ee for another Ve&s;&s;el to pa&s;s for <HI>Tri|poly</HI> in <HI>Syria,</HI> and as we could not obtain that pre|&s;ently, we &s;ojourned &s;ome days in that I&s;le. That I might lo&s;e no time I left my Companion, who had been con&s;tantly indi&s;po&s;ed &s;ince we came from <HI>Candia,</HI> in the hands of the&s;e good Religious; and the <HI>Maronite</HI> that we brought along with us, and I, accompanied an hone&s;t <HI>Venetian</HI> Mer|chant
<PB N="15" REF="12">who lived in tho&s;e Parts, and were going to <HI>Nico&s;ia,</HI> anciently called <HI>Lettra,</HI> &s;ince <HI>Lencolto,</HI> and which was &s;ometime the Archbi&s;hoprick and Metropolis of this Kingdom; 'tis 24 Miles di|&s;tant from <HI>Arnique.</HI> I undertook this Journey for to inform my &s;elf, as well as po&s;&s;ibly I could, of the Spiritual Concerns of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> which are there in great numbers.</P>
<P>There are none but <HI>Turks</HI> that have liberty to enter thereunto on Hor&s;eback, and to all other &s;trong Places: As for the <HI>Chri&s;tians,</HI> and others, they are obliged to alight at the Gate, and when they are within, they have power to re-mount their Hor&s;es, and ride to their Lodgings. The <HI>Turks</HI> have made this Order out of meer vanity: I entred then into the Town, and that <HI>Venetian</HI> Merchant did me the favour to conduct me with him into his Lodging; having refre&s;hed my &s;elf a little after the fatigues of the Road, I went to &s;ee that which was worth viewing, and particularly the Churches.</P>
<P><HI>Nico&s;ia</HI> is a large and very fair City, built af|ter the Ea&s;tern fa&s;hion, but it is ruined in divers places, becau&s;e of the late Wars, for the <HI>Turks</HI> have taken it by force of Arms from the <HI>Venetians,</HI> together with the re&s;t of the I&s;le. Some years ago it was &s;o, that God, by his Ju&s;tice, was willing to puni&s;h the Sins and Schi&s;m of the <HI>Greeks</HI> in tho&s;e places. They adored there formerly, with much veneration, the Holy Trinity, but now, to the great regret of all good Chri&s;tians, you can hear but the impious Invocation of the fal&s;e Prophet <HI>Mahomet.</HI> They had &s;ometime there Churches and Altars rai&s;ed to the honour of good Saints, but in&s;tead of them there is nothing now but Mo&s;ques, among&s;t which &s;tands &s;till that grand and magni|ficent
<PB N="16" REF="13">Temple of St. <HI>Sophie.</HI> There is no &s;ound of Bells to be heard in all the <HI>Levant,</HI> for to give no|tice of Divine Wor&s;hip, according to ancient Cu&s;tom, and of the hours of the Day, for the Steeples are either ruined, or without Bells; the <HI>Turks</HI> have taken them for Warlike U&s;es, and made Pieces of Artillery of them. In&s;tead then of the confu&s;ed and inanimate &s;ound of Bells, they are &s;erved with the di&s;tinct and animate Voices of Men, who at certain appointed hours mount up to the tops of the Steeples, for to give the In|habitants notice. This manner of ob&s;erving their hours, is in u&s;e in all the <HI>Levant.</HI></P>
<P>There is at <HI>Nico&s;ia</HI> 4 &s;ort of Churches, which I have &s;een all in particular. The Turki&s;h Mo&s;ques are the mo&s;t con&s;iderable, as well for number, as for the beauties and grandeur of their Buildings; altho' Chri&s;tians are not &s;uffered to enter into them, yet I failed not to &s;ee through the Iron Grates, that that which hath been made of the Temple of St. <HI>Sophia</HI> was the principal and mo&s;t magnificent of them all; 'tis a large and &s;pa|cious Fabrick, which has many Pillars in it, as may be &s;een in mo&s;t of our Churches; it had no Altars, Images, nor Paintings, the Walls were only whited. There is at the Door of this Tem|ple a delicate Fountain, which was not there in the time of the Chri&s;tians; the <HI>Turks</HI> wa&s;h therein the crowns of their Heads, Hands and Feet, be|fore they enter into the Mo&s;que, at the ordinary hours, and particularly in the Afternoon, at which time the&s;e Villains invoke their fal&s;e Prophet, and cry without mea&s;ure, <HI>Halla, Halla, Chibir, Me|hemme Sur Halla;</HI> that is to &s;ay, <HI>God is a great God,</HI> Mahomet <HI>is the Companion of God;</HI> with many other Fooleries and Bla&s;phemies. Tho&s;e
<PB N="17" REF="13">who a&s;&s;i&s;t not with the re&s;t at the&s;e Publick Pray|ers, pray in particular in their Hou&s;es, if they be of Quality, or in other places where they are. They roul them&s;elves at Noon-tide upon a Mat or Carpet. There are al&s;o other hours wherein they are called to Prayers, <HI>i. e.</HI> at 3 a Clock, an hour before Sun-&s;et, an hour before Day, at Sun|ri&s;ing; and, in &s;hort, 7 times Day. Ob&s;erve their manner of praying, as I my &s;elf have oftentimes &s;een them in their private Hou&s;es: As &s;oon as ever they come upon the Mat or Carpet, they turn them&s;elves round, then incline their Bodies, touch|ing with their Thumbs that part of the Head which is behind the Ears, and they ri&s;e them&s;elves &s;ome|times all of a &s;udden, touching the Earth with their Hands; they fall &s;ometimes upon their knees, or rather &s;land upon their heels, and beat the ground lightly with their Forehead, and having got up again upon their feet, they hold their hands mo|de&s;tly upon their Brea&s;t, repeating their Prayers with ca&s;t-down Looks, and &s;peak between their Teeth. They recite them all along, inclining their Bodies interchangeably towards the Earth, and touching it with their Forehead; then they ri&s;e up, and falling down anew, they continue to re&s;t for &s;ome time upon their heels, with their Legs a-cro&s;s.</P>
<P>The <HI>Greeks</HI> have another &s;ort of Church, of which I &s;hall ob&s;erve only; That if a <HI>Latin</HI> Prie&s;t &s;hould celebrate Ma&s;s therein, they could not be|lieve that all the Water in the Ocean was &s;uffici|ent to clean&s;e it, &s;o much they wa&s;h the Altar, and all the Church al&s;o, from a belief they have that a <HI>Latin</HI> Service renders it impure and profane. Their u&s;age in the Con&s;ecration of the Bread, and their other Rights, are very well known; they are ge|nerally
<PB N="18" REF="14">as great enemies to the <HI>Latins</HI> as the <HI>Turks.</HI> That hone&s;t Merchant, with whom I Lodged, told me, That they refu&s;ed Ab&s;olution to one of his Dome&s;ticks, a <HI>Greek</HI> by Nation, becau&s;e he &s;erv'd a <HI>Franck,</HI> for &s;o they call all tho&s;e that follow the <HI>Latin</HI> Rights. It will not be be&s;ides my purpo&s;e, to render here an Account of another of their Su|per&s;titions, the matter happening to the &s;ame Man, who being confe&s;&s;ed for an ordinary and common &s;in, was by his Confe&s;&s;or refu&s;ed Ab&s;olution, tel|ling him, He could not do it without the con&s;ent of 7 other Prie&s;ts; this bu&s;ine&s;s being effected with a little Money, they &s;tretched the Penitent upon the ground as if he had been dead, and at length granted him Ab&s;olution in reciting of certain Pray|ers over him, they made u&s;e of to that purpo&s;e. They are wont to demand Money for Ab&s;olution, and will refu&s;e it when they cannot obtain the Sum, for they pretend they have 5 or 6 Crowns due to them for ab&s;olving common and ordinary &s;ins. The Penance which they enjoyn for very great &s;ins, is to forbid 'em to communicate for 4 or 5 years; perhaps they may do this out of a contempt and aver&s;ion they may have for the <HI>Latin</HI> Church, which orders it once a year: the which is &s;o much the more ea&s;ily credited, &s;eeing they make certain Plays, wherein is introduc'd a <HI>Latin</HI> Per&s;onage, to whom are offered an hundred injuries, as da&s;hing him on the face, and &s;everal other the like outrages.</P>
<P>The <HI>Latins</HI> have their but a &s;mall Church, or rather Chapel, which is well maintained, and has a Prie&s;t of Age and Wealth for a Pa&s;tor, but very ignorant. The <HI>Italian</HI> Merchants who live there &s;upply 'em with Food and Raiment, and furni&s;h 'em al&s;o with Sacred Ornaments. Finally, The <HI>Maron<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">tes</HI> have their Church there al&s;o, which is
<PB N="19" REF="14">in &s;o poor a condition, that I really pity'd them. In order to know what was their Right, as that of other Places of the I&s;le, where they were di&s;per|&s;ed, I addre&s;s'd my &s;elf indifferently to the <HI>Italians, Greeks,</HI> and <HI>Maronites;</HI> I learn'd they had all one and the &s;ame Right common to all their Nation, that they all lived under the &s;ame Patriarch. More|over, that the Places where they lived con&s;i&s;ted in 19 Villages, which are <HI>Moto&s;ic, Fludi, Santa-Marina, O&s;omates, Gan&s;ili, Carpa&s;ia, Cormachi|ti, Primi&s;ia, Ca&s;apifani, Veno, Cibo, Jeri</HI> near <HI>Cittria, Cren&s;ada, Attala, Cleipirio, Pi&s;copia, Gasbria, Cefalanri&s;eo,</HI> and <HI>Sotto Cru&s;cida;</HI> that in every one of the&s;e Places they have at lea&s;t one Pari&s;h, and in &s;ome 2 or 3, with one Prie&s;t, or more. And I was a&s;&s;ured that they had eight Churches at <HI>Meto&s;ic,</HI> and that the Prie&s;ts were very a&s;&s;iduous in their Duty, being not much oc|cupied with their own particular Concerns. That Nation hath al&s;o ordinarily a Bi&s;hop in that place, but he was then dead, and they had not yet elect|ed another.</P>
<P>There is in the Kingdom a <HI>Greek</HI> Bi&s;hop, who is the General-Receiver of the Tributes which the others are obliged to pay to the <HI>Turks;</HI> they drein each every Year of 70 A&s;pers. The Jani&s;aries will not &s;pare to be&s;tow the Ba&s;tinado on tho&s;e that pay not; and the Bi&s;hop is no more exempt than the re&s;t, pur&s;uant to the information of the Receiver. He requires be&s;ides, 15 or 20 Ducats of every Prie&s;t that is put into Orders. See the mi&s;erable E&s;tate the Chri&s;tians are reduced to who are &s;ubject to the <HI>Turks,</HI> altho' there be le&s;s <HI>Turks</HI> there than <HI>Chri&s;tians;</HI> for of 30000 Inhabitants that are in <HI>Nico&s;ia,</HI> and upwards, &s;carce is there 4 or 5000 of them that are <HI>Turks,</HI> and there is not
<PB N="20" REF="15">above 12 or 13000 in all the I&s;land, the greate&s;t part of whom are Renegades, who turn <HI>Maho|metans</HI> for to render their Lives more ea&s;ie and &s;upportable; &s;o that it &s;eems an ea&s;ie matter to re|cover this I&s;le from under the Tyranny of the <HI>Turks,</HI> and re-e&s;tabli&s;h it in the Chri&s;tian Faith, for the Renegades could no &s;ooner &s;ee the Chri&s;tian Soldiers, but they would throw off their Turbants and put on Hats in&s;tead, and turn their Arms a|gain&s;t the <HI>Tur<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">s.</HI> But we will leave this, and re|turn to our &s;ubject.</P>
<P>The Chri&s;tians, whether <HI>Greeks</HI> or <HI>Franks,</HI> do not wear a Turbant, nor &s;have their Heads, but they cut their hair genteelly as we do, and wear upon their Heads an Hat, or black Bonnet. They cloath them&s;elves, neverthele&s;s, according to the manner of the <HI>Levantines,</HI> with a Re&s;t without a Collar, which reaches down to the Knees, with large Sleeves reaching to the Elbows. They gird them&s;elves with a Linnen Cloth, or &s;ome other the like Girdle, which comes 3 or 4 turns about. Un|der this Ve&s;t they have another Garment over a fir&s;t, reaching from their Necks down to their Legs; and above all, another Ve&s;t without a Gir|dle, and cut almo&s;t after the &s;ame fa&s;hion as the fir&s;t: they wear them ordinarily of a black, or violet colour, or el&s;e of &s;ome other colour which plea&s;eth them be&s;t. We will &s;peak hereafter more particularly of the Habits of the <HI>Turks</HI> and <HI>Ma|ronites,</HI> and of their Cu&s;toms, but now it remains we &s;hould de&s;cribe the nature of the Country.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="5" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="21" REF="15">
<HEAD>CHAP. V. <HI>Of the I&s;le of</HI> Cyprus.</HEAD>
<P>THis I&s;le is at lea&s;t 480 Miles about, 80 Miles broad, and 200 in length, and hath two Capes; that on the We&s;t comprehends the Cape of St. <HI>Epiphany,</HI> which the Ancients called <HI>Aca|mante,</HI> and the Cape of <HI>Srapano,</HI> or <HI>la Pointeme|conta,</HI> or the Cape <HI>Zephiro;</HI> the other is called St. <HI>Andrew,</HI> from whence you pa&s;s into the Ea&s;t, it has no other Port on the Ea&s;t-&s;ide but <HI>Fama|gu&s;ta,</HI> it is a famous Town which hath been built by <HI>Ptolomy Philadelphus.</HI> The great Ships are &s;afe, neverthele&s;s on the Coa&s;ts of <HI>Raffo, Simi&s;o, Salines, Cra&s;oco,</HI> and <HI>Cerines.</HI> There are in divers places more Capes, which are &s;omewhat advanced into the Sea, the mo&s;t con&s;iderable of which is the Cape of <HI>Cats,</HI> &s;o called from a great number of Cats which they bred there in the Mona&s;tery of St. <HI>Nicholas,</HI> where live the Religious Order of St. <HI>Ba&s;il;</HI> they have put in the&s;e Cats, for to de|&s;troy a great number of Serpents which breed there, and there is a con&s;iderable Revenue left for that purpo&s;e.</P>
<P>This I&s;land had once very many fair Cities, but has none now, &s;aving <HI>Nico&s;ia</HI> and <HI>Famagu&s;ta,</HI> who retain &s;omewhat of that ancient Grandeur; all the re&s;t are Villages, there is none of them inhabited by the ancient Nobility, for they are either entire|ly extinct, or are retired el&s;ewhere &s;ince the <HI>Turks</HI> have made them&s;elves Ma&s;ters of it; the famous Mountain of <HI>Olympus</HI> is almo&s;t in the mid&s;t, very near to <HI>Nico&s;ia,</HI> it is very high, and 54 Miles in circumference, and at every 4 Miles end there is
<PB N="22" REF="16">a Mona&s;tery of tho&s;e Monks of whom we &s;hall &s;peak hereafter, with delicate Springs, and Fruit in abundance: The Air there is very agreeable, and is never &s;o cold, in the extremity of Winter, that one has need of warming, but the heat is &s;o incommodious, both night and day, that 'tis im|po&s;&s;ible to travel in the day time.</P>
<P>There is every where in this I&s;le fine Fields filled with Fruits, as well on the Mountains as on the Plains, which renders the Country fertile and plentiful; wherefore it has been called <HI>Macaria,</HI> from a Greek word which &s;ignifies <HI>Happy.</HI> The Ancients had rea&s;on to &s;ay it was the Country of <HI>Venus,</HI> and to give <HI>Venus</HI> the name of <HI>Cypriana,</HI> and to the I&s;le that of <HI>Cytherca;</HI> for 'tis not only &s;aid that &s;he was born at <HI>Aphroditium,</HI> and brought up at <HI>Cytherca,</HI> but that &s;he reigned at <HI>Idalium,</HI> called at this day <HI>Dalli,</HI> 12 Miles from <HI>Nico&s;ia</HI> Southwards: Hence it comes that they Sacrificed naked Men and Women to <HI>Venus</HI> at <HI>Paffo,</HI> which was &s;ometime built by <HI>Agapenor</HI> General to the Army of <HI>Agament</HI> King of <HI>Micenes.</HI> This abu&s;e cea&s;ed, when the Temple was demoli&s;hed at the re|que&s;t of the Apo&s;tle St. <HI>Barnabas.</HI> There is near unto the Cape of St. <HI>Epiphany</HI> two famous Foun|tains, one of which is called the <HI>Amorous Fountain,</HI> becau&s;e that tho&s;e who drink of its Water grow pa&s;&s;ionately in Love; and the other quite contra|ry, becau&s;e it extingui&s;heth this pa&s;&s;ion in a mo|ment.</P>
<P>This I&s;le abounds in Wheat as well as Wine, and other excellent Viands, and &s;upplieth other Coun|tries; the Sun and Soil render the Wines very &s;trong and agreeable, but after they are put into pitched Ve&s;&s;els, they receive &s;uch a gu&s;t as is not plea&s;ing to tho&s;e that are not accu&s;tomed thereto,
<PB N="23" REF="16">neverthele&s;s all agree they are good for the &s;to|mach. You will find there all manner of Pul&s;e in abundance, Barley, Dates, Mulberries, Oranges, Lemons, Citrons, and all other Fruits, except Cherries, Che&s;nuts, and Sorb-Apples. There is no want of Sugar, Saffron, Coriander, Se&s;amum, Lintell-&s;eed, Honey, and &s;ometimes Manna; the <HI>Aegyptian</HI> Bean, the Herb who&s;e a&s;hes &s;erves to make Sous, and that with which they wa&s;h Cam|lets, and other Cloths. There may be had Ru|bard, Turpentine, and Scamony, and other things that are valuable: There are al&s;o Veins of Gold, Copper, Marca&s;ite, Latten, and of Iron, Roach-Allom, Pitch, Ro&s;in, Sulphur, and Salt-Petre; and be&s;ides, you may have there the Berry where|with they Dye Scarlet; as al&s;o Coral, the Eme|rald, Chry&s;tal Diamonds, and other precious &s;tones.</P>
<P>There are no great Rivers in all the I&s;land, but only Brooks and Rivolets. There is a little River runs very near unto <HI>Nico&s;ia,</HI> wherein are a great quantity of Ja&s;pers, which have the vertue, as is known, to &s;top bloud. Be&s;ides, there is &s;o great a quantity of Cotton, that the Inhabitants not on|ly Cloath them&s;elves, and make all &s;orts of Cloths therewith, but they furni&s;h al&s;o <HI>Italy,</HI> and other Parts; 'tis that which makes their principal Re|venues. They al&s;o gain con&s;iderable profit by white Salt, which they get from a fair Salt-Pit of &s;weet Water and Rain. This Salt-Pit is at lea&s;t ten Miles about, and 'tis an admirable thing to view all that va&s;t Campaign, which appears as co|vered with Snow; there is in the mid&s;t a Pit that never freezeth, altho' all the Salt-Pit is congealed. There may be &s;een al&s;o whole Fields, which Na|ture hath enriched with Capers without the la|bour
<PB N="24" REF="17">of cultivating, and every one has the liberty to take as many as he plea&s;es. Their Mutton is very good Meat, their Sheep are large and fat, and have a prodigious Tail, which yet is no longer than tho&s;e of our Country, but is at lea&s;t half a foot broad, and &s;o thick, that it appears round; it hangs behind, and beats always their &s;ides as they go along. Their Goats have Ears hanging downwards, and 3 fingers in breath, their Horns are a little more elevated than ours, and their Fore|head more &s;hort, which gives them a greater grace and hardine&s;s; they have al&s;o a tuft of hair in the mid&s;t of their Forehead. It will be hard to believe a thing I have experimented, which is, That I have not &s;een in this Kingdom, nor any part of the <HI>Le|vant,</HI> any Animal, whether Hor&s;e, Mule, or A&s;s, which trotting joulted his Rider; they all go lightly and ea&s;ie, and Men are accu&s;tomed to ride their Hor&s;es there without Bridle, Saddle, Stirrup, or Spurs, an Halter &s;ufficeth them, with a little Clout &s;pread upon the back of the Bea&s;t. Finally, we may &s;ay, That this I&s;le aboundeth with all de|licacies: Before they became &s;ubject to the <HI>Turks,</HI> they lived &s;plendidly, and in freedom, but &s;en|&s;ual. It produced formerly divers illu&s;trious Per|&s;ons, performing great Services to their Country, and who have been very commendable for their Knowledge and Piety, <HI>viz. A&s;clebiades</HI> the Hi&s;torian, <HI>Solon</HI> one of the 7 Sages of <HI>Greece, Evagoras, Ce|lobuia, Kenon</HI> of <HI>Cittia,</HI> Author of the Sect of the Stoicks, <HI>Apollonias</HI> the Phy&s;ician, <HI>Xenophon</HI> the Hi&s;torian; and be&s;ides the&s;e, the Apo&s;tle St. <HI>Bar|nabas,</HI> and <HI>Mark</HI> his Cou&s;in, <HI>Epapheroditus, Paul Sergius, Titus, Nicanor, Epyphanus,</HI> and divers others.</P>
<PB N="25" REF="17">
<P>This Kingdom hath been from time to time &s;ub|ject to &s;everal Ma&s;ters; it were too tedious to make a repetition of its Changes and Revolutions. <HI>Selim,</HI> Sultan of the <HI>Turks,</HI> took it by force in the Year 1570. with an Army of 200000 Men: But enough of <HI>Cyprus,</HI> we pa&s;s now into <HI>Syria.</HI></P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="6" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. VI. <HI>Our pa&s;&s;age into</HI> Syria: <HI>Of the City of</HI> Tripoly.</HEAD>
<P>I Lo&s;t all the time I had imploy'd in this I&s;le, to &s;earch for a conveniency to pa&s;s into <HI>Syria,</HI> in|&s;omuch that I was con&s;trained to go for <HI>Fama|gu&s;ta,</HI> in order to be tran&s;ported hither. We parted from <HI>Saline</HI> on the 27th of <HI>Augu&s;t,</HI> and having a good Wind we made ready by Noon, and &s;teered our cour&s;e for <HI>Tripoly,</HI> where we arrived two days after very early, for this traver&s;e is not above 150 Miles, but it was more incommodious unto us than all the re&s;t of the Vovage, becau&s;e we were on board a very &s;mall Ve&s;&s;el. We might have gone off &s;ooner, had it not been for the neg|lect of our Seamen, who retarded our departure, in&s;omuch that we were forced to ca&s;t Anchor the &s;econd day, 7 or 8 Miles from Port, being harra&s;|&s;ed all night with a Tempe&s;t, and yet we dur&s;t not &s;ail for fear of falling upon &s;ome Rock, as we would unavoidably have done, if we had weighed Anchor in the night; 'tis certain it was a dangerous night, but having got a Wind on break of day, we arrived in a &s;hort time at the Port of <HI>Tripoly,</HI> which is fortify'd with 5 fair Towers ranged on the &s;hoar. Altho' I was much indi&s;po&s;ed, and
<PB N="26" REF="18">cruel Sea-&s;ick, having eat little or nothing for ten days, I found my &s;elf much recovered as &s;oon <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 word"> ever I &s;et foot on Land. Having cau&s;ed my Com|panion to be mounted on a little A&s;s, I was wil|ling to go on foot to <HI>Tripoly,</HI> which was two Miles di&s;tant from the place we were at; the Sun was already far advanced in the Horizon, when I began to &s;et forward on my way, and its beams were exceeding violent in that Country, where 'tis al&s;o hot all the night, however I failed not to divert my &s;elf to &s;ee 50 or 60 Camels pa&s;s along conducted by the <HI>Arabs,</HI> who are a black and cruel Nation. The&s;e Camels carry A&s;hes, which they make of a certain Herb that is burnt in tho&s;e Parts. They lay them in great heaps in certain Pits, wherein they are hardened, and furni&s;h hereby <HI>Venice,</HI> and mo&s;t part of <HI>Europe,</HI> with a great quantity of Matter to make very fine Gla&s;&s;es. I took al&s;o much plea&s;ure to view a green Field, which might have been taken for a great and &s;pacious Garden, &s;o well was it filled with Mulberry and Orange-Trees, of an agree|able &s;mell, not to &s;peak of many other Fruit-Trees, which are as common there as Elms, Poplars, Che&s;nut and Wallnut-Trees, with us.</P>
<P><HI>Tripoly</HI> is &s;ituated at the foot of a Mountain in &s;ight of the Sea; there is about it a Fortre&s;s upon a Rock, that commands it intirely. This City abounds in many things, and is full of Traffick; it's principal Commodity is Silk, Spun Cotton, Rai&s;ons, Soap, Tallow Candles, which are there made very good. There is at lea&s;t 500 <HI>Jews</HI> in that Town, for the mo&s;t part <HI>Spaniards</HI> and <HI>Por|tugue&s;e,</HI> crafty in the way of Trade, always ready to cheat the <HI>Christians,</HI> particularly the <HI>Italian</HI> Merchants, who are there but a few, &s;ince
<PB N="27" REF="18">the <HI>Venetians</HI> quitted tho&s;e Parts, and fail for <HI>Scandaroon.</HI> They have no other Church there but a little Chapel, which is in one of their Hou&s;es, and for the mo&s;t part have no Prie&s;t to officiate therein. There you may find abundance of <HI>Greeks</HI> and <HI>Maronites,</HI> the fir&s;t of which live in the Town, the other Lodge without in a &s;mall Village that is above it; the <HI>Turks</HI> are there in greater numbers than any other Nation, and wear a white Turbant; the <HI>Jews</HI> have ordinarily a red Bonnet half a foot high, flat and round; the <HI>Italian Christians</HI> and <HI>Greeks</HI> wear an Hat, or black Bonnet; the <HI>Ma|ronites</HI> a &s;treaked Turbant, or Bonnet, of a diffe|rent form, that of the <HI>Jews.</HI> They all wore formerly a Turbant with this &s;ole difference, That the <HI>Turks</HI> had a white, the <HI>Jews</HI> a yellow, and <HI>Chri&s;tians</HI> a &s;triped one; but the abu&s;e crept among&s;t the <HI>Jews,</HI> who began to wear &s;uch great ones, as if they &s;eemed willing to cope in grandeur with the great <HI>Ottoman</HI> Seigniors, wherefore it has been &s;o ordered, that none but <HI>Turks</HI> &s;hould wear the Turbant. The <HI>Jews,</HI> by rea&s;on hereof, have di&s;continued it intirely; the <HI>Chri&s;tians</HI> have not the right one, but content them&s;elves to have upon their Bonnets &s;ome turns of a &s;triped cloth, in form of a Turbant. There are al&s;o many <HI>Turks</HI> and <HI>Arabs</HI> of mean condition, who do the &s;ame thing with white Stuff. We Lodged with a <HI>Ve|netian</HI> Merchant, who was a rich Man, and knew our company in a more particular manner; he re|ceived us with much charity and civility, he put my companion, who was &s;ick, upon a Bed forth|with, and cau&s;ed him to be &s;erved with every thing nece&s;&s;ary for him. I went into the Cu&s;tom-Hou&s;e for to take out that which I had brought from <HI>Italy,</HI> part whereof was to be pre&s;ented to the
<PB N="28" REF="19">Patriarch of the <HI>Maronites</HI> on behalf of the Pope, and the re&s;t to be di&s;tributed among&s;t their Churches; the whole con&s;i&s;ted of &s;ome Ca&s;es, one whereof was filled with Church Ornaments, and a Patriarchal Ve&s;t made all of Cloth of Gold and Silver of great value. I did all that ever I could to ha&s;ten my Journey to <HI>Mount Libanus,</HI> for there was but 20 Miles from <HI>Tripoly</HI> to the place where the Patriarch made his re&s;idence, but I was obli|ged to &s;ojourn there for three days, in which time I ob&s;erved that Oxen carried burdens upon their backs like Camels, Mules and A&s;&s;es, as Wood, or any other nece&s;&s;ary Commodity; in&s;omuch, that Saying &s;eemed to me no longer true,
<Q><HI>Optat Ephippia bos piger, Optat arare caballus.</HI></Q> However I know full well, that they Till their ground with Hor&s;es in a great part of <HI>France,</HI> the which they practi&s;ed al&s;o then in <HI>Syria,</HI> becau&s;e of a certain di&s;temper that had almo&s;t de&s;troyed all their Oxen. I was obliged to &s;hut my &s;elf in the Hou&s;e for mo&s;t part of the day, not daring to be known in that Country, neverthele&s;s I was very de&s;irous to inform my &s;elf of their Cu&s;toms, and Manner of Living. I mounted in the evening up the Terra&s;s for to take the Air, and view the Town as well as I could; I perceived the <HI>Jewi&s;h</HI> Women upon the Terra&s;&s;es of the Neighbouring Hou&s;es, and ea&s;ily comprehended by that, that the place where <HI>David</HI> &s;aw <HI>Ber&s;heba</HI> was but a Terra&s;s of the &s;ame fa&s;hion as that on the top of the Hou&s;e, and there is much appearance that the&s;e &s;ort of Terra&s;&s;es were in u&s;e at that time. I will &s;peak no more of the other particulars I ob&s;erved in that City, both at this time, and the
<PB N="29" REF="19">other I was obliged to return back this way, for that I am unwilling to interrupt my Hi&s;tory of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> which ought &s;peedily to follow, but I will fir&s;t exhibit &s;omewhat I have &s;een and learnt of the manner of the Living of the <HI>Turks</HI> in that Country.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="7" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. VII. <HI>The Fa&s;hion of the</HI> Turks <HI>Habits.</HI></HEAD>
<P>THE <HI>Turks</HI> &s;have all their hair, yet there are many of them who leave &s;ome growing on the crown of their heads, which makes a kind of a Tuft; they do not &s;have their Beards at all, but ca&s;t off the ends only of that on the upper Lip: long Beards are much in e&s;teem among&s;t them, and the longer and larger they be, the more e&s;timable are they. Wherefore 'tis one of the greate&s;t Me|naces that can be made to any one, to threaten him with the cutting off of his Beard, altho' this threat is ordinary enough among&s;t them. They wear upon their head a Bonnet, which they call <HI>Takia,</HI> and which is made of cloth or &s;ilk inter|mix'd with cotton, and place very neatly at the top a long and fine cloth of white cotton, which they call <HI>Se&s;ta;</HI> whereof they make a great or &s;mall Turbant, according to the quality of the Per&s;on. Tho&s;e who are above others, in re&s;pect of Birth or Dignity, carry a great one; and there are &s;ome who have them of an exce&s;&s;ive bigne&s;s. Their Sifts, as well as other Ve&s;ts, are made without Collars, and for the mo&s;t part of white cotton; there are &s;ome who wear blue ones, with very
<PB N="30" REF="20">wide &s;leeves, in&s;omuch that all the Arm &s;eems al|mo&s;t naked. The lower part of their Sifts is not at all wide, at lea&s;t they &s;eem as &s;owed together at the end when they wear no Drawers, and for that purpo&s;e they make them large. Their Ve&s;ts ordi|narily are a little longer, and hang almo&s;t down to the ground. The Vulgars wear commonly white, or of &s;ome other colour, but &s;eldom black and green, perhaps becau&s;e the <HI>Francks</HI> wear ordina|rily black, and that green is the colour of them of the Race of <HI>Mahomet,</HI> who they &s;ay was u&s;ed to be dre&s;s'd in that colour. Hence it comes, that none but tho&s;e of his Race wear a green Turbant, or a &s;mall piece of that colour fa&s;tened to the white. The <HI>Chri&s;tians</HI> dare not have their Cloaths, Bonnet, or any other thing, about them of that colour; they have two Ve&s;ts, the nether|mo&s;t has a Girdle to tie about it, and the upper|mo&s;t is the <HI>Spain</HI> or <HI>Abb:</HI> they call it the <HI>Spain</HI> when the cloth is made of fine Wooll, and well wrought, as with us in <HI>Italy,</HI> for they are not &s;o indu&s;trious as we in tho&s;e Countries. The <HI>Abb</HI> is more &s;lightly woven, and con&s;i&s;ts of cour&s;er Wooll, 'tis &s;triped, and divided with long and broad black and white &s;treaks. The Girdle of the nether Ve&s;t is made of thick narrow Linnen cloth, about three fingers broad, and long enough to come two or three turns about, or of a leathern &s;tring; one may &s;ee &s;ome of the&s;e Girdles made of very fine &s;ilk, and curiou&s;ly wrought. They co|ver their Legs with large Drawers, which are made of fine Linnen cloth or &s;tuff, and de&s;cend down to the Feet, which are naked, in Shoes of black Leather, or <HI>Spani&s;h</HI> Goats leather of ano|ther colour, particularly red, blue, and yellow, to the end they may wa&s;h them&s;elves with greater
<PB N="31" REF="20">facility before their Prayers. The form of their Shoes differ not from ours, but that they are not &s;o neat and hand&s;ome, and have an higher in-&s;tep; there is a little piece of Leather, two or three fin|gers long, that &s;erves for a &s;tring, fa&s;tened on each &s;ide to the ears of the Shoes, with a button in the middle. But their Slippers are much unlike to ours, they wear them with Shoes and without; you cannot know them to be Slippers they are &s;o much like unto Shoes, unle&s;s they cover le&s;s of the feet before, for they do no more but hide the Toes, and turn upwards very much; moreover their &s;ides are not &s;o high as tho&s;e of the Shoes, and under the Sole they place, in&s;tead of a Heel a little piece of Iron in form of a cre&s;cent, which &s;erves in&s;tead of leather, and makes much noi&s;e in going. They wear no Hats to defend them&s;elves from the Rain, but have a piece of &s;tuff extended over their Turbant, which is done &s;o hand&s;omly, that when 'tis gathered at the top, and enlarged below, you would take it for a Monks Hood; neverthe|le&s;s they make u&s;e, again&s;t the Rain, of a long Cloak &s;lightly made in the Country, which keeps out the water very well; it hangs down as far as the middle of their Leg, and together with their Hood upon the Turbant, &s;erves them not on|ly in travelling, but al&s;o in the Town. Tho&s;e which have none of this &s;ort, wear a good thick Cloth, which hath long and large &s;leeves; others are content with their <HI>Abb,</HI> which al&s;o keeps out the Rain.</P>
<P>The Women wear al&s;o Sifts, Ve&s;ts, Drawers, Shoes and Slippers, &s;aving that in&s;tead of the <HI>Spain,</HI> or <HI>Abb,</HI> they have a Ve&s;t &s;omewhat &s;hort|er than that of the Men. They wear upon their head a toque of cloth or &s;ilk, ordinarily red or
<PB N="32" REF="21">blue, which they adorn with work of gold and &s;ilver; their hair being gathered into Tre&s;&s;es, hang beind their &s;houlders, bound with Ribbon, or &s;ome other &s;tuff; you cannot &s;ee it curled at top with them, nor any the like vanity; their Countenance appears natural, and without paint|ing; they wear Rings, Pendants in their Ears, Bracelets, wherein there is &s;ome Medley or other, as poli&s;h'd Iron, or Pewter, or Latten, or a good quantity of Gold and Silver, according to the quality of the Woman and her condition. The&s;e Bracelets are 3 or 4 fingers broad, and are not compo&s;ed of divers Rings, as ours, but of one Plate of Metal with but little form; and they not only wear them about their Arms, but al&s;o Legs, near to their feet, not that they can be &s;een in the Streets dre&s;s'd in this manner, for when they go out of their Hou&s;es, they wrap them&s;elves &s;o clo&s;e up in a linnen or cotton Cloth, that tho&s;e that look upon them cannot &s;ee as much as their hands, altho' they are allowed the liberty of their Arm and Hand. Yet their faces are no more &s;een, for they are &s;o careful to hide them with a black or white Cloth, that there remains only but a little cleft before their eyes for them to &s;ee through. Sometimes they cover their faces with black Crape very tran&s;parent, through which they can &s;ee others, without being &s;een them&s;elves. This is the manner of the Womens going abroad, be they <HI>Jews, Greeks, Syrians,</HI> or <HI>Turks,</HI> that they may the more conveniently go along the Streets. When they be wet or dirty, they wear Buskins of <HI>Spani&s;h</HI> Goats-leather, which reach up as far as the knee, and &s;o tucking up their cloaths on each &s;ide, they pa&s;s through without being at all wet, or bedaubed with dirt. The <HI>Maronites</HI>
<PB N="33" REF="21">have other Cu&s;toms, of which we &s;hall &s;peak hereafter.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="8" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. VIII. <HI>Of the Belief of the</HI> Turks.</HEAD>
<P>ONE need not doubt but that tho&s;e Hearts, which have not the true Wor&s;hip of God, nor the Knowledge of his Faith, have ex|pelled Vertue for to repleni&s;h them&s;elves with all manner of Vice; 'tis this which I have manife&s;tly known among&s;t the&s;e Nations, who indeed con|fe&s;s that our Lord was an Holy Man, and a great Prophet, which makes them honour the place of his Birth, and burn Lamps there, as may be &s;een &s;till at <HI>Bethlehem,</HI> but they believe not that he was God, nor the Son of God, neither will they believe he died upon the Cro&s;s, for they &s;ay he &s;ub&s;tituted another in his place, and for that purpo&s;e withdrew him&s;elf from the hands of the <HI>Jews,</HI> pa&s;&s;ing through a hole, or large cranny, which was above the place where he was retired that night for to pray, and that he appeared not &s;ince that time. They wor&s;hip no other but <HI>Ma|homet,</HI> whom they pretend to be a greater Pro|phet, and it were &s;carce credible with what de|votion and magnificence they guard his Tomb at <HI>Meccha,</HI> what expence they are at to receive em that come to vi&s;it it, and in what degree of Sancti|ty they are held who perform this Pilgrimage, particularly tho&s;e who are born by the way. They bear all the name of <HI>Scerif,</HI> which &s;ignifies great Saint; they al&s;o, as all other Nations, have
<PB N="34" REF="22">Prie&s;ts, which they call <HI>Santons,</HI> taking for that purpo&s;e the mo&s;t zealous ob&s;ervers of their Law, altho' the be&s;t of them are no le&s;s vicious than the re&s;t. This is the ceremony they ob&s;erve at the creation of their Prie&s;ts; They cau&s;e them to come into the pre&s;ence of the People, and extolling their Zeal and Vertue, they add, That they have re|gard thereunto, and &s;o make them <HI>Santons.</HI> Then all the company pre&s;ently run to ki&s;s their hands, and &s;o after this ceremony they become Prie&s;ts. Their Office is to apply their Cares to the Mo&s;ques, and there is none but re&s;pects them, even to the Sultan him&s;elf. Be&s;ides the&s;e <HI>Santons,</HI> they have al&s;o among&s;t them other incon&s;iderable Per&s;ons, who appear all &s;la&s;hed, hack'd, and half naked, carrying for the mo&s;t part a &s;tick in their hands, to which are fa&s;tened Rags.</P>
<P>The <HI>Turks</HI> have Beads which they tell over, they carry them in their hantis, or hung at their girdle, but they are much different from ours, for each Bead of theirs is of the &s;ame bigne&s;s, and have none of that di&s;tinction we have of the tenth in ten Beads, altho' they are compo&s;ed of &s;ix Tens. They have moreover another kind of Beads, which are divided into three parts with &s;mall threads, becau&s;e this &s;ort is greater than others, con&s;i&s;ting of an hundred grains, yet they employ no more time than we in telling them over, but, on the contrary, have &s;ooner done, becau&s;e they &s;ay not at each Bead for a whole Prayer, but the&s;e words, <HI>Stafurla,</HI> i. e. <HI>Prai&s;e be to God;</HI> or el&s;e, <HI>E&s;&s;ebh L'allah, Elmayd L'allah;</HI> which &s;ignifies, <HI>Prai&s;e to God, Glory to God.</HI> They are not &s;uffered to eat Pork, nor to drink Wine. See the rea&s;on why <HI>Mahomet</HI> forbad them the u&s;e of Pork: When he had hidden under ground &s;ome Ve&s;&s;els
<PB N="35" REF="22">full of Water, for to perform a Miracle like unto that of <HI>Mo&s;es,</HI> to &s;hew thereby that he was a great Prophet, it happened that this Animal, which digs always in the earth, &s;poiled all this My&s;tery. As for the Wine he forbad it; for that being entred into a Village, accompanied with &s;ome Soldiers, they pre&s;&s;ed him to pay for their drink, and being drunk, they would have com|pelled him to grant them the u&s;e of the Women of that place, and having refu&s;ed it, whether that he could not, or would not grant it, they thereupon abu&s;ed him; in con&s;ideration therefore of the&s;e two accidents, he forbad, Pork and Wine to his Followeas: neverthele&s;s, there are but a few Per&s;ons of Quality that ob&s;erve this forbiddance, the re&s;t of the People covet it with eagerne&s;s, and drink it without Water, which is the rea&s;on that you may meet all day long with drunken folks, but they are not puni&s;hed. They have &s;trange liberty to &s;in, from whence proceeds infinity of Villanies, for that they believe, in wa&s;hing of their feet, they clean&s;e al&s;o their Souls of all pol|lution. They acknowledge no other Confe&s;&s;ion, but a &s;mall Pitcher of water, which they pre&s;erve to that purpo&s;e; and they imagine they can be &s;aved by &s;o ea&s;ie a means. They believe al&s;o, that we, who are <HI>Chri&s;tians,</HI> can be &s;aved by our Law, but they condemn all other Religions. They have for that effect a plea&s;ant Story, &s;aying, That at the highe&s;t part of the Wall of <HI>Jeru&s;alem,</HI> oppo|&s;ite to <HI>Mount Olivet,</HI> there is a piece of Pillar that &s;tands a little out of the Wall, where there will be a little Gate for an entrance into the &s;aid Co|lumn, that <HI>Mahomet</HI> and <HI>Je&s;us Chri&s;t</HI> will come to Univer&s;al Judgment, that the fir&s;t will &s;tand upon that Pillar, and the other oppo&s;ite again&s;t
<PB N="36" REF="23">him on <HI>Mount Olivet,</HI> that both of them will hold in their hand a Cord, which will be extended over the Valley of <HI>Jeho&s;aphat,</HI> that all mu&s;t walk upon that Cord, and that we and they &s;hall go &s;afely thereon into Paradice, each being e&s;&s;i&s;ted by his Prophet, but with this difference, That in Para|dice, where floweth Rivers of Honey, they &s;hall enjoy all forts of plea&s;ure, as well in eating and drinking, as in the u&s;e of beautiful Women; and in&s;tead of that, we &s;hall &s;erve them with Hor&s;es and Mules to ride upon. And finally, That the <HI>Jews,</HI> and all other Sects, &s;hall fall under the Cord into Hell, where they &s;hall &s;uffer eternal puni&s;hment.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="9" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. IX. <HI>My arrival to</HI> Mount Libanus, <HI>and how I was received by the Patriarch, and of the difficulties I found in my fir&s;t Conference with him.</HI></HEAD>
<P>I Mu&s;t now return to my Voyage, from whence I have &s;omewhat digre&s;&s;ed. Finding my &s;elf out of the danger of <HI>Tripoly,</HI> I departed from thence on the la&s;t day of <HI>Augu&s;t,</HI> three hours be|fore Sun-&s;etting, and being accompanied with divers Per&s;ons of that Country I was going to, I mounted on a little A&s;s which went rarely well, and taking our way towards the Mountain, we travelled as long as day la&s;ted; but as &s;oon as night approached, we re&s;ted our &s;elves in a Vil|lage appertaining to the <HI>Maronites,</HI> where after
<PB N="37" REF="23">having made an ordinary Repa&s;t, we lay upon Mats extended over a Terra&s;s, and re&s;ted our &s;elves there for the &s;pace of &s;ix hours; then Journying through rough, &s;teep, and uneven ways, we ar|rived in nine hours to a place called <HI>Eden,</HI> which in the Hebrew &s;ignifies <HI>a Place of plea&s;ure and de|light,</HI> there we refre&s;hed our Bea&s;ts, which were wearied. We performed the re&s;t of our Journey after the heat of the day was over, and arrived on the fir&s;t of <HI>September,</HI> at Sun &s;etting, at the Mo|na&s;tery of <HI>Caunubin,</HI> where re&s;ides the Patriarch of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> towards which place his Holi|ne&s;s had &s;ent me. My arrival was as unawares, yet there were divers Prie&s;ts, and &s;ome other Per&s;ons, that came pretty far to meet me on be|half of the Patriarch, who was obliged to keep his Bed for a whole Year pa&s;t, becau&s;e of his Age and Infirmity. I was conducted to the Mona&s;tery, where I was received with great demon&s;trations of joy, and with the &s;ound of three con&s;iderable Bells, which they have there by a particular Pri|vilege. I went fir&s;t to the Church, and after|wards to the Patriarchs Hou&s;e; I found the Church pretty enough, but a little dark, and ill ordered. As to the Patriarch, I acco&s;ted him in a little Chamber which had no Hangings, becau&s;e he made Profe&s;&s;ion of a Mona&s;tick Life, and that the in&s;atiable Avarice of the <HI>Turks</HI> &s;uffered him not to be better accommodated; I found him &s;it|ting upon his Bed with his Patriarchal Turbant in his hand, and after I had made him my obei&s;ance, I pre&s;ented him with his Holine&s;s Brief, which he very devoutly ki&s;&s;ed, and placed afterwards upon his head, which is a mark of re&s;pect in that Coun|try. He ob&s;erved the &s;ame ceremony when I gave him the Cardinal Protectors, and our Generals
<PB N="38" REF="24">Letters; he enquired after their health, with de|mon&s;trations of a grand affection, and I enter|tain'd him with the good intention of his Holine&s;s, and the great care he took both of his Per&s;on and the whole Nation. After I had &s;pent &s;ome time with him, I was conducted to Supper; next day believing that Father <HI>Fabio,</HI> whom I had left &s;ick at <HI>Tripoly,</HI> was &s;omewhat recovered, and could &s;it on Hor&s;eback, I &s;ent a good Mule for to carry him very ea&s;ily to the place where I was; in effect, he arrived there three days after, but he was &s;o weak &s;till, that he was obliged to keep his Bed, wherein he remained 15 days, and indeed he ne|ver was well &s;ince that time.</P>
<P>I began, after the &s;econd day of my arrival, to di&s;cour&s;e of my Affairs with the Patriarch: I ex|plained unto him the de&s;ign of my Voyage, with which he te&s;tified him&s;elf to be well &s;atisfied, however he could not forbear to inform me of two things which much troubled him; the fir&s;t, That his Holine&s;s had &s;ent him only but a &s;imple Brief, in&s;tead of addre&s;&s;ing to him a large and &s;o|lemn Bull, which might authentickly &s;et forth the Antiquity of their Belief, and their re-union with the Holy See, as the Popes his Predece&s;&s;ors had done; that it would have been great con&s;olation to the Bi&s;hops, and all the People, that &s;hould &s;ee it; and that he had &s;o much the more rea&s;on to ex|pect it, becau&s;e he had employ'd the precedent Year a Per&s;on to his Holine&s;s, to pro&s;trate him&s;elf at his feet, and to render him in his own Name, as well as in the Name of all the Nation, the &s;ub|mi&s;&s;ions that were due unto him, as being all his good and faithful Children. He complained al&s;o that his Holine&s;s had made him no an&s;wer to his in|treaty of being confirmed in his ancient Title of Patriarch of <HI>Antioch.</HI></P>
<PB N="39" REF="24">
<P>After I had heard the&s;e complaints with atten|tion, I made him an&s;wer as I judged mo&s;t proper; after which he &s;eemed very plea&s;ant. I propo&s;ed unto him afterwards an Overture of a Synod, to the end we might know what was then the true E&s;tate of Religion in tho&s;e Parts. I added, That for that purpo&s;e he needed only but convocate the Bi&s;hops, which might, without danger, render them&s;elves at the place where we then were. This Propo&s;ition gave him occa&s;ion to make far greater complaints than before; he &s;et forth the Rea&s;ons he had of an heavy complaining again&s;t a Synod, that had been held &s;ome years before, where had been pre&s;ented unto him, and to the Bi&s;hops, a blank Paper to &s;ign, with a&s;&s;urance that it &s;hould be filled up with nothing but what &s;hould be good and profitable for the Nation, and that having &s;igned it with much facility, they had been abu&s;ed, for that tho&s;e who required this &s;igned blank were no &s;ooner returned to <HI>Tripoly,</HI> than that they filled it up with a great number of Errors, and con&s;i|derable Here&s;ies, and without giving information hereof to any one of the Synod, or leaving any Copy behind; they had mo&s;t maliciou&s;ly defa|med them to the Pope and his Cardinals, that out of the fear he had of the like inconvenience, he vigorou&s;ly oppo&s;ed my reque&s;t unto him. The foundation of this complaint appeared &s;o &s;trange to me, that I could &s;carce believe it, but the Mat|ter of Fact being reported by &s;o con&s;iderable a Per&s;on that affirmed it, and being al&s;o confirmed by all his A&s;&s;i&s;tants, I dur&s;t not deny it; I endea|voured to excu&s;e it as well as I could, and promi|&s;ed to u&s;e my Efforts to recal this Writing, to the end I might appea&s;e his much irritated &s;pirits. I a&s;&s;ured him al&s;o, on my own part, that I would
<PB N="40" REF="25">undertake nothing without his participation and con&s;ent. At la&s;t he pre&s;ented another great diffi|culty, or part, of the War that raged extreamly between the <HI>Turks</HI> and <HI>Chri&s;tians;</HI> for the Sultan was in the Field in Per&s;on, with a pui&s;&s;ant Army, which rendered the execution of a Synod exceed|ing difficult, for it was dangerous to a&s;&s;emble the principal Per&s;ons of a Nation for to treat at that conjuncture with an Envoy of the Pope. But I &s;atisfied al&s;o the Patriarch in that point, telling him that means might be found out to a&s;&s;emble them under other pretences. This good Old Man then con&s;ented to my entreaty, and writ to the Bi&s;hops to invite them to a Synod, but as we could get together but two, I thought it incon|venient to remit that A&s;&s;embly till another time. In the mean while, I made u&s;e of this opportunity to go vi&s;it the Deacons, they are but two in num|ber, and perform the Office of Secular Magi|&s;trates, to govern the People, Judging their dif|ferences, and Treating with the <HI>Turks</HI> about all Matters that regard the Tributes, and about every other affair that occurs. The principal of the&s;e two is a Man of great Experience, and penetra|ting Judgment, who is expert in War, and well inclined to Religion; he approved forthwith of my de&s;ign, and was willing to take the care upon him to a&s;&s;emble the Bi&s;hops, and all others whom|&s;oever I plea&s;ed, altho' he was then &s;ick of a Fe|ver, under which he had laboured all the day. He a&s;&s;ured me, he would render him&s;elf there, with the other Deacon his companion, and that he would endeavour I &s;hould receive &s;atisfaction in whatever I propo&s;ed, but I judged it better to de&s;er the Meeting till &s;uch time as he was recover|ed, and that in the mean while I might inform my &s;elf more particularly of all things.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="10" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="41" REF="25">
<HEAD>CHAP. X. <HI>Of the Cedars of</HI> Libanus <HI>and the holy River; and of the nature of the ground of</HI> Mount Libanus.</HEAD>
<P>I Went to &s;ee, during that &s;pace of time, the Cedar Trees which were not very far off; they &s;tand upon an high and craggy Mountain, and are called Saints, becau&s;e of their Antiquity. And the Natives believe they are &s;till the &s;ame as tho&s;e that were in <HI>Solomon</HI>'s time, which is the rea&s;on they go vi&s;it them with great devotion, e&s;pecially on the day of the Transfiguration of our Lord; at which time they &s;ay Ma&s;s mo&s;t &s;olemnly at the foot of a Cedar, upon an homely Altar of Stone. Moreover, as the&s;e Trees are but a few in number, they e&s;teem it a Miracle that they cannot be rec|koned exactly; I counted 23, and another of my Companions but 21; and there is a great deal of appearance, that the &s;ame root &s;ends forth in &s;ome of them two branches, which are &s;ometimes rec|koned for one, &s;ometimes for two. They never fell them to make boards, but there is an infinite number of other Trees for common u&s;es, growing upon two other Mountains, which are &s;ituated in &s;uch a manner, that being joined to the former, form a kind of a Cro&s;s. That which they call the Mountain of <HI>Saints,</HI> forms the top, and the other two the &s;ides. They affirm that certain <HI>Turks,</HI> who fed their Flocks thereabouts, having been &s;o impious and hardy, as to cut down &s;ome of the&s;e
<PB N="42" REF="26">Trees they call <HI>Saints,</HI> were puni&s;hed forthwith with the utter lo&s;s of their Bea&s;ts. One may al&s;o &s;ee there the Spring of a Rivolet, which the In|habitants call the holy River, for that it takes its &s;ource from the Mountain, whereon grow the <HI>Cedar-Saints</HI> in a very hidden and delicious place, and from it de&s;cends along the Valley, running with little murmuring &s;treams among&s;t flint &s;tones.</P>
<P>I was very much &s;atisfied to have &s;een the fore|&s;aid place, and in my return to the Mona&s;tery, where re&s;ided the Patriarch, I informed my &s;elf of the goodne&s;s of the Soil, of the Cu&s;toms and Ways of living in that Country, as al&s;o of their Belief; and I endeavoured to ob&s;erve them as ex|actly as po&s;&s;ibly I could.</P>
<P>All the Country con&s;i&s;ts of &s;tony and high Mountains, which extend from North to South; 'tis a good days Journey in breadth, and four or five long; &s;o that in circumference it may be 6 or 700 Miles. Yet the&s;e Mountains, by the Indu&s;try and Labour of Men, &s;eem for the mo&s;t part like a Plain, for they gather the &s;tones toge|ther in &s;ome low places, which are di&s;per&s;ed here and there, and rai&s;e up high Walls therewith, and &s;o proceeding on daily erect others therewith; in&s;omuch, that by the force of levelling Moun|tains, and filling up of the Valleys, they make of a barren Mountain a plea&s;ant Campaign, which may be ea&s;ily cultivated, and &s;uch as is very plea|&s;ant and agreeable. This Country abounds in Corn, excellent Wines, in O<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="2 letters">, Cotton, Silk, Honey, Wax, Wood, &s;avage and tame Animals, and e&s;pecially in Goats: As for &s;mall Animals, there are but a few, becau&s;e the Winter there is very &s;harp, and that they have Snow continually. They have a great number of Sheep; big and fat as
<PB N="43" REF="26">tho&s;e of <HI>Cyprus.</HI> As &s;oon as you pa&s;s <HI>Cyprus,</HI> there are no more Hogs to be &s;een, becau&s;e the <HI>Turks</HI> eat none, but in recompence to that, you &s;hall find a great number of wild Boars in their Fore&s;ts, as well as Bears, Tygers, and other the like Animals.</P>
<P>The re&s;t of the Country is fill'd with Par|tridges, which are as big as Hens; no Dove-Hou&s;es to be &s;een there nor in all the <HI>Levant,</HI> but there are abundance of Pigeons, Turtle-Doves, Black-Birds, Gnat-&s;nappers, and all &s;ort of Birds. There are al&s;o Eagles, and many Squir|rels to be &s;een. They never u&s;e Spades to their Vineyards, but they cultivate them with their Oxen, for they are planted with &s;trait rows of Trees far enough one from another. They u&s;e no props for to &s;upport the Trees, but let them creep along the earth; the Wine that is produced therefrom is delicate and exceeding plea&s;ant; it's a very &s;urprizing thing to &s;ee the bigne&s;s of the Grape, which is equal to a Prune, and I ea&s;ily comprehended in &s;eeing of them, why the <HI>Hebrews</HI> had &s;o great a de&s;ire to ta&s;t them, and that they pu&s;hed forwards with &s;o much pa&s;&s;ion the Con|que&s;t of the <HI>Land of Promi&s;e,</HI> after they had &s;een the Grape which the Spies of <HI>Jo&s;hua</HI> brought back from the neighbouring Countries.</P>
<P>The&s;e Mountains abound therefore not only in &s;tones, but in all other things nece&s;&s;ary to &s;up|port Life; and I doubt not but that they are en|bowelled with rich Mines. There is a certain place a little above the Mona&s;tery of <HI>Caunubin,</HI> where is found &s;tones which give light like unto Flambeaux, which apparently di&s;covers, that they are compo&s;ed of Matter full of Sulphur and Bitumen. There may al&s;o be &s;een, in other places, ground fit for the production of Iron. As I con|tinued
<PB N="44" REF="27">on my Journey, the Deacon <HI>Jo&s;eph Cater,</HI> who was with me, a&s;&s;ured me, That it was but very lately, at the eating of a Goat, he found all her Teeth of a &s;ilver colour. This confirms that which I ob&s;erved in <HI>Candia;</HI> to wit, That the Animals, that live on <HI>Mount Ida,</HI> eat a certain Herb which renders their Teeth of a golden co|lour, which, according to my judgment, can|not otherwi&s;e proceed than from the Mines which are under ground.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="11" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. XI. <HI>Of the Cu&s;toms of the</HI> Maronites, <HI>and of their Manner of Living.</HI></HEAD>
<P>THE <HI>Maronites</HI> will not &s;uffer the <HI>Turks</HI> to live among&s;t them, altho' they be in all the re&s;t of <HI>Syria,</HI> &s;o that you cannot &s;ee one there; they are beholding for it to the great care of their Deacons, who &s;pare neither their Pur&s;es nor their Lives to that purpo&s;e. Their lives therefore upon their Mountains no other than the <HI>Chri&s;tians,</HI> which they call <HI>Maronites,</HI> who have taken their name from a certain Abbot called <HI>Maron,</HI> whom they &s;ent to <HI>Rome</HI> to the Pope in the time that all the Ea&s;t was &s;eparated from the Holy See, and di|vided into divers Sects. This Abbot returned from thence with the Title of Patriarch over 'em, who lived firm and con&s;tant in their Faith. This &s;ame Per&s;on lead a Religious Life, &s;o that they invoke him as &s;uch in their Ma&s;&s;es. They do not inhabit great Cities, and magnificent Palaces, but
<PB N="45" REF="27">little Villages, whereof there is a great number, and in divers places. Their Hou&s;es are mean and little worth, not but that they have noble and rich Per&s;ons among&s;t them, but they are tyranniz'd &s;o over by the <HI>Turks,</HI> that they are con&s;trained to &s;hun all manner of grandeur and o&s;tentation; they make them&s;elves poor that they may &s;hun ill treatments, and they affect al&s;o to go meanly clad. Their habit differs not from that of the other <HI>Le|vantines,</HI> which con&s;i&s;ts of a Turbant and little Ve&s;t that de&s;cends down to the knees, or to the middle of the leg, and &s;ometime they wear the <HI>Spain</HI> or <HI>Abb</HI> to cover it; they go ordinarily with their legs naked, altho' there be &s;ome who have Drawers on, according to the <HI>Turki&s;h</HI> manner, with Shoes. The Arms they u&s;e are the Bow, Harquebus, Cimitar and Dagger; they are very tall Men, of a natural &s;weetne&s;s, docible to Arms, and re&s;emble the <HI>Italians</HI> more than any other Nations. They u&s;e no Tables, nor Stools to &s;it on, but in&s;tead thereof &s;it down cro&s;s-legg'd upon Mats or Carpets &s;pread upon the ground, and there eat and drink; in&s;tead of a Table-cloth they lay a round piece of leather, and cover it about with Bread, tho' there be but two or three to eat. They &s;it round, and put the Victuals in the middle; they eat ju&s;t as the <HI>Turks</HI> do, making no u&s;e of Napkins, Knives, nor as much as Forks, but have only very pretty wooden Spoons; and when they drink the Gla&s;s goes round. If any one eats in anothers Hou&s;e, 'tis the Ma&s;ter of the Hou&s;e that waits, and &s;erving every one with his Gla&s;s, &s;o that he has no manner of repo&s;e at the Table. They drink often, however their Gla&s;&s;es are but &s;mall; the more they drink, the more honour they think they do to their Ho&s;t; and altho' the leather,
<PB N="46" REF="28">that &s;erves for a Table-cloth, be taken up, yet they cea&s;e not to drink as long as there is any Wine in the Ve&s;&s;el. The&s;e leathern Table-cloths are neat|ly folded up with the drawing of a &s;mall cord that is round about them. If any one comes in after they are &s;et at Table, when he has &s;aluted the company he &s;its down, eats and drinks without any more ado, and 'twere a great incivility to do otherwi&s;e. They u&s;e no Sheets to their Beds they &s;leep in, btt only cotton Coverlets; each fa&s;tens a &s;tring to the Coverlet, and &s;o lies under it.</P>
<P>When they make any bargain they u&s;e great &s;implicity, for they have no Scriveners to draw Writings, but they take one anothers words, or a &s;imple piece of Paper, or el&s;e tru&s;t to the good Faith of &s;ome Witne&s;s, and u&s;e the &s;ame manner at the making of their Wills. They content not them&s;elves to weep only for the Dead, but make hideous cries and lamentations, and cea&s;e not fu|riou&s;ly to agitate their Bodies here and there. They dre&s;s no Victuals, for &s;ome time, in the Hou&s;e of the decea&s;ed, but their Relations and Friends &s;up|ply them; wherefore at the u&s;ual times of Repa&s;t, you &s;hall &s;ee many Women enter with Baskets on their Heads full of Victuals, and the Men come &s;oon after for to comfort the Relations of the de|cea&s;ed, and to eat with them.</P>
<P>The&s;e People let their Beards grow, and &s;have their Heads, which is the rea&s;on that they never uncover them no more than the other Na|tions of the <HI>Levant.</HI> They highly re&s;pect their Prie&s;ts, and when they meet them they ki&s;s their hand, and the Prie&s;t gives them the Benediction, forming the &s;ign of the Cro&s;s, accompanied with certain words over them. If they have a Prie&s;t at their Table they make him drink fir&s;t; be&s;ides he
<PB N="47" REF="28">drinks al&s;o la&s;t, in reciting certain Ori&s;ons, and no body is &s;uffered to drink after him. If they mount on Hor&s;eback to go &s;ome Journey, they pre&s;ent them&s;elves civilly to a Prie&s;t, praying him to grant them the Benediction, and recite over 'em &s;ome Prayers before they &s;et forth on their Jour|ney. The u&s;e of Incen&s;e is very common among&s;t them, for they are not only &s;erved therewith in the Churches, but al&s;o at the beginning and end|ing of their Repa&s;ts, when they crave a ble&s;&s;ing upon their Victuals, and return God thanks for the &s;ame. If at any time a Per&s;on of Quality comes among&s;t them, or one of principal Degree in the Church, a Prie&s;t goes before to receive him with Incen&s;e.</P>
<P>The <HI>Maronite</HI> Women are civil and mode&s;t, their manner of Dre&s;s differs not much from the <HI>Italian,</HI> their Apparel de&s;cends to the ground, and covers their brea&s;ts and &s;houlders entirely; 'tis very plain, being but Cloth of white Cotton, or at be&s;t but of a violet or blue colour, and &s;ome|times a little wrought. They wear upon their Heads a kind of Linnen Veil, which covers all their hair both before and behind. If they meet by chance with a Man they know not, they &s;hun him, or cover their faces with their Veil. There are many of them, who like the <HI>Turki&s;h</HI> Women wear certain Bracelets upon their Arms and Legs, and others of the form of a Fillet at the Forehead, with &s;mall pieces of &s;ilver. They u&s;e not to curl their hair, nor to paint their faces, neither can you &s;ee any other the like vanity among&s;t them; which is &s;o much the more commendable in them, as the contrary is blame-worthy in our <HI>European</HI> Dames.</P>
<PB N="48" REF="29">
<P>When they come to Church, they place not them&s;elves among&s;t the Men, nor yet where they may &s;ee their faces, for all the Men &s;it at the upper part of the Church, and they &s;tay near to the door for to get fir&s;t out as &s;oon as Service is done, to the end they may not be &s;een of any. There is no Man &s;tirs from his place till they be all gone forth. The Country is altogether free from Debauched and Common Women, &s;o that you can hear there no manner of di&s;cour&s;e of Adulteries, or other the like Vices, which is a particular favour of God.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="12" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. XII. <HI>Of their Sciences and Books, and of their Money they pay to the</HI> Turks.</HEAD>
<P>THeir Prie&s;ts are as ignorant as the Common People, for they can but only read and write. Tho&s;e among&s;t them are e&s;teemed mo&s;t Learned, who be&s;ides the <HI>Arabick</HI> Language, which is the Mother-Tongue, have &s;ome knowledge in the <HI>Caldee,</HI> which is regarded by them as the <HI>Latin</HI> is by us. There is not above three or four, who being returned from <HI>Rome,</HI> that throughly under|&s;tand Philo&s;ophy and Theology, but we hope by the help of God, that there &s;hall be for the time to come a greater number of them, of whom there is great care taken to have them in&s;tructed in the College that has been founded for them at <HI>Rome,</HI> which is very nece&s;&s;ary for tho&s;e Parts. They have no convenience nor advantage of Print|ing
<PB N="49" REF="29">no more than in all the re&s;t of the <HI>Levant,</HI> which might have been of great u&s;e to publi&s;h and multiply their Books; however, I think it a great happine&s;s to this Nation, and al&s;o to all Chri&s;tia|nity, for that not having among&s;t them any know|ing Per&s;ons, the re&s;t of the <HI>Levant</HI> being filled with <HI>Jews, Turks, Armenians, Ne&s;torians, Jacobites, Dio&s;carians, Eutychians, Cophts, A|bi&s;&s;ins, Greeks, Georgians, Melhites,</HI> and other Sects, their wicked Books would multiply too fa&s;t by the help of Printing; and be&s;ides, their good Books would have been ea&s;ily corrupted, and &s;tuffed up with fal&s;ities and errors.</P>
<P>They write therefore their Books in Manu|&s;cripts, altho' that is not totally exempt from dan|ger, for that the Tran&s;cribers can add thereto, and change at their plea&s;ure; however, that re|quires pains and much time, and there being but a few Scribes in all tho&s;e Parts there is not much rea&s;on to fear it, and they may always ea&s;i|ly remedy it. They make u&s;e of certain Canes to write with, not knowing the u&s;e of Goo&s;e Quills, and other Birds. They do not read as we do, from the Left to the Right, but quite contrary, from the Right to the Left, after the manner of the <HI>Jews.</HI> They begin al&s;o their Books as they do, that is to &s;ay, where we end; yet they ob|&s;erve not altogether the manner of the <HI>Jews</HI> wri|ting, to wit, From Right to Left, but turning their Paper &s;ide-ways write a-cro&s;s.</P>
<P>One cannot imagine what va&s;t Sums the <HI>Chri|&s;tians</HI> of <HI>Mount L<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">banus</HI> pay to the <HI>Turks,</HI> be&s;ides the <HI>Carage,</HI> which is an ordinary Tribute; they make daily new <HI>A<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">ange,</HI> and continual Extor|tions. The <HI>Carage</HI> is great for every one pays &s;eparately for his Goods, Per&s;on, and his Reli|gion.
<PB N="50" REF="30">The &s;econd Tribute amounts to &s;eventeen Crowns a Head, as well for Children of 9 or 10 years of Age, as for Men. The fir&s;t is a Crown for every eight Foot of Land one po&s;&s;e&s;&s;eth. The <HI>Emir Elias,</HI> the Governor of the Country for the Sultan, &s;ends to gather the&s;e Tributes; and altho' the Grand Senior hath fixed the Sum he is to collect for all the Year, yet he cea&s;eth not to demand more. And the Receiver comes not hi|ther &s;imply to take the Air, if they do not pay forthwith, comes another Receiver, who aug|ments the Sum; the which they call the <HI>Carage,</HI> or <HI>Tribute of Solicitation,</HI> and the longer they re|tard the Payment, the more the Sum increa&s;eth. Wherefore it comes to pa&s;s, that if any one has not his Money ready, he is obliged to take it from the <HI>Turks</HI> upon very great Intere&s;t; and if he finds him&s;elf unwilling to accept of it upon the conditions, he is con&s;trained to &s;ell his Land forth|with for as much as he can get for it, in&s;omuch that it happens oftentimes, that one lo&s;eth a great Inheritance, or a Tenement of 4 or 5000 Crowns value, for a very &s;mall matter; nay, &s;ometimes for a Crown. The Dead pay their <HI>Garage</HI> as well as the Living, for as the Grand Seignior e&s;teems him&s;elf Ab&s;olute Ma&s;ter of the Country, and of all the E&s;tates of the Inhabitants, to whom he grants only the u&s;e of them, he believes, that in ca&s;e of Mortality, all their Po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ions ought to return to him, and by con&s;equence the right Heirs, or Te&s;tators, if they have a mind to enjoy them peaceably, ought to pay him a certain Sum pro|portionable to the E&s;tates they inherit. Some pay ten or a dozen Crowns, others forty or fifty; and it amounts &s;ometimes to an hundred or two of Crowns, or more. There is a Per&s;on who
<PB N="51" REF="30">rangeth the Country up and down continually, for to learn who are dead, to the end he may rai&s;e the Tribute. If any one has been lately Interred, he &s;oon perceives it, and cau&s;eth them al&s;o often|times to open Graves for to &s;ee if there be any newly dead.</P>
<P>Moreover, if any one has bu&s;ine&s;s nece&s;&s;ary to be treated about with the <HI>Emir,</HI> be it to demand a Favour, or Ju&s;tice, he concludes nothing but by the force of Money. No Per&s;on dur&s;t appear before this Judge without large Sums and Pre&s;ents, he that carries mo&s;t receives mo&s;t profit; and 'tis almo&s;t incredible how much Money he &s;queezeth from the&s;e poor People in a Year, nay every Day, &s;o in&s;upportable is the Tyranny of the <HI>Turks,</HI> and &s;o Mi&s;erable is the condition of them who live un|der their Dominion; the violence is too great, and I cannot believe it can be endured any long time, many of them are already withdrawn, and have abandoned their Lands an Hou&s;es, others depart daily, and go into other Countries, being no lon|ger able to endure the grand Impo&s;itions where|with they are &s;urcharged, they chu&s;e rather to live in the Poverty and Afflictions of a voluntary bani&s;hment, than to remain with their E&s;tates in their own Country, under &s;o in&s;upportable a Ty|ranny. Altho' the&s;e are withdrawn, the <HI>Emir</HI> pretends he will lo&s;e upon that con&s;ideration none of the ordinary Tribute; he is paid Yearly by the two Deacons, two thou&s;and Crowns for the&s;e abandoned E&s;tates, part of which they pay out of their own Pockets, and the re&s;t is paid by the People, to the end he &s;end not any <HI>Turks</HI> into tho&s;e Places for to po&s;&s;e&s;s them; but I &s;hall no longer detain the Reader with the relation of a thing &s;o &s;ad and deplorable.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="13" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="52" REF="31">
<HEAD>CHAP. XIII. <HI>Of their Eccle&s;ia&s;ticks and Religious.</HI></HEAD>
<P>WE mu&s;t now begin to &s;peak of the Belief and Religion of the&s;e People; and for your bet|ter under&s;tanding you mu&s;t know, they have, as all others, Laicks, Eccle&s;ia&s;ticks, and Religious; but as we have &s;ufficiently &s;poken already of the Laicks, we are now to &s;ay &s;omething of the Ec|cle&s;ia&s;ticks and Religious.</P>
<P>The Clergy have their Degrees, as well Sacred as not Sacred: This pretty Hierarchy, which hath been e&s;tabli&s;hed in the Church, is perfectly re|pre&s;ented in the Per&s;on of the Patriarch, who is &s;ubject to the Pope, and that of divers Bi&s;hops, and of a good number of Prie&s;ts, who are govern|ed by the Bi&s;hops. The Patriarch and the Bi&s;hops keep a perpetual Celibat, and there are none but the Monks that are admitted to this Dignity, for there are none but the&s;e that live unmarried. If they take any one that has broken this Order, they lock him up forthwith in a Mona&s;tery, and he eats no more Bread.</P>
<P>There are two &s;orts of Bi&s;hops among&s;t-them, one of which are but meer Abbots of Mona&s;teries, and have no care of Souls upon them; they have neither the Mark nor Epi&s;copal Habit, but are dre&s;s'd as other Monks are, and have only this Privilege, That they carry the Mitre and Cro&s;s in &s;inging of Ma&s;s. The other have under their Governments the greate&s;t Churches, and wear a Ve&s;t nethermo&s;t altogether, according to the
<PB N="53" REF="31">Mode of the Country, and over that a <HI>Spain,</HI> or Violet coloured Cloth, which de&s;cends down to the ground, with a very great blue Turbant. The Patriarch is clad in the &s;ame manner as the Bi&s;hops, and 'tis he alone that hath the particular Juri&s;dicti|on of all <HI>Mount Libanus,</HI> excepting &s;ome places too remote from him, where he placeth &s;ome Bi|&s;hop for that end; but as he cannot always in Per|&s;on vi&s;it &s;o great an extent of Land, which is very difficult, he keeps by him two or three Bi&s;hops, one of which applies him&s;elf particularly to the Admini&s;tration of <HI>Cannubin,</HI> where the Patriarch re&s;ideth, and to collect the Taxes and Revenues of the Country, which amount to three or four thou&s;and Crowns. He &s;ends the other here and there into different Places, for to vi&s;it the Church|es, and &s;upply their Nece&s;&s;ities. There are moreover three other Bi&s;hops without the&s;e Moun|tains, which have al&s;o their Juri&s;diction apart, but yet with a dependance upon the &s;ame Patriarch; one of which re&s;ides at <HI>Damas,</HI> the other at <HI>Alep|po,</HI> and the third in the I&s;le of <HI>Cyprus,</HI> every one has the care of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> which have a depen|dance on him.</P>
<P>The other Prie&s;ts, and with much more rea&s;on the Deacons and Sub-deacons, can at lea&s;twi&s;e, if they be not Mon<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="2 letters">, marry before they receive ho|ly Orders, which they are the rather con|&s;trained to do, becau&s;e the People look not favou|rably upon them if they be not married, e&s;pe|cially &s;uch as are young; and the Bi&s;hops do with great difficulty admit them into Orders, if they confine not them&s;elves into the Mona&s;teries, or not marry. The Deacons, Sub-deacons, and the other inferior Clerks, have no other habit but &s;uch as the Laicks wear. The Prie&s;ts are not di&s;tin|gui&s;hed
<PB N="54" REF="32">but by a blue Turbant, which they wear a little le&s;s than that of the Bi&s;hops; and as to the re&s;t, they do no ways differ from others.</P>
<P>The Religious have none of that di&s;tinction of Order and Profe&s;&s;ion that is u&s;ed el&s;ewhere, they are all alike: I am per&s;waded that the&s;e Monks are the remnants of tho&s;e ancient Hermites which lived &s;eparate from Mankind, and dwelled in great numbers in the De&s;arts of <HI>Syria</HI> and <HI>Valestine;</HI> there are excellent Authors that have treated of them, and I believe I have my &s;elf good proofs for to &s;upport that Opinion.</P>
<P>The fir&s;t are the Places of their Abode, for their Re&s;idence is not in delicious Plains, or on plea&s;ant little Hills accommodated with agreeable Pro&s;pects, nor in well-peopled Cities and Places, frequented by Men, but they are retired to the mo&s;t ab&s;tru&s;e Parts of the&s;e Mountains, &s;eparated from all Commerce, and living under great Rocks, &s;o that they &s;eem to dwell in Grots and Caverns, fit rather for wild Bea&s;ts than Habitations for Men.</P>
<P>Their poor and ordinary Apparel &s;erves for a &s;econd Proof: They wear but a pitiful, unvaluable, ill-&s;haped Coat, wherein they wrap them&s;elves, with a black Cowl upon their heads; and this Ve&s;tment de&s;cends only from the &s;houlders to the girdle, without any thing to cover their &s;houlders withal; neither is there any other Habit cut ac|cording to the fa&s;hion of the&s;e, that are u&s;ed among&s;t all the Community of their Religious.</P>
<P>Their manner of Living furni&s;heth us with a third Proof: They live only upon that which the Earth it &s;elf produceth, and never eat any Fle&s;h, tho' they be &s;ick and in danger of death. As for Wine they very rarely drink any. They have no
<PB N="55" REF="32">particular Rules, nor written Con&s;titutions, for to be ob&s;erved by every one, as may be &s;een in all other Religious Hou&s;es, who are e&s;tabli&s;hed to live in Community. They make no expre&s;s Pro|fe&s;&s;ion of the three Vows of Religion; to wit, Poverty, Cha&s;tity, and Obedience; but when they are received into the Mona&s;tery where they make Profe&s;&s;ion, one holds a Book in his Hand, and reads only &s;omething that belongs to them, adverti&s;ing them, That they ought to live in Con|tinence, and adds many the like things. The&s;e Adverti&s;ements are &s;ufficient to make them keep a perfect Cha&s;tity: You &s;hall never hear any &s;ca<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">|dalous or ill report of them, altho' they cont<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="2 letters">u|ally go alone up and down, and &s;tay oftentimes many days tog<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">ther out of their Mona&s;tery. They have Goods and Money of their own, and can di&s;po&s;e thereof at their death. If they have no longer a Mind to &s;tay in the Mona&s;tery, they go into another, without the leave of their Su|periours.</P>
<P>In the fourth place, They are never permitted to Exerci&s;e any Eccle&s;ia&s;tical Function; they have no Spiritual Exerci&s;e in common for the good of their Neighbour, and have no Power either to Preach or Confe&s;s, &s;o that they are only for them|&s;elves.</P>
<P>In the fifth place, They give to their Superiours and Chiefs the Name of Abbot, as the Hermits did of Old.</P>
<P>Finally, I &s;hall take for the &s;ixth and la&s;t Proof, the name they bear of the Monks of St. <HI>Anthor<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">y;</HI> and 'tis this that ought to make &s;ome impre&s;&s;ions upon the &s;pirits of tho&s;e who would &s;earch out the cau&s;e why the&s;e Religious are &s;o called.</P>
<PB N="56" REF="33">
<P>Has this good Man ever founded any Religious Hou&s;e for to live in Community? Did he not live a Solitary and Hermitical Life, in the De&s;arts of <HI>Aegypt,</HI> exerci&s;ing the Function of Abbot, in re|gard to tho&s;e that lead the &s;ame Life of him&s;elf? There is therefore rea&s;on to believe, that this was the true Original of the Monks, which are at this day in <HI>Mount Libanus,</HI> and which are called the Monks of St. <HI>Anthony.</HI> Many have imagined that they were reduced to that poverty they live in, through the continual Oppre&s;&s;ion of the <HI>Turks,</HI> who obliged them to Labour and Cultivate the Earth, but I do not doubt but that was the end of their Con&s;titution, for &s;o much as the holy Hermits and Servants of God, for to &s;hun Idle|ne&s;s, and gain their Living by the Indu&s;try of their own hands, accu&s;tomed them&s;elves to La|bour for a good part of the day; the&s;e &s;ame had many Per&s;ons under them, whom they employed to the harde&s;t Labours, and they contented them|&s;elves to carry on the &s;ame, and render it le&s;s pain|ful. As to their Ho&s;pitality, the u&s;e whereof, perhaps, they have pre&s;erved &s;ince their Founda|tion; they highly exerci&s;e it, e&s;pecially in the Mona&s;tery of <HI>Cannubin,</HI> where there is kept an open Table for all the Year round, admittance be|ing never forbid, not only to the <HI>Maronites,</HI> and other <HI>Chri&s;tians,</HI> but al&s;o to the <HI>Turks,</HI> and all Comers, who are welcome to eat what they plea&s;e, which is the cau&s;e of va&s;t expence unto them; for as 'tis the ordinary Re&s;idence of the Patriarch, 'tis incredible what multitudes are drawn thither daily, either through Nece&s;&s;ity, Curio&s;ity, Bu|&s;ine&s;s, or &s;ome other Matter.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="14" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="57" REF="33">
<HEAD>CHAP. XIV. <HI>Of the Errors that have been impo&s;ed upon them.</HI></HEAD>
<P>I Di&s;covered, with much evidence, the Abu&s;es whereof I am about to &s;peak, and &s;ome others of the &s;ame nature; which made me open my eyes, and apply my &s;elf with all Indu&s;try to eve|ry thing that might regard their Belief, not only becau&s;e the&s;e matters were of very great impor|tance, being the foundation of all Religion, but al&s;o becau&s;e I had learn'd, that &s;ome years pa&s;t, they had been attributed unto them among&s;t other Errors.</P>
<P N="1">1. That there was in Je&s;us Chri&s;t but one Na|ture, to wit, The Divine.</P>
<P N="2">2. That the Holy Gho&s;t proceeded only from the Father.</P>
<P N="3">3. That all the Trinity was Incarnated, died on the Cro&s;s, and ro&s;e again. And tho&s;e that at|tributed the&s;e errors unto them, &s;aid, That that was the rea&s;on why they added to the Tri&s;agion, which is Sung by the Angels, <HI>Qui natus es pro no|bis, qui Crucifixus es pro nobis, qui &s;urrexi&s;ti, &amp; a&s;cendisti in coelum pro nobis mi&s;erere nobis;</HI> as if they retained the ancient Errors condemned in the fifth Council of <HI>Con&s;tantinople.</HI></P>
<P N="4">4. That an Husband might put away his Wife, and take another, if &s;he committed Adultery, or far other rea&s;ons.</P>
<PB N="58" REF="34">
<P N="5">5. That there is no Original Sin.</P>
<P N="6">6. That the Souls that departed from their Bo|dies &s;aw not Heaven for to be there rewarded, nor Hell for to be there puni&s;hed, but that they at|tended for that till the Univer&s;al Judgment: And that in the mean time, they remained in a place where there was neither grief nor joy.</P>
<P N="7">7. That 'tis Lawful to deny ones Belief out|wardly, and al&s;o by Words, provided it be trea|&s;ured up in the heart.</P>
<P N="8">8. That the Sacrament of Confirmation was not di&s;tinct from Bapti&s;m.</P>
<P N="9">9. That they gave the Euchari&s;t to young Children.</P>
<P>Altho' I u&s;ed all my own Indu&s;try to be inform|ed of the&s;e Errors, and imploy'd others for that purpo&s;e, yet I could never di&s;cover but two of them, to wit, The repudiation of their Wifes, and the Communion which they gave to Children. I am very well &s;atisfy'd, that the fir&s;t is not an error whereof the whole Nation ought to be ac|cu&s;ed, as if it approved of this Divorcement, but an accident that happened two or three times, which had been fomented through the violence and tyranny of the <HI>Turks,</HI> who favoured the de&s;igns of &s;ome Profligates, who had put away their Wifes for to marry others of whom they were enamoured. Tho&s;e &s;ort of People being not able to obtain the con&s;ent of the Patriarch for to marry them, had recour&s;e to the <HI>Emir,</HI> who gave them, for their Money, permi&s;&s;ion to do it, giving them his Letters to the Patriarch for to excu&s;e them, who di&s;&s;embled his re&s;entments thereof upon ju&s;t con&s;iderations. 'Tis certain, that the like ca&s;e happening at the time of my being there, the Pa|triarch
<PB N="59" REF="34">would no ways con&s;ent thereto, but not being able to remedy it, he was obliged to pa&s;s it by. In regard to the &s;econd Error, 'tis common to all, neither can it be e&s;teemed for an Error nor Here&s;ie, &s;ince the Church hath heretofore practi|&s;ed the &s;ame thing for a long time. As for the other Errors, I under&s;tood very well that they had been fal&s;ly charged with them; however, having read in one of their Books, I know not what concerning one Will and one Operation in Je&s;us Chri&s;t, and &s;ome other impure things, I re&s;olved to put all the&s;e Articles &s;eparately into writing, and to propo&s;e each in particular to the Synod, when it &s;hould be a&s;&s;em|bled, before it came to the reformation of Abu&s;es.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="15" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. XV. <HI>Of the a&s;&s;embling of a Synod, and of the Profe&s;&s;ion of Faith that was made there.</HI></HEAD>
<P>AFter I had informed my &s;elf of all things as well as po&s;&s;ibly I could, I applied all my cares to give notice forthwith of the Synod, for which I had &s;uch a de&s;ire, to the Bi&s;hops, two Deacons, and to the mo&s;t under&s;tanding Clergy. They a&s;&s;embled the 28th of <HI>December,</HI> which is the 18th according to the &s;upputation of the <HI>Maro|nites,</HI> who have not received the reformation of the Calendar of <HI>Gregory</HI> XIII. The Patriarch then, and tho&s;e which were &s;ummoned, finding them&s;elves together, read publickly the Pope's Brief, which contained my Mi&s;&s;ion, and the Au|thority
<PB N="60" REF="35">I had from his Holine&s;s; and as every one remained &s;ilent, I expo&s;ed unto them at large, the Rea&s;ons that had moved me to convocate this A&s;|&s;embly. I repre&s;ented unto them the importance of it, entertained them at the &s;ame time with the great care and affection his Holine&s;s had towards them; then I &s;poke a few words to the Bi&s;hops in particular, touching their Duty, and the Charge they had of the Church.</P>
<P>I divided the Matters to be treated of into three Heads; the fir&s;t whereof regarded to their Be|lief; the &s;econd to the young <HI>Maronites</HI> that were to be &s;ent from that Country to <HI>Rome;</HI> and thirdly, To tho&s;e that would be &s;ent back again from <HI>Rome</HI> unto them. As I was ready to open the Synod, with the Matters that regarded the Belief and Conformity of their Religion to the Church of <HI>Rome,</HI> I was interrupted by the Pa|triarch, who te&s;tified his having received much di&s;plea&s;ure about a Synod that had been held &s;ome years ago from <HI>Rome,</HI> prote&s;ting that neither he, nor his Predece&s;&s;or, had done, nor approved of what was tran&s;acted; whereupon he dete&s;ted, and anathamiz'd, the Errors which had been impo&s;ed upon them and the Nation. He anathamiz'd all tho&s;e that held them, or had ever held them, a&s;|&s;uring us, That he had always followed, and would &s;till for the future, the Church of <HI>Rome;</HI> to which words the prime Deacon being tran&s;port|ed with zeal, added the&s;e, <HI>Yes, we will follow, and never &s;eparate in any part from it, whatever mi&s;ery may befall us.</HI> Indeed, I conceived much joy to &s;ee that the beginning was accompanied with &s;o firm a re&s;olution, and &s;uch great &s;tedfa&s;tne&s;s of &s;pirit, &s;o that it incouraged me in &s;uch a manner, that I believed I had no further &s;earch to make,
<PB N="61" REF="35">for to render me certain of my Enquiries. How|ever, for to be more a&s;&s;ured, and al&s;o to ju&s;tifie them, I applied my &s;elf to examine all the Errors, one after another, and that every one in particu|lar &s;hould declare his Belief; all, with one con|&s;ent agreed, without any di&s;pute or controver&s;ie, and made Profe&s;&s;ion together of the following Articles.</P>
<P N="1">I. That there is in <HI>Je&s;us Chri&s;t</HI> but one Per&s;on which is Divine, with two Natures, two Wills, two Operations; one of which is Divine, the other Humane. It was a great comfort to me, to &s;ee in all their Books very ample te&s;timonies of this truth; I found al&s;o particular Works compo|&s;ed upon this &s;ubject, which was well handled, and filled with a great number of Authorities drawn from the Old and New Te&s;tament, as well as from the <HI>Latin</HI> an<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter"> <HI>Greek</HI> Fathers.</P>
<P N="2">II. That the <HI>Holy Gho&s;t</HI> proceeded from the Fa|ther and Son, as from the only Principle; that which is read not only by them in divers places of their Books, but al&s;o &s;uch as is rehear&s;ed by them in the Creed, <HI>Qui e&s;t, patre &amp; filio procedit.</HI></P>
<P N="3">III. That the Son alone was Incarnated, and not the whole Trinity; as al&s;o who was born, di|ed, who ro&s;e again, and who a&s;cended into Hea|ven; and for that rea&s;on they took the word <HI>Tri&s;agion</HI> two manner of ways, applying it &s;ome|times to the whole Trinity, &s;ometimes to the &s;e|cond Per&s;on only; but when they took it for the fir&s;t, they added it not at all, but when for the &s;econd, they added it by coherence to the Incar|nation, Birth, Death, and other the like things, which truly agreed with Je&s;us Chri&s;t.</P>
<PB N="62" REF="36">
<P N="4">IV. That it might be judged by their Actions, that they acknowledged a place of Purgatory, and Original Sin; that the fir&s;t was &s;ufficiently &s;et forth by their Alms and Prayers.</P>
<P N="5">V. That the &s;econd proved it &s;elf plainly by the Bapti&s;m they gave to little Infants, to the end that being wa&s;hed and clean&s;ed of their &s;ins, they might obtain eternal Life, altho' they had committed no Actual Sin that required their being wa&s;hed and clean&s;ed by that Sacrament, knowing that St. <HI>Au|gu&s;tin</HI> made often u&s;e of that argument, to prove that &s;ame truth again&s;t the <HI>Pelagians</HI> of his time.</P>
<P N="6">VI. That Souls, generally &s;peaking, when they depart from the Body, go &s;traight to Heaven for to enjoy Ble&s;&s;edne&s;s, or to Hell, for to be there eternally puni&s;hed, or for a time to Purgatory.</P>
<P N="7">VII. That 'tis never Lawful for to deny ones Faith in words, as Je&s;us Chri&s;t him&s;elf manife&s;tly declared; <HI>He that denies me before men, him will I al&s;o deny before my father which is in heaven.</HI></P>
<P N="8">VIII. Finally, That in Marriage they permit|ted &s;ometimes a Separation of Living, but that nothing but Death was able to di&s;&s;olve the Bond of Matrimony, in &s;uch a manner as that it was lawful for the Husband to E&s;pou&s;e ano|ther, conformable to tho&s;e words of Je&s;us Chri&s;t, which are &s;o expre&s;s; <HI>Who&s;oever puts away his Wife, and marries another, commits Adultery.</HI></P>
<P>I failed not to object, and lay before them, tho&s;e Books wherein I found &s;ome Errors: They made an&s;wer, That they were not their true Books, but that they had been maliciou&s;ly con|trived by the <HI>Jacobins,</HI> and di&s;per&s;ed among&s;t their Nation; that as to the re&s;t, their Books were very different, and that the Pope had re|ceived
<PB N="63" REF="36">fal&s;e information of them; which &s;a|tisfied me &s;o much the more, becau&s;e in their Actions I di&s;covered that it was &s;o in effect. I &s;aw in their Books, which they acknowledged for true, nothing but what was Catholick; and as others have not made that di&s;tinction with exactne&s;s enough, one ought not to be a&s;toni&s;hed if they returned to <HI>Rome</HI> with &s;uch contrary Informations: Wherefore having re|ceived, by what is here demon&s;trated, and by many other Enquiries and Circum&s;tances tran&s;|acted in this Synod, plenary &s;atisfaction of the firmne&s;s of their Belief, we made &s;everal Canons for to reform the Abu&s;es among&s;t them, and to confirm the Profe&s;&s;ion they made here of their Faith, and added what other things we thought nece&s;&s;ary for to oblige them to a firm con&s;tancy therein.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="16" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="64" REF="37">
<HEAD>CHAP. XVI. <HI>Of the</HI> Maronites <HI>that were to be &s;ent to</HI> Rome; <HI>and of tho&s;e that &s;hould return from thence into their own Country.</HI></HEAD>
<P>I Had yet &s;aid nothing of two Points, that be|belong'd to my Commi&s;&s;ion; the fir&s;t had re|gard to the young <HI>Maronites,</HI> that they &s;hould be &s;ent to the College at <HI>Rome,</HI> to be in&s;tructed there: and the &s;econd, to tho&s;e who had fini&s;h'd their Studies there, and &s;hould be &s;ent back to them, for to labour, and a&s;&s;i&s;t their Brethren in all Spiritual Concerns. As to the fir&s;t, we encoun|ter'd no Difficulty in it; for &s;o &s;oon as we de|clar'd our De&s;ires, it was unanimou&s;ly con&s;ented to. See what was propos'd; That all tho&s;e that &s;hould be &s;ent to <HI>Rome</HI> &s;hould not be dull and &s;tu|pid, and that they &s;hould at lea&s;t be able to read and write, and have &s;ome knowledge in the Rudi|ments of Grammar, to the end that they might be &s;ooner &s;erviceable to their Country; wherefore it was nece&s;&s;ary they &s;hould &s;end them of the age of fourteen, that they &s;hould not put them on the way to <HI>Rome</HI> before that they had given informa|tion hereof a Year before; that tho&s;e whom they &s;hould chu&s;e in one or many Places, according to the conveniency they found, &s;hould be accompa|nied in their Voyage with prudent and faithful Per&s;ons; that they &s;hould not go a&s;hore in the I&s;le of <HI>Cyprus,</HI> but pa&s;s directly for <HI>Venice,</HI> from whence they might come to <HI>Rome.</HI></P>
<PB N="65" REF="37">
<P>As to the &s;econd Article, we imploy'd much more time and words; the Difficulties proceeded as well from the Poverty of the Churches, which had no Revenues to entertain the Prie&s;ts, as from the Oppre&s;&s;ion of the <HI>Turks;</HI> wherefore I fir&s;t conferr'd in particular, then publickly with the two Deacons: I propos'd unto them, that in re&s;pect of tho&s;e who were already come from the Col|lege at <HI>Rome,</HI> or who &s;hould return for the fu|ture for the cure of Souls, that they &s;hould be &s;upplied from the Temporalities, and be&s;ides, that they &s;hould be exempt from the Tribute which every one pays for his Head to the Grand Seignior. They return'd me a very civil and Chri&s;tian An|&s;wer, and promis'd to do what I propos'd unto them, and at the &s;ame time entreated me, that I would obtain from his Holine&s;s a &s;mall Pen&s;ion for the &s;ub&s;i&s;tence of the&s;e Labourers: I a&s;&s;ur'd them I would u&s;e my endeavour, and with &s;o much the more confidence to &s;ucceed, for that having fore|&s;een their demand, I had already entertaind his Holine&s;s therewith, who had in a manner given me his Word for it.</P>
<P>I made known unto them, on the part of the Pope, what Di&s;plea&s;ure he had conceiv'd, to &s;ee at this pre&s;ent time among&s;t them a &s;mall number of excellent Labourers, recommendable for their Do|ctrine and Piety, unimploy'd: I then propos'd Im|ployments for them, and for &s;uch as for the future &s;hould return from <HI>Rome;</HI> in the mean time, as it was nece&s;&s;ary they &s;hould be provided with good and faithful Pa&s;tors, which &s;hould have a perfect knowledge of the Church of <HI>Rome,</HI> with which they were willing to keep an Union, I added, that the&s;e Per&s;ons might very u&s;efully be imploy'd there, in making the mo&s;t capable of them Bi&s;hops,
<PB N="66" REF="38">who &s;hould govern the People; which was &s;o much the more nece&s;&s;ary, &s;eeing they had then three or four Bi&s;hopricks vacant, to the great prejudice of Souls; and that of others they might make Prie&s;ts, Curates, and Preachers. They had already im|ploy'd &s;ome of them to catechize Children and the Ignorant, to read Le&s;&s;ons of Ca&s;es of Con&s;cience to the Prie&s;ts, to correct their &s;u&s;pected and he|retical Books, and to compo&s;e others which &s;hould be proper and nece&s;&s;ary for the Nation. They might al&s;o keep &s;ome of 'em near the Patriarch and Bi&s;hops, for to &s;atisfie any Difficulties they might rencounter, to accompany them in their Vi|&s;its, and al&s;o to vi&s;it &s;ome Churches, or for to go &s;ometimes one way, &s;ometimes another, according to the occa&s;ions th<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="2 letters"> had for them. Not to &s;peak of other Nece&s;&s;ities that might daily occurr, I let them under&s;tand, that they ought to have recour&s;e to Prayer, for to render God Thanks for &s;ending of &s;uch Labourers among&s;t them, endow'd with the nece&s;&s;ary Qualifications.</P>
<P>My Di&s;cour&s;e was &s;o evident, that they all an|&s;wer'd with one accord, that <HI>it &s;hould be done for the future;</HI> the Patriarchs promis'd it very freely: And as there was now no matter of importance undone, and that it was to be fear'd, le&s;t they ren|der'd them&s;elves &s;u&s;picious to the <HI>Turks</HI> if the Sy|nod la&s;ted any longer, particularly becau&s;e of a great concour&s;e of People that flock'd thither daily, among&s;t whom were al&s;o found <HI>Turks,</HI> the A&s;&s;embly was di&s;mis'd, and every one had the li|berty to retire to his own Habitation.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="17" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="67" REF="38">
<HEAD>CHAP. XVII. <HI>Of the Death of the Patriarch, and of the Election of another.</HI></HEAD>
<P>AS &s;oon as the Synod was di&s;&s;olv'd, and the Af|fairs that I treated with the Patriarch were terminated, I took my Leave of him, &s;eeing no|thing that might hinder and &s;top my return to <HI>Italy;</HI> my de&s;ign neverthele&s;s was not to go thi|ther &s;peedily, but fir&s;t to vi&s;it &s;ome of the prin|cipal Mona&s;teries, and give the Bi&s;hops &s;ome &s;a|tisfaction, who liv'd there, and entreated my com|pany. I had re&s;olv'd to go from thence as far as <HI>Damas,</HI> for to &s;ee the Bi&s;hops and <HI>Maronites</HI> of tho&s;e parts, for I judg'd it very dangerous to go to <HI>Aleppo.</HI> From <HI>Damas</HI> I was to return to <HI>Can|nubin,</HI> to &s;ee in what manner they ob&s;erv'd the Or|ders that had been made, and to part from thence for <HI>Jeru&s;alem,</HI> before my return to <HI>Rome.</HI> I went therefore directly with my Companion and &s;ome others to the Mona&s;teries of <HI>Ch&s;aia</HI> and <HI>St. An|thony;</HI> the&s;e two Mona&s;teries are &s;o near one to another, that they &s;eem almo&s;t to be in the &s;ame place: there was in one of them two Nephews of the Patriarch, one of whom was Archbi&s;hop and Abbot of the Mona&s;tery, and Suffragan to the &s;ame Patriarch: in the other he had <HI>three Brothers,</HI> which were all three Archbi&s;hops. We went from thence to <HI>Eden,</HI> which is the mo&s;t con&s;iderable place of the&s;e Mountains; we were receiv'd there very honourably, and with great demon&s;trations of Joy.</P>
<PB N="68" REF="39">
<P>From <HI>Eden</HI> we went to the Mona&s;tery of St. <HI>Ser|gius,</HI> which is not above a mile di&s;tant from thence. We were always accompanied with the better &s;ort of People, who walked on foot before our Mules, and out of the re&s;pect they bore to the Pope, and in honour to us, they would &s;ing certain Songs and Spiritual Airs, which they u&s;ually &s;ung as they marched before the Patriarch and other per|&s;ons of Quality. Being arrived at the Mona&s;tery, we went to &s;alute the Abbot, who was an Arch|bi&s;hop, exceeding aged: We were no &s;ooner en|ter'd into the Church, but there came a man with all &s;peed, being &s;ent on purpo&s;e from <HI>Cannubin,</HI> that brought us the News, that the Patriarch lay a dying, and if I were minded to &s;ee him alive, I &s;hould lo&s;e no time: wherefore, without any fur|ther delay, we took our leave of this good old man, and returned with all &s;peed to <HI>Cannubin,</HI> but it was impo&s;&s;ible for us to arrive there till two hours after his death: it was on the fifth of <HI>October,</HI> according to our Calendar, and on the twenty-fifth of <HI>September,</HI> by their &s;upputation, we found him in the Church, &s;itting in a Chair, clad in his &s;acred Habits, having the Mitre on his Head, and Patriarchal Cro&s;s in his Hand: there were abundance of his Relations, both Men and Women about him, who wept and beat their Brea&s;ts, making hideous Cries all night. Next day came a multitude of People thither, and among the re&s;t a great number of Prie&s;ts, who a&s;&s;embled for to interr him. The two Deacons render'd them|&s;elves there likewi&s;e. They carried him at Noon to the u&s;ual Burying-place of the Patriarchs, which was not above a Mu&s;quet-&s;hot from thence, and then laid him in that Grott, fitting in a Wooden Chair, according to their cu&s;tom.</P>
<PB N="69" REF="39">
<P>The Election of the Patriarch that ought to &s;ucceed and govern all the Nation in Spiritual matters, was to be done by the people, and there is a time appointed for that, which is the Nine|teenth day after the death of the other; the Chiefs of that A&s;&s;embly were very urgent with me to &s;tay and a&s;&s;i&s;t at that Election, a&s;&s;uring me they would chu&s;e that per&s;on I &s;hould name; but I thought it more convenient to withdraw, and leave the Ele|ction entirely free to them&s;elves. I confe&s;s indeed I had regard to the Complaints that were made of the former Patriarchs, for having render'd that Dignity as hereditary in their Family: as they had already two Brethren that had been Patriarchs, the matter was reduced to &s;uch a point, that the Arch|bi&s;hop and Abbot of <HI>Ch&s;aia</HI> mu&s;t infallibly &s;ucceed his Uncle, becau&s;e of the great places he enjoy'd, and al&s;o of the &s;piritual relation he had to him; who had added to the Family of the Patriarch all the Nobles and Per&s;ons of Quality of that Coun|try, by holding of their Children to Bapti&s;m: Moreover the Archbi&s;hoprick and Abbey of <HI>Ch&s;aia</HI> mu&s;t have been given to his Brother, who would al&s;o be Patriarch in his turn, and then the Nephews would tread in the &s;ame Steps. I failed not there|fore that day to entertain the Deacon <HI>Jo&s;eph Cater</HI> herewith, who was a prudent and under&s;tanding man, as I confer'd with him about &s;ome other mat|ters. He had indeed nothing to object again&s;t the Per&s;on of that Abbot, &s;aving that having alwaies been confined to a Mona&s;tery, where he had lead an hermetical life, it was plain he had but little Experience, e&s;pecially in things belonging to a Pa&s;tor. I departed the day following for <HI>Tripoli,</HI> with a de&s;ign to &s;tay there during the Election of a
<PB N="70" REF="40">new Patriarch, and to return again as &s;oon as I &s;hould hear of his being elected.</P>
<P>The People flock'd thither from all parts far and near, in&s;omuch that they amounted to above the number of Two thou&s;and on the day of the Election, to wit, the 13th of <HI>October,</HI> according to our Calendar: The Archbi&s;hop <HI>Jo&s;eph Ri&s;i,</HI> of whom we have already &s;poken, was cho&s;en by the plurality of Voices; he elected for his Suffragan, and for to vi&s;it all the Churches in that Country, <HI>Mo&s;es Ani&s;io,</HI> who was already of the Order of Prie&s;thood, and who was recommended unto him by &s;ome Per&s;ons of Quality; he con&s;ecrated him Archbi&s;hop, and took for his Archprie&s;t, to the end he might take care of the Land of <HI>E&s;dron,</HI> his Country, <HI>John Bareck,</HI> who had been educated at the College in <HI>Rome,</HI> and whom the preceding Patriarch had made Prie&s;t, according to the right of the Nation. The new Patriarch gave me notice of the Election, and de&s;ir'd me to re|turn, and &s;ent Men and Mules for to conduct me. I agreed with his Reque&s;t, and went with &s;peed: He te&s;tified at the &s;ight of me, that he was exceeding joyful for my return. I treated with him about no particular affairs, but was much &s;atisfied to hear him declare in generous terms the Goodwill he had for to acquit his Charge with Fidelity, and the great Care he would take of the Souls under his Conduct. I exhorted him to continue and put in execution &s;uch laudable De&s;igns, and &s;o took my leave of him, in order to fini&s;h the Re&s;olutions I had form'd to go to <HI>Jeru|&s;alem.</HI></P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="18" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="71" REF="40">
<HEAD>CHAP. XVIII. <HI>My return from</HI> Jeru&s;alem <HI>to</HI> Tripoly, <HI>and thence to</HI> Alexandretta; <HI>with an account of</HI> Alexandretta.</HEAD>
<P>AFter I had &s;atisfied the Intentions of his Holi|ne&s;s, and had &s;een in Per&s;on the Holy Places of the Birth, Life, Death, and Re&s;urrection of of our Lord, I returned to <HI>Tripoly,</HI> in order to be Tran&s;ported for <HI>Italy;</HI> my return was very in|commodious becau&s;e of the Sea&s;on, and of my be|ing Embarked in the Month of <HI>December,</HI> in a &s;mall Ship which let in Water on all &s;ides, &s;o that there was a Man always employed to Pump it out. This traver&s;e is at lea&s;t 200 Miles, but, thanks be to God, we arrived &s;afely at <HI>Tripoly</HI> before <HI>Chri&s;tmas,</HI> for our Con&s;olation, and that of &s;ome Chri&s;tian Merchants who lived there, and who wanted extreamly &s;ome Spiritual Succour for the Duties of that day.</P>
<P>After we had &s;pent that Fea&s;t as devoutly as we could, we had a conveniency to go for <HI>Italy</HI> and for <HI>Rome.</HI> There was in the Port of <HI>Tripoly</HI> three French Barks, one of which was bound for <HI>Malta,</HI> and another for <HI>Sicily,</HI> whence it would have been ea&s;ie for us to go to <HI>Naples,</HI> and from thence to <HI>Rome;</HI> the de&s;ire we had to &s;ee the&s;e I&s;lands, enticed us extreamly to embark in one of the&s;e two Ve&s;&s;els, but by good fortune we could not agree with the Ma&s;ters. I &s;ay by good fortune, for that when we had arrived afterwards
<PB N="72" REF="41">at <HI>I&s;tria,</HI> we under&s;tood that one of their Barks had been Ca&s;t-away, and the other made a Prize by the <HI>Engli&s;h;</HI> and thus we had been either lo&s;t in the Sea, or carried Pri&s;oners into <HI>England,</HI> but God pre&s;erved us from both. We re&s;olved there|fore to return to <HI>Venice,</HI> and under&s;tanding that the Ship, wherein we had pa&s;&s;ed the Year before, was &s;till at <HI>Alexandretta,</HI> from whence it would part on the fir&s;t fair weather, we were exceeding glad of it, becau&s;e it was a great and &s;afe Ve&s;&s;el; the only difficulty was to come at it, which we &s;urmounted by the conveniency of the third French Bark, whereof we have &s;poken, which tho' but &s;mall, was good, and well rigged, having al&s;o an able Pilot. We then changed our Pilgrims Ha|bit, and clad us like Merchants, having a furred Ve&s;t on as they wear them in the <HI>Levant,</HI> and a toque on our heads, at the top of which was a Band of &s;triped Cloth, which repre&s;ented the form of a Turbant, according to the Turki&s;h man|ner. Having imbarked on this Ve&s;&s;el, with Pro|vi&s;ions, and nece&s;&s;ary Refre&s;hments, we &s;ailed on the third of <HI>January</HI> about Midnight; the wea|ther was very fair, but it changed &s;uddenly, and we were furiou&s;ly to&s;s'd with the Waters for three days and three nights together. But finally, ap|proaching near <HI>Alexandretta,</HI> with the help of God, through the Gulph of <HI>Ghiaccia,</HI> we met with our Ship on the 12th of the &s;ame month, three hours before Sun-&s;etting; we found no great difficulty to agree for our pa&s;&s;age with the Ma&s;ter, who knew us.</P>
<P><HI>Alexandretta,</HI> which is al&s;o called <HI>Scandaroon,</HI> is a very little place, wherein there is not above twenty or thirty Hou&s;es, which &s;erve for &s;helter to &s;ome Merchants who come to that Port, or ra|ther
<PB N="73" REF="41">thither to Traffick to <HI>Aleppo,</HI> which is not far off. The Hou&s;es are built of Wood, and thatched with Straw, for there live none there but a few Merchants, who are intirely employ'd to Trade, and voluntarily &s;uffer all &s;orts of hard|&s;hips, through a de&s;ire they have to gain wealth. We &s;aw there Oxen and Bufflers carry burdens upon their backs as Mules and Hor&s;es do in <HI>Italy.</HI> There are Camels that continually carry Merchan|dize to and from <HI>Aleppo;</HI> and that which &s;urpri|zed me mo&s;t, was to &s;ee the&s;e Animals go to the Sea-&s;ide for to drink the &s;alt water, as we &s;ee other Bea&s;ts drink fre&s;h They &s;ay this was an|ciently the Country of the <HI>Amazones.</HI> We found there two Religious <HI>Franci&s;cans,</HI> who lived in great poverty, for they had no other Habitation &s;ave a little Church built of Wood, which was filled with Water when it rained, where there was a Plank for the&s;e wretches to eat their Victuals upon, who lay upon the Boards, without any other conveniency. As we were forced to &s;tay there many days, we conver&s;ed much with them.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="19" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="74" REF="42">
<HEAD>CHAP. XIX. <HI>Of what happened to us in</HI> Cyprus.</HEAD>
<P>AFter we had &s;tay'd with much inconveniency in that place till the 26th of <HI>March,</HI> our Ship hoi&s;ted Sail at Midnight, and having made all things ready, we &s;teered our cour&s;e for <HI>Cyprus;</HI> we &s;ucce&s;sfully approached <HI>Salines</HI> on the 29th of the &s;ame Month. Having &s;lept all night in the Ship, we went a&s;hoar next day very eaily, and went to the Mona&s;tery of the Religious at <HI>Arnique,</HI> where we had already been received the preceding year with much charity: The&s;e good Religious redou|bled their kindne&s;s in that place, where an acci|dent befel us; for I being retired into a little Gar|den to ea&s;e Nature, at a time when one of the Religious was &s;aying of Ma&s;s, it was no &s;ooner ended, but a <HI>Venetian</HI> Merchant, who came to &s;a|lute me, demanded forthwith if I had received his Letter at <HI>Tripoly,</HI> and as I informed him I had not, he changed colour, and remained quite &s;i|lent. His action made me judge there was &s;ome mi&s;chief in the ca&s;e, and having pre&s;&s;ed him to tell me why he asked me &s;uch a que&s;tion, he freely an|&s;wered, If you had received my Letter, I would have been much &s;urprized to have &s;een you here, for I gave you information to go another way to <HI>Italy,</HI> becau&s;e of a certain <HI>Italian</HI> Runagado that is here, who hath been with the <HI>Sangiac,</HI> Gover|nor of this I&s;le, and entertained him with the&s;e words, <HI>Are not you Governor here? Why there|fore do you &s;uffer the Pope to &s;end hither his Spies
<PB N="75" REF="42">from</HI> Rome, <HI>for to go treat about Affairs with the</HI> Chri&s;tians <HI>of</HI> Mount Libanus, <HI>who have a&s;&s;embled the People there, created new Bi&s;hops, and done other the like things, which prejudice your Govern|ment.</HI> This Runagado hath been charged by the <HI>Sangiac</HI> to find you out and Impri&s;on you, to the end you might be brought before him and &s;o &s;ent forthwith to <HI>Con&s;tantinople</HI> to the Grand Seignior, who, without doubt, would cau&s;e you to be Impaled.</P>
<P>I thanked this Friend, as I ought, for the care he had taken of my Life, in giving me &s;uch good Information, which I &s;hould not have failed to make u&s;e of if I had received it, for I would have gone another way. I then took my leave of my Merchant, and after I had made a &s;mall Repa&s;t with the&s;e good Religious, I was re&s;olved to go on board for to conceal my &s;elf as well as I could in the Ship; but when I came to the Sea-&s;ide, I found it &s;o tempe&s;tuous, that there was neither Man nor Shallop to be &s;een for to put me on board the Ve&s;&s;el, &s;o that I was obliged to return to the Mona&s;tery to attend the appea&s;ing of the Sea, and placing all my tru&s;t and hopes in God. The&s;e good Fathers had given us the u&s;e of a little Cham|ber near the Gate, with a Bed for us to lie in; for my part, I lay in a Che&s;t in my Cloaths, my &s;leep was not long, but was much interrupted with the apprehen&s;ions I had lea&s;t the Runagado, who was at <HI>Nico&s;ia,</HI> but a days Journey from us, knowing that the <HI>Torniella</HI> was arrived, &s;hould come to enquire if we were to pa&s;s in it into <HI>Ita|ly.</HI> In effect, the thing happened as I imagined, for he came to knock at the Gate of the Mona&s;tery an hour before day, which when I had heard, and at the &s;ame time the noi&s;e of the Religious run|ning
<PB N="76" REF="43">to open the door, I quickly got up, and co|ming forth boldly, demanded who was there? He made me this an&s;wer, <HI>'Tis an hone&s;t Man, who is come to be informed whether you are come from the Ship which is in the Road;</HI> and having told him no, he had the curio&s;ity to know who was in that Chamber where we lay; they an&s;wered him that they were two <HI>Venetian</HI> Merchants; whereupon he retired to a Chamber near to that for to repo&s;e him&s;elf. The&s;e good Religious did not bely them&s;elves, for we were clad like Mer|chants. So &s;oon as I heard the&s;e words, as I &s;aw my &s;elf expo&s;ed to the <HI>Turks</HI> and <HI>Greeks,</HI> and in a Country &s;o remote, and &s;uch an enemy to the <HI>Chri&s;tians,</HI> I waked my Companion, and made him forthwith get up.</P>
<P>There was in that place a <HI>Venetian</HI> Merchant, who, as I had learnt, often a&s;&s;i&s;ted other Per&s;ons, and charitably delivered them from the hands of the <HI>Turks.</HI> He was then employed about loading a Ve&s;&s;el with Goods to be &s;ent for <HI>Venice;</HI> as we went out of the Mona&s;tery we met him coming to Divine Service, and I believed that God had &s;ent him on purpo&s;e to relieve us. After I had &s;aluted him, I &s;aid, <HI>I know, Sir, that there are many Per&s;ons obliged to you for the good Offices you have rendred them, finding them&s;elves in the &s;ame condition as we are; that is it which makes me believe that God has &s;ent you hither.</HI> I &s;et forth unto him the po&s;ture of our Affairs, and entreated his a&s;&s;i&s;tance; he offered forthwith to u&s;e all po&s;&s;ible means to that end, and returning, conducted us to his Lodging. Then going out, and coming in again, he &s;aid, <HI>You are not &s;afe here, and there is no other remedy but to put you aboard, and there to &s;tay in your Ship with|out
<PB N="77" REF="43">coming a&s;hoar, but wait for a Wind; where|fore come along with me, and I'll conduct you to your Ve&s;&s;el.</HI> We went forthwith to the Water|&s;ide, but the Sea was &s;till &s;o agitated, that we could &s;ee neither Man nor Boat.</P>
<P>After we had walked for &s;ome time upon the &s;hoar, there po&s;ted by a great number of <HI>Turks</HI> and <HI>Greeks</HI> of the Country, and made us much afraid; for when they came near, they looked upon us with much earne&s;tne&s;s. The Skiff of our Merchants Ship came a little after to Land with two lu&s;ty Seamen, for to load and carry Goods aboard; wherefore we approached near the Wa|ter, and the Seamen having already come on &s;hoar, this good Merchant told them, <HI>Make ha&s;te, and carry the&s;e two Gentlemen forthwith to the</HI> Tor|niella. We had no &s;ooner thanked him, as we were obliged, but that the&s;e two Seamen took and carried us in their Boat, and Rowing with all their &s;trength, notwith&s;tanding the Waves, which were very high, they brought us in a &s;hort time to our Ship, but it was not without much danger. We got into the Ve&s;&s;el, being very joyful, and acquainted the Captain with the po&s;ture of our Affairs; and putting our &s;elves under his protection, he received us very civilly, and gave us a&s;&s;urance thereof. He gave us al&s;o his own Cabbin, with Orders we &s;hould not &s;tir out of it all the day, nor to &s;hew our &s;elves to tho&s;e that &s;hould come on board for to bargain for Goods. He a&s;&s;ured us likewi&s;e, upon his word, that we had nothing to do but to repo&s;e our &s;elves, and that if we &s;hould be &s;earched for, he would &s;ooner deliver them all the Fraight than us. This Commander was indeed a Man of the World, and loved to divert him&s;elf; but with|al,
<PB N="78" REF="44">faithful and ju&s;t to his Word. We remained &s;o pent up in that little Chamber, as in a Pri&s;on, for three days, for the Ship was in the Road all that time for to take in her Lading.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="20" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. XX. <HI>Voyage from</HI> Cyprus <HI>to</HI> Venice.</HEAD>
<P>AFter we had thanked God for his Deliverance of us from &s;o great a danger, we &s;ailed upon break of day on the 12th of <HI>April,</HI> and made the Cape at Sun-&s;et. The fair weather, and the calmne&s;s of the Sea, made us hope for an happy Voyage, but on St. <HI>Mark</HI>'s Day the Waters were &s;o much agitated, when we pa&s;&s;ed the Cape of St. <HI>Epiphany,</HI> becau&s;e of the great Winds that &s;tood contrary, that we were very hard put to it. The 27th of the &s;ame month we lowered all the Sails, and guiding the Ship only at the Helm with a great deal of addre&s;s and pains, we left it to the plea&s;ure and mercy of the Winds, &s;o much was the Sea agitated at that time; then, without &s;top|ping, we pa&s;&s;ed by <HI>Caramania, Rhodes, Scar|panto,</HI> the I&s;le of <HI>Candia,</HI> the Cape of St. <HI>John, Cerigo, Matapano,</HI> and the <HI>Morea,</HI> and drew near <HI>Venetique,</HI> to take in Refre&s;hments, and particularly Water, whereof we had great need. From thence we &s;ailed for <HI>Zant,</HI> where the Ship &s;tayed the 19th of <HI>May,</HI> becau&s;e of a difference that aro&s;e between the Captain and Gunner. I believed, for to avoid &s;candal, we ought to change our Ship. In effect, after we had payed the Cap|tain of the <HI>Torniella</HI> what was due to him for our
<PB N="79" REF="44">pa&s;&s;age, we agreed with the Ma&s;ter of another Ve&s;&s;el called the <HI>Stork,</HI> which was in the Port rea|dy to &s;ail: We went on board it with all we had, and getting out of Port at Midnight, we &s;ailed on the 23d of the &s;ame Month, leaving <HI>Cefalonia</HI> on the Right. There was great likelihood of fair weather, but on the day after there happened &s;uch a great bla&s;t of Wind, that tore off the great Sail of the Fore-Ma&s;t, but that was remedied forthwith, and continuing our cour&s;e, we left as well upon the Right as Left, <HI>Corfu,</HI> the Cape of <HI>Otranto, Cimara,</HI> or <HI>Linguetta, Sa&s;eno,</HI> which is the Cape of the Gulph <HI>Durazzo, Ca&s;tlenovo,</HI> which belonged &s;ome time to the <HI>Spaniards, Ragu&s;o,</HI> all <HI>Dalmatia, Carnero,</HI> and divers other Places. At la&s;t we arrived in <HI>I&s;tria</HI> on the 8th of <HI>June,</HI> two hours after Dinner time, and went a&s;hoar at <HI>Rovigno,</HI> where we &s;aw, upon an high Hill, the Church of St. <HI>Euphenny,</HI> with five or &s;ix Rocks about it. Our Ship was to &s;tay for &s;ome time there, and as we had but an hundred Miles to <HI>Venice,</HI> and that we thought it trouble&s;ome to &s;tay there &s;o long, we re&s;olved, with two other Merchants, to hire a little Bark for to fini&s;h the re&s;t of our Voyage. This pitiful Bark had but a Mat for all its Sails; we run more danger in this our la&s;t pa&s;&s;age, than we had done in all our cour&s;e, for as we had got half way, there aro&s;e &s;uch a furious Tempe&s;t, and the Wind &s;tood &s;o contrary, that out of the fear that po&s;&s;e&s;s'd us, we could find no better expedient than to pull down the Sail, or rather Mat, which being forced by the violence of the Wind, carried us &s;ometimes on one &s;ide, &s;ometimes on another, and put us in danger of peri&s;hing. At la&s;t it plea&s;ed God to appea&s;e the Wind, and give us
<PB N="80" REF="45">fair Weather, wherefore pur&s;uing our cour&s;e, we pa&s;&s;ed by <HI>Piara, Je&s;ole,</HI> which was &s;ome time de&s;troyed by <HI>Attila, Marzoba, Burano, Tor|cello,</HI> and on the 10th of the &s;ame Month arrived happily at <HI>Venice,</HI> three hours before Sun-&s;et; but as we were come from the <HI>Levant,</HI> &s;u&s;pected to be infected with the Plague, we were not per|mitted to go a&s;hoar. They &s;ent us in our Bark to make the cu&s;tomary Quarantine, into a Channel far remote from the City.</P>
<P>There were &s;ome of our Friends that came to vi&s;it us, and make merry with us, for our happy Return, and &s;ent us Evening and Morning every thing we &s;tood in need of: They re&s;ted not till they obtained of the Gentlemen Intendants in Matters of Health, permi&s;&s;ion for us to go to our Lodgings, in&s;omuch that we made but &s;ix days of our Quarantine, and being joyful for our Di&s;|charge, we laid a&s;ide our Merchants Habit, and took that of our Order again. After which, we &s;ojourned for &s;ome time in <HI>Venice</HI> for to refre&s;h our &s;elves, after the tedious fatigues of our Na|vigation.</P>
<P>We parted from <HI>Venice</HI> the 23d of <HI>June</HI> for to go for <HI>Padua,</HI> and there I &s;aw again, with de|light, the ancient Schools where I had &s;ometimes read Publick Lectures. We parted from thence the 7th of <HI>July</HI> for <HI>Mantua,</HI> and arrived there the 8th, at <HI>Parma</HI> the 11th, <HI>Bolonia</HI> the 17th, <HI>Immola</HI> the 21th, <HI>Forli</HI> the 22th, <HI>Ce&s;ene,</HI> my Birth-place, the 27th, and at <HI>Rimini</HI> the fir&s;t of <HI>Augu&s;t;</HI> as it was my companions Country, he tarried there for &s;ome days, to give &s;ome con|&s;olation to his aged Father, whom he had not &s;een for a long time, which was the rea&s;on we could not get to <HI>Loretta</HI> till the 12th of the
<PB N="81" REF="45">&s;ame Month. We &s;taid there for a few days, and on the 16th &s;et forth for <HI>Peruge,</HI> where we had many Acquaintance, and we made what ha&s;te we could for to get thither the 18th; we &s;taid there for the re&s;t of the month, for our own con&s;olation and that of our Friends. We parted from thence the fir&s;t of <HI>September,</HI> and partly out of Devotion, partly out of Curio&s;ity, we went to <HI>Mount Corano,</HI> where there is a Re|ligious Hou&s;e, in which place they live in great au&s;terity; thence to <HI>Alvernia</HI> and <HI>Camaldoli.</HI> We employed &s;even days in that Progre&s;s with much &s;atisfaction, then returned to <HI>Peruge,</HI> in order to go for <HI>Rome,</HI> where we at la&s;t arrived on the 17th of the &s;ame month; whether I had no &s;ooner got, but I made it my bu&s;ine&s;s to gain admittance for to pro&s;trate my &s;elf at his Holine&s;s feet, which I &s;oon effected, who welcomed me kindly, and to whom I gave a particular Account of my Negotiation, wherewith he expre&s;&s;ed him|&s;elf to be extreamly &s;atisfied.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 TYPE="remarks">
<PB N="82" REF="46" MS="y">
<HEAD>Remarks upon the <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 word"> Chapter.</HEAD>
<P>THE Author of this Relation is not exact enough in his Report of the <HI>Turks;</HI> fir&s;t of all, there is but little appearance that they have taken all the Clocks of the <HI>Levant</HI> to make Artillery with them; for that Metal whereof they are compos'd is not at all proper to make Cannon. If they then depriv'd the Chri&s;tians of their Obedience, it was rather an Effect of their Policy than Oeconomy, for that the &s;ound of the&s;e Clocks might &s;erve for a Signal for the execution of Revolts, and to give the Alarm to all in a &s;hort time. Neither is it true, that the Men get up to the tops of the Mi|naretts or Steeples of the <HI>Turks,</HI> for to &s;upply the want of Clocks, in crying, 'tis &s;uch an hour, or &s;uch an hour of the day: but the Author hath heard &s;ay, that the <HI>Turks,</HI> in&s;tead of Clocks, are &s;erved with the Voices of Men, for to give notice of Prayers, from the top of the Mo&s;chs; in effect this Officer crys with all his force three times from the top of the Minarett, <HI>Allah Ecber,</HI> that is, <HI>God is Great;</HI> then he continues to &s;ay for three times, <HI>E&s;ched en allah illah allah, I te&s;tifie there is no other God, but God:</HI> then he &s;ays again three times, <HI>E&s;chen en Mohammed re&s;oul allah, I wit|ne&s;s that</HI> Mahomet <HI>is his Prophet.</HI> He adds &s;ome other Articles, as, <HI>Hai alla&s;&s;alat, God live by Prayer; Hai alaphaleh, Live to Salvation; Allah Ecber, God is Great; L'allah illa, allah, There is no other God but God.</HI> He &s;ays al&s;o at Noon, and in the Evening, and about an hour and a quarter
<PB N="83" REF="46">after Sun-&s;etting, <HI>En allah ou Malaikto falouna ala el Nabi, That God and his Angels ble&s;s the Prophet.</HI></P>
<P>In the third place, the <HI>Turks</HI> come but five times a day to Prayers, as every-body knows; 'tis true, that there be two other Prayers, but they are voluntary, the fir&s;t of which we may call that of Supererogation, &s;ince they are free to be at it or no, is perform'd an hour and an half before Morning-prayer; the other is done every <HI>Friday,</HI> at Nine of the Clock, but there are none but the Officers of the Mo&s;ch and &s;ome other Zealots that a&s;&s;i&s;t thereat.</P>
<P>In the fourth place, the Author does not well u&s;e the Arabic words which the <HI>Turks</HI> pronounce aloud in their Mo&s;chs; 'tis ea&s;ie to correct them by what I am about to &s;ay, for they do not give to <HI>Mahomet</HI> the Quality of Companion of God, but that of <HI>Re&s;oul allah,</HI> that is, <HI>the Envoy of God. Mahomet</HI> affects to take the Names which God gave <HI>Mo&s;es</HI> in the Old Te&s;tament, and to our Lord in the New.</P>
<P>As to the Fa&s;hion the <HI>Turks</HI> ob&s;erve at their Prayers, I believe that they have taken them from the <HI>Jews,</HI> for they wag their Heads very much in the reading of the Law in their Synagogues; but the <HI>Mahometans</HI> go beyond them. 'Tis a plea&s;ant thing to &s;ee the <HI>Turki&s;h</HI> Children, when they re|peat in their Schools &s;ome Ver&s;es of the <HI>Alcoran,</HI> e&s;pecially when they pronounce the word <HI>Allah,</HI> how they throw their Heads backwards and for|wards: I do not que&s;tion but that all the&s;e Mo|tions have their Rea&s;ons, I believe they make u&s;e of 'em at lea&s;t to hinder their &s;leeping during their Prayers, which happens too often among&s;t us. They &s;ay immediately in putting their Hands to
<PB N="84" REF="47">their Ear, <HI>Allah Ecber, God is great;</HI> and after|wards laying them acro&s;s their Brea&s;t, <HI>Rabbena lac Elmegd, Lord, to thee the Glory:</HI> after that they pro&s;trate them&s;elves, &s;aying, <HI>Allah Ecber, God is great.</HI> This la&s;t Action is doubtle&s;s an Adoration, for that is the manner of adoring among&s;t the Ea&s;tern Nations; and we have divers Examples hereof in the Old Te&s;tament: 'tis al&s;o the way of &s;aluting Per&s;ons of great quality, 'tis u&s;ed in re&s;pect to the Pope. The three E&s;tates harangue the King upon their Knees; but as to Cardinals and Bi&s;hops, they only ki&s;s the Border of their Robes in doing of them reverence; they are marks of a profound Re&s;pect, which have been introdu|ced into the Ceremonies of Religion, wherefore we ought not to ridicule the&s;e Pro&s;trations which the <HI>Turks</HI> u&s;e at their Prayers, for we cannot be too humble in the pre&s;ence of God. I remember to have heard a <HI>Jew</HI> &s;ay, that it was to be read in one of their Authors, that the Rea&s;on which moved them to agitate their Heads at Prayers was, for that Prayer is like unto a Flambeau, that burns the Flames off which is in continual agitation, and &s;eems always to fly up; but the more learned <HI>Jews</HI> &s;ay, that this Cu&s;tom is founded upon tho&s;e words of <HI>David, All my bones &s;hall &s;ay, Lord, who is like unto thee?</HI></P>
<P>As to the Greeks, whom the Author &s;peaks of in this Chapter, it &s;eems that they have been, for|ced to u&s;e the&s;e &s;ort of Movements for to divert the Jealou&s;ie of the <HI>Turks,</HI> who would not be well &s;atisfied to &s;ee them &s;o well united with us. As the Greeks are nouri&s;h'd up in that aver&s;ion for the <HI>Roman</HI> Church, one ought not to be a&s;toni&s;hed if they contemn its Ceremonies, and look upon them as Prophanations; be&s;ides that, the long and con|tinual
<PB N="85" REF="47">Di&s;putes that have been between both Chur|ches hath not a little contributed to entertain this Aver&s;ion: in the mean time, we ought not to at|tribute to all the Nation a Vice that regar<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">s none but a few fal&s;e Zealots; one need but con&s;ult for this purpo&s;e the oriental right, bearing the Title of the An&s;wers of the Patriarchs; the matters in que&s;tion are there propos'd, and very judiciou&s;ly decided.</P>
<P>The Author continues to render the <HI>Greeks</HI> odi|ous, in aggravating their ill conduct in the admi|ni&s;tration of Penance, as if they deferred not to grant Ab&s;olution to the Penitent for the &s;pace of four or five-Years, but through a Contempt they had of the <HI>Roman</HI> Church, which obligeth every one in particular to communicate at lea&s;t once a Year: but we mu&s;t render the <HI>Greeks</HI> Ju&s;tice, for they follow herein for the mo&s;t part the u&s;age of their Church, which is very ancient. If a new Right hath introduc'd a new Di&s;cipline into the Church of <HI>Rome,</HI> ought we for that rea&s;on to con|demn all tho&s;e Churches which conform not them|&s;elves to this Di&s;cipline; for <HI>that which is neither again&s;t the Faith nor good Manners ought to be in|different.</HI> It is the Duty al&s;o of an hone&s;t man and a good Chri&s;tian, to become conformable to the Manners and Di&s;cipline of them among&s;t whom he lives; but 'tis certain that the Greeks, which are not latiniz'd, follow yet to this day a good part of the ancient Di&s;cipline in the admini&s;tration of Penance: They have their penitential Books which regulate them, and it is not their Caprice which makes them impo&s;e one Penance &s;ooner than ano|ther, but they follow their Canons herein. There is nothing this day more common among&s;t them than to &s;eparate their Penitent from the Commu|nion
<PB N="86" REF="48">for a Year or two, and &s;ometimes more. I &s;ee al&s;o no rea&s;on why the Author &s;hould charge the Greeks of Ignorance and Super&s;tition, becau&s;e a Confe&s;&s;or refu&s;eth Ab&s;olution to a Penitent before he calls &s;even other Prie&s;ts for to have their Con|&s;ent in the ab&s;olving of him. I confe&s;s, this man|ner of acting may &s;eem &s;trange to them who con|&s;ult no other than the pre&s;ent Cu&s;tom; but if any takes the pains to look back towards the fir&s;t Ages of the Church, he &s;hall ob&s;erve, that this Cu&s;tom was al&s;o in u&s;e at <HI>Rome.</HI> Did not the Pope <HI>Cor|nelius</HI> a&s;&s;emble the Prie&s;ts and Bi&s;hops which were then at <HI>Rome</HI> to deliberate about a Penance that he ought to inflict upon &s;ome Schi&s;maticks which re|enter'd into the Church? 'Tis therefore no very &s;urprizing thing to &s;ee a Papas or Greek Prie&s;t de|liberate with his fellow-brethren touching a Pe|nance he ought to impo&s;e upon a man, who being engag'd in the Service of a <HI>Romani&s;t,</HI> had every day near occa&s;ions to offend again&s;t the Ceremonies of his own Religion, whether in performing Ab&s;ti|nence on a <HI>Saturday,</HI> or in eating of Blood, or in not ob&s;erving &s;ome other Article of the Greek Di|&s;cipline. I confe&s;s neverthele&s;s, that when the Pa|pa&s;&s;es a&s;&s;emble about matters that require not their meeting, and with a de&s;ign only to exact Mony, that that Abu&s;e ought to be condemn'd, and not the thing in it &s;elf.</P>
<P>It &s;eems al&s;o, that the Author would ridicule the Greeks under pretence that they cau&s;e the Peni|tent to lye upon the Ground, and in that po&s;ture recite over him certain Prayers in form of an Ab|&s;olution, not knowing that the Greeks confe&s;s or|dinarily &s;itting, and that they are content to pro|&s;trate them&s;elves twice, to wit, at the beginning, when they demand the Benediction of the Prie&s;t,
<PB N="87" REF="48">who for that purpo&s;e invokes upon them the Grace of the Holy Spirit; and at the end, when the &s;ame Prie&s;t prays al&s;o, that God would enable them to accompli&s;h the Penance impo&s;ed upon them. More|over, if the Greek Prie&s;ts take Mony for granting Ab&s;olutions, they are the more excu&s;able, by rea|&s;on of the Mi&s;ery they are in at pre&s;ent. They have no Benefices, as our Clergy; and they are obliged to pay certain Summs to their Bi&s;hops, as their Bi&s;hops al&s;o do the &s;ame to the Patriarch, and finally, the Patriarch to the Grand Seignior. In a word, it may be reckon'd among&s;t their Mis|fortunes; and if you find it not &s;trange, that the mo&s;t part of the Latin Prie&s;ts &s;ince the introducti|on of the new Rights, &s;ub&s;i&s;t upon their Ma&s;&s;es and Confe&s;&s;ions, why is that blamable in the Pa|pa&s;es, who have much more rea&s;on, as being redu|ced to a far greater nece&s;&s;ity?</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 TYPE="remarks">
<PB N="88" REF="49" MS="y">
<HEAD>Remarks upon the <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 word"> Chapter.</HEAD>
<P>THere are many things in this Chapter touching the Belief the <HI>Turks,</HI> that &s;tand in need of Reformation, or further clearing. Fir&s;t, They do not give the name of <HI>Scerif,</HI> but that of <HI>Had|gi,</HI> to tho&s;e who make the Journey to <HI>Meccha;</HI> be&s;ides, the word <HI>Scerif</HI> &s;ignifies Illu&s;trious, and not Saint. As <HI>Meccha</HI> is to the <HI>Turks,</HI> the &s;ame as the <HI>Holy Land</HI> and <HI>Jeru&s;alem</HI> were formerly to the <HI>Jews,</HI> &s;o the <HI>Mahometans</HI> u&s;e divers things which are conformable to the ceremonies of the <HI>Jews,</HI> for the word <HI>Hadgi</HI> is taken from the He|brew word <HI>Hagag,</HI> which &s;ignifies to celebrate a Fea&s;t; in&s;omuch that <HI>Hadgi,</HI> among&s;t the <HI>Turks,</HI> is he who makes a Journey into <HI>Meccha,</HI> for to perform there the Fea&s;t of Fea&s;ts, as they &s;aid a|mong&s;t the <HI>Jews,</HI> to go to <HI>Jeru&s;alem</HI> to keep their Pa&s;&s;over. In effect, the <HI>Mahometans</HI> call the Temple of <HI>Meccha, Beit allah,</HI> the Hou&s;e of God, which is the name the <HI>Jews</HI> gave to their Temple. There is no other place al&s;o where the <HI>Turks</HI> offer Sacrifice but there, as there was among&s;t the <HI>Jews</HI> but <HI>Jeru&s;alem,</HI> where it was permitted them to Sa|crifice; they give moreover the name of <HI>Corban</HI> to that Sacrifice: and, in effect, they kill a great number of Sheep, which are afterwards di&s;tribu|ted among the Poor. They make at <HI>Con&s;tanti|nople,</HI> at the &s;ame time, a kind of commemorating <HI>Corban,</HI> for to repre&s;ent the Sacrifice that is per|formed at <HI>Meccha;</HI> neverthele&s;s, the Sacrifice of <HI>Con&s;tantinople</HI> hath this reality in it, That they
<PB N="89" REF="49">offer al&s;o there true Victims, as tho' it be but a Memorial of that which is done in the Territory of <HI>Meccha,</HI> which is a place con&s;ecrated for that u&s;e. This &s;ame place was frequented before <HI>Ma|homet</HI>'s time, for the <HI>Arabs</HI> Journied thither in honour of the Progre&s;s of <HI>Abraham,</HI> whom they believe to be Author of part of the Ceremonies that are u&s;ed at <HI>Meccha.</HI></P>
<P>Their Prie&s;ts are called <HI>Imams,</HI> not <HI>Santons,</HI> for <HI>Santon</HI> is taken for a kind of Religious Order. Tho&s;e Prie&s;ts who apply their Cares to the Mo&s;chs, ought to be knowing in the Alcoran; there are among&s;t them others that may be called Chaplains, or Almoners, for they attend on Per&s;ons of Qua|lity, who not being able to go daily to the Mo&s;ch, cau&s;e the Alcoran to be read unto them by the&s;e &s;ort of Almoners or Chaplains. One may add al&s;o to the&s;e another kind of Beneficiars, who much re|&s;emble our Canons, and other Eccle&s;ia&s;ticks, of Collegiate Churches; the&s;e la&s;t have the Alcoran divided into divers parcels, and read one Para|graph every day, in&s;omuch that it might be truly &s;aid of them, <HI>Beneficium e&s;t propter Officium,</HI> for the Revenues of their Prebendaries con&s;i&s;t mo&s;t|ly in the&s;e &s;ort of Lectures, for which they are paid. There are al&s;o le&s;&s;er Benefices, which are as Chapels or Ho&s;pitals, which Princes or particular Per&s;ons have founded, to the end they might there be pray'd for after their deaths, and that they per|formed certain Charities &s;et forth in the Title of the Foundation. I &s;hall &s;ay nothing of the <HI>Khat<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">b</HI> of the Mo&s;ch, which is properly that which we call the Curate of the Pari&s;h; this Per&s;on placeth him&s;elf on an advanced ground, and reads what <HI>Surate</HI> or Chapter he plea&s;eth. He re&s;erves the large&s;t Chapters for <HI>Fridays,</HI> for that the Duty of
<PB N="90" REF="50">that day is longer, and that they u&s;e much more Adorations or Pro&s;trations than on all the other days of the Week. Be&s;ides the&s;e Curates, they have <HI>Scheics,</HI> or Preachers, which hold the Alcoran open before them, and read &s;ome Ver&s;e thereof for a Text to their Sermon: They &s;et forth the different Interpretations of the <HI>Mahometan</HI> Doctors upon that Text, and for to confirm their A&s;&s;ertions, they have recour&s;e to certain Narrations, which re&s;emble rather Fables than true Hi&s;tories. They enlarge al&s;o much upon the Moral part, and preach vigorou&s;ly again&s;t Vices. As to the Religious <HI>Turks,</HI> whom the Author calls incon&s;iderable Per&s;ons, there are divers &s;orts of them; they are di&s;tingui&s;hed or|dinarily by the difference of their Habits, manner of Living, and various Rules and Con&s;titutions, for you &s;hall find &s;ome that make Profe&s;&s;ion of Po|verty, others of Cha&s;tity, others of perpetual Fa&s;t|ing: Others again apply them&s;elves entirely to a contemplative Life, and every one carries about him the marks of his Profe&s;&s;ion. Tho&s;e which have feathers on their Heads, pretend to di&s;cover there|by, that they are Men of Meditation, and receive Revelations. Tho&s;e who&s;e Habits are made up with pieces of divers colours, believe by that to expo&s;e their Poverty to view. There are &s;ome al&s;o who carry &s;omewhat at the Ear, to &s;et forth their Obedience and Submi&s;&s;ion to the Spirit, which tran&s;ports them to exta&s;ies. The Chains that &s;ome of them have at their Necks or Arms, are demon|&s;trations of the vehemency of the Spirit which agi|tates them. They have al&s;o a &s;ort of Monks which live in Community, and Hermits that inhabit the De&s;arts. Be&s;ides the&s;e, there are among&s;t them al|&s;o Mendicants, who live upon Alms. There are others who imploy them&s;elves altogether to Works
<PB N="91" REF="50">of Charity, and the good of their Neighbour; as they e&s;teem them&s;elves for the mo&s;t part to be infi|nitely above others, &s;o they &s;ay with the Phari&s;ee in the Go&s;pel, <HI>I am not as other men.</HI> Every one of them believes he is in the true &s;tate of Perfection, but in the mean time they differ extreamly in their Sentiments; for one Sect is per&s;waded that there is nothing but the Grace and Mercy of God that can &s;ave Men; others, on the contrary, pretend they cannot be &s;aved without good Works; and that our Salvation depends entirely upon the u&s;e we make of our Liberty. The&s;e la&s;t pray much more to God than the others, and they ri&s;e up in the night for to &s;ing together <HI>L'alla illa allah.</HI> &mdash; Every one &s;upports his opinion with Vi&s;ions and Miracles, and they have the Hi&s;tory of their Saints, which they endeavour to imitate. The&s;e Religious can never agree with the <HI>Imams</HI> or Prie&s;ts of the Mo&s;ques, they bear them envy, and pretend that they lead a better Life; and that their Prayers al|&s;o are more efficacious, and for that rea&s;on the Alms of the People ought rather to belong to them than to the Prie&s;ts. But the Prie&s;ts make an&s;wer to that, That the Alms are only due to them, upon the account of their Benefices, which oblige them to take care of the People; and that it belongs pro|perly to them, and not to the Religious, to teach the Law of the Prophet. They hold that there has been a great di&s;pute had about this &s;ubject un|der Sultan <HI>Amurath</HI> the Second, who was obliged to &s;upport the Religious, under the pretence of a Miracle which befel in their favour, altho' rea&s;on and good &s;ence made him incline to the part of the Prie&s;ts and Officers of the Mo&s;ques. It was the &s;ame <HI>Amurath,</HI> who &s;eeing him&s;elf in great danger in the Battle of <HI>Varne,</HI> again&s;t the <HI>Hungarians</HI>
<PB N="92" REF="51">and <HI>Poles,</HI> made a Vow, if he e&s;caped, he would confine him&s;elf into a Mona&s;tery, and do Penance there the remainder of his days. In effect, the <HI>Mahometans</HI> make al&s;o Vows, and the Religions entertain them in that Cu&s;tom as much as they can, for they are benefitted thereby; and they have likewi&s;e, to that end, certain days of Devotion &s;et apart, when they go to vi&s;it the Sepulchres of their mo&s;t famous Saints, for to obtain fair Weather or Rain. In a word, to recommend unto them all their Affairs; and if one would believe them, they want neither Hi&s;tories nor Miracles for to give Authority to their Devotions.</P>
<P>As <HI>Mahometani&s;m</HI> is a Communion of the <HI>Jewi&s;h</HI> and <HI>Chri&s;tian</HI> Religion, we ought not to be &s;ur|prized to &s;ee among&s;t the <HI>Turks</HI> divers things which are ob&s;erved among&s;t us; tho&s;e which have a perfect cognizance of the&s;e two Religious, may ea&s;ily &s;hew the Original of mo&s;t part of the <HI>Ma|hometan</HI> Ceremonies, and if I were not afraid lea&s;t that would detain me too long, I would produce divers Examples hereof, but I will &s;imply confine my &s;elf to that which my Brother hath treated of; wherefore I pa&s;s on to their Chaplets.</P>
<P>'Tis true as our Author has ob&s;erved, that the grains of their Chaplets are not unequal according to the fa&s;hion of the Chri&s;tians; they do not recite al&s;o pa&s;t two different Prayers, and by con&s;equence have no need of divers grains for to keep them in mind. They have, neverthele&s;s, &s;ome di&s;tinction in their Chaplets, that con&s;i&s;t of an hundred Beads, for they divide them into three parts, and &s;ay at one of thee parts, 33 times, <HI>Souban lallah;</HI> that is, <HI>God is prai&s;e-worthy.</HI> Upon the other, <HI>Elha|mel allah; Glory to God.</HI> And la&s;tly, upon the third, <HI>Allah Lober, God is great.</HI> The&s;e three
<PB N="93" REF="51">times 33, making no more than four&s;core and nine|teen, they have therefore added another Prayer at the head of the Chaplet, for to make up the num|ber an hundred; 'tis in that their Beads are a little like unto ours, for be&s;ides the crown, or the round of their Chaplet, there is another thing about, which makes up the place of that in ours, which is called the cro&s;s of the Chaplet. That Chaplet, according to my judgment, hath taken its original from <HI>Mea Beracot,</HI> or the hundred Benedictions which the <HI>Jews</HI> are obliged to recite daily. The <HI>Jews</HI> and <HI>Mahometans</HI> have this common, that they almo&s;t do nothing without pronouncing &s;ome prai&s;e or benediction; but as the <HI>Mahometans</HI> have reduced the&s;e hundred Benedictions into three &s;orts of Thank&s;givings, that hath obliged them to divide that Chaplet into three parts, as the Chri&s;tians have divided theirs into tens, for to ob&s;erve the manner of their <HI>Paters</HI> and <HI>Ave's;</HI> be&s;ides their re|citing of that Chaplet in particular, they have Singing-men for to &s;ing them aloud in their Mo&s;ques.</P>
<P>When <HI>Mahomet</HI> forbad the eating of Pork, he had no other de&s;ign than that he might not &s;eparate the <HI>Jews</HI> too far from his Religion, which is the rea&s;on that the <HI>Mahometans,</HI> who are half <HI>Jews,</HI> take a great deal of precaution that they eat no other Animals whom they e&s;teem unclean; the rea|&s;on which our Author produceth is a merry Tale only. As to Wine, it is not directly forbidden, and it &s;eems that it was rather Councel than Pre|cept. Perhaps <HI>Mahomet</HI> was de&s;irous that his Re|ligion &s;hould have that in common with the <HI>Naza|reans</HI> of the Old Te&s;tament, for to di&s;cover its per|fection; and be&s;ides, there is nothing that brings greater order and utility to the State than his Pro|hibition.
<PB N="94" REF="52">As the <HI>Turks</HI> are more &s;ober than we, they &s;ubmit them&s;elves without difficulty to this Rule; they bring other Rea&s;ons for this injunction than that which our Author produceth, but one ought not to rely upon all the Hi&s;tories which the <HI>Turks</HI> &s;et forth, for to illuminate and &s;upport the difficulties that are found in their Religion, for they make no &s;cruple to invent them at their plea|&s;ure, wherein they have imitated the <HI>Jews,</HI> who &s;tuff their Books with infinity of Fables. This Vice is al&s;o common to all the Chri&s;tians of the <HI>Le|vant,</HI> as may be &s;een in their Books, wherefore we ought to be cautious of them.</P>
<P>'Tis certain that the <HI>Turks</HI> have taken their ab|lutions from the <HI>Jews,</HI> for they retain their Cere|monies touching the Fa&s;hion and Manner of wa&s;h|ing; they have al&s;o imitated them in their Prai&s;es and Benedictions which they recite, when they wa&s;h either their Hands, Face, or any other part of their body, but neverthele&s;s, it &s;eems that they have no &s;et form of Benedictions as the <HI>Jews</HI> have, for I have read differences upon that &s;ubject. They purifie them&s;elves always before Prayers, and 'tis for that rea&s;on that they then wa&s;h their hands for three times, and at the &s;ame conjuncture recite a Prai&s;e to God; they ob&s;erve the &s;ame thing at the wa&s;hing of their faces, and other parts of their bodies. I'll &s;ay nothing here of their Baths, for that would detain me too long, I'll only ob&s;erve that they retain &s;o great a veneration for the&s;e &s;ort of Purifyings, that they &s;eem not to have retained Circumci&s;ions but through coherency with the&s;e Ablutions, for they pretend with the <HI>Jews,</HI> that if the lea&s;t part of their bodies remain<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">d unw<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">&s;hed, the bathing would be worth nothing; &s;o that it was for that rea&s;on principally that they e&s;tabli&s;hed
<PB N="95" REF="52">Circumci&s;ion, to the end that the skin being not the part which was hidden of that skin before the Circumci&s;ion, might remain all open, and that &s;o it might be wa&s;hed; therefore they place Circumci|&s;ion among&s;t the different kinds of purity and cleanne&s;s, which they are obliged to ob&s;erve. 'Tis for that rea&s;on that they take care to circumci&s;e tho&s;e that are Naturalized as little as they can, and 'tis no ordinary thing to &s;ee per&s;ons thus u&s;ed from their birth, &s;ince the <HI>Jews</HI> have a Law which pro|vides in that ca&s;e, that 'tis &s;ufficient to draw blood, and afterwards they are to be e&s;teemed <HI>Jews</HI> with|out any other form of Circumci&s;ion. The <HI>Jews</HI> do al&s;o affirm that <HI>Adam, Seth, Noah,</HI> and divers others of the ancient Patriarchs, were circumci&s;ed from their birth, and they ground it upon this, That it was impo&s;&s;ible for them to enter into Pa|radice without being circumci&s;ed. The <HI>Maho|metan</HI> Doctors affirm al&s;o, That their Prophet <HI>Mahomet</HI> was circumci&s;ed; which they have a&s;&s;uredly taken from the <HI>Jewi&s;h</HI> Books.</P>
<P>The Author does not exactly relate the Hi&s;tory of the Cord that traver&s;eth the Valley of <HI>Jeho&s;a|phat,</HI> and upon which all the World mu&s;t pa&s;s for to pre&s;ent them&s;elves to Judgment: That which gave occa&s;ion to this Fable is, That the <HI>Maho|metans</HI> believed, that at the la&s;t day of Judgment, all the World &s;hall pa&s;s upon a thread as &s;mall as a hair, which will be extended from one end of Hell to another, and that the Ju&s;t &s;hall pa&s;s quicker than Lightning over this Bridge, whereas tho&s;e that will be loaden with a great number of &s;ins, &s;hall crawl along with much difficulty, and fall at la&s;t into Hell. 'Tis ea&s;ie to &s;ee that they have ta|ken this Fable from the words of the Evangeli&s;t, where 'tis &s;aid, <HI>That the way which leads to Salva|tion
<PB N="96" REF="53">is very narrow.</HI> But as I have already &s;aid, the People of the <HI>Levant</HI> plea&s;e them&s;elves much with the&s;e &s;ort of imaginations which Men of Sen&s;e will regard as Parables, and they are but Simple|tons that take them for true Hi&s;tories.</P>
<P>I &s;hall touch &s;omewhat here of the Theology of the <HI>Mahometans,</HI> for a &s;upply to that which is wanting in the de&s;cription which our Author made of their Belief. He very well ob&s;erved, that the <HI>Turks</HI> honour indeed the memory of <HI>Je&s;us Chri&s;t,</HI> but that they will not acknowledge him for God, nor for the Son of God. In effect, one of the fir&s;t In&s;tructions which they give to their Children in their Catechi&s;m, is, <HI>That God hath no Wife, that he is neither Male nor Female, and that con&s;equent|ly he is uncapable of Generation.</HI> Which is con|formable to the words of <HI>Mahomet</HI> in his Alcoran, where he expre&s;ly &s;aith, <HI>That God hath no Chil|dren, for he hath no Wife;</HI> and the mo&s;t able <HI>Ma|hometans</HI> expound the&s;e words of the eternal God to his Son, <HI>This day have I begotten thee,</HI> by the&s;e, <HI>have I brought up and nouri&s;hed thee.</HI> Thus you may &s;ee how they fortify them&s;elves again&s;t the My&s;tery of the Trinity.</P>
<P>The fir&s;t Axiom of their Theology is taken from the&s;e words of <HI>Deuteronomy,</HI> which the <HI>Jews</HI> re|peat &s;o often, <HI>Hear, O I&s;rael, the Lord our God is one;</HI> for they &s;ub&s;titute in place thereof, <HI>L'allah illa allah, There is no other God but God:</HI> In&s;omuch that it may be &s;aid, that their <HI>L'allah</HI> is the Pray|er <HI>Scema</HI> of the <HI>Jews,</HI> they differ however from them, in that they add to their <HI>L'allah</HI> the&s;e other words, <HI>En Mahommed re&s;oul allah,</HI> And <HI>Mahomet is the Envoy of God;</HI> and that, without doubt, in imitation of that which our Lord hath &s;aid in St. <HI>John, This is life eternal, that thou &s;hould&s;t
<PB N="97" REF="53">know the true God, and Je&s;us Chri&s;t whom he hath &s;ent.</HI> There is nothing more often repeated in the Alcoran than the&s;e words, <HI>La illah hou; There is no other God but he.</HI> I have an ancient Copy there|of, where they are always written in Capital Let|ters, for to di&s;tingui&s;h them from the re&s;t of the Text, as al&s;o many other expre&s;&s;ions like unto 'em. As for Example: <HI>Va illakcom illah vahhid; And your God is God alone. Ana illah la illah illa ana, I am God, and there is no other God but me. La illah illa ant, There is no other God but thou. Ma|homet</HI> hath affected this &s;o frequent a repetition of the &s;ame thing, for to conform him&s;elf to the <HI>Jews,</HI> who affect it yet more; and that which plainly proves that the <HI>Mahometans</HI> imitated the <HI>Jews,</HI> is becau&s;e they retain it even to their ge&s;tures. For when the <HI>Santons</HI> &s;ay, <HI>La illah illa hou, There is no other God but him,</HI> you would &s;ay they are mad, &s;o much they agitate and wagg their heads from one &s;ide to another, crying as Men po&s;&s;e&s;s'd with the Devil. The <HI>Jews</HI> do the &s;ame thing when they recite the Prayer or Benediction <HI>Scema, I&s;rael</HI>&mdash; which is <HI>la illah</HI>&mdash;of the <HI>Turks,</HI> for they turn their heads towards the four Parts of the World, for to notifie that God is every where, and Lord of the Univer&s;e. The&s;e <HI>Santons</HI> moreover, in &s;inging the word <HI>hou,</HI> him, which is the la&s;t of the Prai&s;e, <HI>la illah</HI>&mdash; prolong the &s;inging thereof as long as they have breath to draw, and when they are at the end, they make an effort for to pronounce it louder, as if they breathed their la&s;t &s;igh. The <HI>Jews</HI> ob&s;erve the &s;ame thing at the la&s;t word of their <HI>Scoma,</HI> which is, <HI>Had, one,</HI> for they re&s;t &s;ometimes a whole hour upon that word; and when they are at the la&s;t letter, they throw their heads here and there, and you would take them for
<PB N="98" REF="54">mad. And &s;o the <HI>Santons</HI> and <HI>Turks,</HI> which imi|tate them, are in that but Repre&s;entatives of the <HI>Jews,</HI> as in the mo&s;t part of their other Ceremonies.</P>
<P>The &s;econd Axiom of their Theology is compre|hended in the&s;e words, <HI>Ou Mohammed re&s;oul allah, And</HI> Mahomet <HI>is the Envoy of God.</HI> Of all the qualities that <HI>Mahomet</HI> takes in his Alcoran, this &s;ame is the principal, 'tis writ in great Characters in the Manu&s;cript I have already &s;poken of; and when any one embraceth the Turki&s;h Belief, they are content to have him only pronounce the&s;e words, <HI>La illah illallah, ou Mohammed re&s;oul, allah, There is no other God but God, and</HI> Mahomet <HI>is the Envoy of God.</HI> 'Tis in this &s;ence that our Author ought to be under&s;tood, when he &s;aith. They wor&s;hip no other God but <HI>Mahomet,</HI> for that they look up|on him to be a true Prophet, whom God hath &s;ent to reform Religion. And 'tis upon that Mi&s;&s;ion that their Belief is grounded, in&s;omuch that it is nece&s;&s;ary they &s;hould make mention of it in their Profe&s;&s;ion of Faith: Not but that they have regard to <HI>Mo&s;es,</HI> our Lord, and the other Prophets, but as our Author ob&s;erves, <HI>Mahomet,</HI> according to their &s;entiments, is a greater Prophet than they, for they hold him for the Envoy of God by way of Excellency, and for the Comforter that is &s;poken of in the Go&s;pel. They believe that God hath &s;ent from Heaven Sacred Books to divers Prophets, and that he made u&s;e for that purpo&s;e of the Mini|&s;try of the Angel <HI>Gabriel;</HI> that <HI>Mo&s;es</HI> received the Law in that manner, <HI>David</HI> the P&s;alms, <HI>Je&s;us,</HI> the Son of <HI>Mary,</HI> the Go&s;pel, and other Prophets other Books, to the number of 104, but that &s;ince the de&s;cent of the Alcoran, which was in coming down no le&s;s than 23 years, the&s;e Books are no longer Authentick, and &s;o ought not to be followed as in|fallible Rules.</P>
<PB N="99" REF="54">
<P>Be&s;ides the quality of Prophet, which the <HI>Maho|metans</HI> give to our Lord, the Alcoran &s;tiles him al|&s;o <HI>Kalmet allah, The word of God;</HI> which, never|thele&s;s, mu&s;t not be under&s;tood as if they believed him to be that Word which is in God from all eter|nity, but after the manner that the <HI>Jews</HI> call the Prophets, the Word of God. And 'tis in that Sence that the <HI>Socinians</HI> expound the Go&s;pel of St. <HI>John,</HI> where our Lord is called the <HI>Word,</HI> which they have a&s;&s;uredly taken from the <HI>Jews.</HI> There is neverthele&s;s a certain Sect of <HI>Mahometans,</HI> which, according to the Report of <HI>Abraham Ec|chelen&s;is,</HI> a <HI>Maronite,</HI> believe that Je&s;us Chri&s;t being the <HI>Word</HI> he ought to be God, for that the <HI>Word</HI> is uncreated; but there is a great deal of appearance, that that uncreated Being which they attribute to our Lord in quality of the <HI>Word,</HI> is no other thing but that &s;ame uncreated eternal Be|ing which is attributed to their Alcoran, in imita|tion of the <HI>Jews,</HI> who &s;ay al&s;o that their Law was before the creation of the World, which ought to be under&s;tood of the Ideas of God. The Word of God is no other in that place, according to the &s;ence of the <HI>Mahometan</HI> Doctors, but his Com|mandment, and as our Lord was born without a Father in an extraordinary manner; thus, &s;ay they, that he is the Word by way of excellency, having no other Parent but that &s;ame Commandment of God, who created the World out of nothing. For the <HI>Mahometans</HI> believe al&s;o, as well as we, that Je&s;us Chri&s;t was born of a Virgin, which neverthe|le&s;s is no great Miracle in their eyes, for they pre|tend to have among&s;t them divers Per&s;ons born in a Supernatural manner; and as the <HI>Arabs</HI> are le&s;s knowing in Phy&s;ick than Metaphy&s;ick, they ea&s;ily believe the Miraculous Births of the&s;e donatives of Heaven.</P>
<PB N="100" REF="55">
<P>They have two &s;orts of Theology, to wit, Po&s;itive and Schola&s;tick: The Po&s;itive Theology is &s;upported by the Alcoran and Tradition: In&s;tead of that, the Schola&s;tick Theology is grounded up|on Rea&s;on. There are among&s;t them Doctors that reject the la&s;t as new, and invented by Man, and pretend that it de&s;troys the true Theology, which ought to have no other Principle than the Word of God; that is, The Alcoran and Tradition, but the wi&s;er &s;ort believe that the Schola&s;tick Theology was produced with time as a nece&s;&s;ary Evil, and that 'tis very u&s;eful for to refute new Here&s;ies; they call it <HI>Alam alcalam,</HI> which &s;ignifies a Science of Words or Rea&s;oning. Thus <HI>Pocoke,</HI> in the tran|&s;lating of <HI>Abul fagarius,</HI> interprets <HI>Alam alcalam</HI> no otherwi&s;e than <HI>Scholastick Theology.</HI> In effect, their Theology is like unto that they learn in our Schools, and draws its Original from the <HI>Arabs,</HI> who have tran&s;lated the Books of <HI>Ari&s;totle</HI> into their Language, and apply them&s;elves &s;olely to the Me|taphy&s;icks, in&s;omuch that the <HI>Latins</HI> are beholding to them at this day for all their more &s;ubtil Parts in their Philo&s;ophy and Schola&s;tick Theology, for the fir&s;t Latin Tran&s;lations of the Books of <HI>Ari&s;to|tle,</HI> came from the Book of <HI>Averroes,</HI> which hath been tran&s;lated into Latin, and we have been al&s;o for &s;ome time, without reading <HI>Ari&s;totle</HI> in the Greek. One ought not to be &s;urprized, that the <HI>Latins</HI> and <HI>Arabs</HI> handle their Theology in the &s;ame manner, &s;ince they have extracted their method from the &s;ame Fountain; there are neverthele&s;s &s;ome <HI>Arabs,</HI> who rather follow the method of <HI>Pla|to</HI> than <HI>Ari&s;totle,</HI> for that this la&s;t &s;eems to them ba&s;e and unworthy the Maje&s;ty of God. For your better under&s;tanding, you mu&s;t know that there are two ways of &s;peaking of the Attributes of God,
<PB N="101" REF="55">the one is drawn from <HI>Plato,</HI> and the other from <HI>Ari&s;totle;</HI> the fir&s;t is all divine, and regards God but in him&s;elf; the other all humane, and con&s;i|ders God in re&s;pect to his Creatures. St. <HI>Augu&s;tin</HI> hath follow'd the fir&s;t manner of &s;peaking of God, St. <HI>Thomas</HI> on the contrary follow'd the &s;econd. The <HI>Arabs</HI> are divided among&s;t them&s;elves upon that point; for the one will have the E&s;&s;ence of God to be &s;o &s;imple in it &s;elf, that we cannot at|tribute unto him an Under&s;tanding, a Will, a Power, nor any other Perfections and Attributes that are ordinarily given him; 'tis not that they &s;ay, <HI>God knows not, &s;ees not, and hath no Power;</HI> but they believe that God doth all this by his E&s;|&s;ence; which is &s;o &s;imple, that we ought not to ob&s;erve any thing that may dimini&s;h the Idea of that Simplicity <HI>which comes to pa&s;s,</HI> &s;ay they, <HI>in giving Attributes to God;</HI> for this word <HI>Attri|bute</HI> &s;uppo&s;eth &s;omething upon which it falleth, and whereof it may be affirmed. Add moreover to this, that they deny the&s;e <HI>Attributes,</HI> to &s;epa|rate as far as po&s;&s;ibly they can the Per&s;ons from the Trinity which the <HI>Chri&s;tians</HI> place in God: Others on the contrary pretend that the&s;e &s;ort of <HI>Attributes</HI> are no way incompatible with the Di|vine E&s;&s;ence. In a word, they fall into the &s;ame Di&s;putes as we do in regard to the <HI>Attributes</HI> and <HI>Perfections</HI> of God: for there are &s;ome who di|&s;tingui&s;h the&s;e <HI>Attributes,</HI> and al&s;o the <HI>E&s;&s;ence,</HI> as do the <HI>Scoti&s;ts</HI> and others who reject that di&s;tin|ction, and &s;upport them&s;elves with Rea&s;ons like unto them we read in the Books of the <HI>Thomi&s;ts.</HI></P>
<P>Moreover, we acknowledge two &s;orts of Theo|logies, one of which is called Negative, for that, in regard to many things we may conceive, it de|nies they may be &s;aid of God: and the other Af|firmative,
<PB N="102" REF="56">for that it affirms of God all tho&s;e things that include no Imperfections. So the <HI>Arabs</HI> have both the one and the other Theology; for there are &s;ome of them who &s;ay, that God is not a Sub|&s;tance, but that He is above Sub&s;tance; that He is not Power, but that He is above Power: In a word, they place God above all that we can con|ceive or expre&s;s by our Words. This &s;ort of Theology hath been in u&s;e &s;ince the fir&s;t Ages of Chri&s;tianity, and is yet to this day much in e&s;teem. As to the Affirmative Theology, there are among&s;t them a number of Sects, which yet do not alto|gether accord, and &s;peak not all in the &s;ame man|ner of the Perfections of God: The <HI>Mahometan</HI> Doctors glory al&s;o they are divided into many Sects.</P>
<P>You mu&s;t neverthele&s;s ob&s;erve, that this diver|&s;ity of Opinion is no ways hurtful to the State; for they all agree in the fundamental Articles of Religion; and as the fundamental Articles are very few in number, they have an entire liberty to di&s;pute of an Infinity of important points, and judge of 'em as they plea&s;e, without being reputed Hereticks or Schi&s;maticks for it. This great Divi|&s;ion pa&s;&s;eth among&s;t them for a War of Metaphy|&s;icks, where one has one Sentiment, another ano|ther, as among&s;t the <HI>Scoti&s;ts</HI> and <HI>Thomi&s;ts;</HI> they &s;ay, that all that ought to be believ'd is contain'd in the <HI>Alcoran</HI> and <HI>A&s;&s;ona</HI> or <HI>Tradition;</HI> but that there are certain difficult points therein, about which the Doctors ought to be con&s;ulted, and who&s;e Deci&s;ion they ought to &s;tand to; however, they do not believe that the Deci&s;ions of their Doctors are infallible, for Probability alone &s;uffi|ceth to put their Con&s;ciences in repo&s;e; and al|tho' they might be fal&s;e, they do not &s;in in credit|ing
<PB N="103" REF="56">of them, <HI>For,</HI> &s;ay they, <HI>God hath command|ed tho&s;e that are not knowing in the Law to follow the Doctors that in&s;truct them, and not to examine too &s;crupulou&s;ly if their Deci&s;ions be true:</HI> Be&s;ides, 'tis a great point of their policy not to in&s;i&s;t, but upon a few fundamental and nece&s;&s;ary points of Salvation; for it were impo&s;&s;ible but that of &s;uch great Philo&s;ophers they &s;hould produce a great number of Here&s;ies, if their Religion had con&s;i&s;t|ed of many Articles of Faith, and of difficult Be|lief. This great Liberty therefore which they have to &s;peak at their plea&s;ure of all matters of Religion, that are not included in the Fundamen|tal Articles, hath produc'd an infinity of Sects, who all endeavour to de&s;troy one-another, for that every Sect believes its own Principles uncon|te&s;table: They handle with much Subtilty the &s;ame Que&s;tions which we do in the Schools; for example, in regard to the Attributes of God. Be|&s;ides that which I have already remark'd, they examine all the Divine Power if &s;uch a thing is po&s;|&s;ible or impo&s;&s;ible, if God can do Evil, and if al&s;o he can do what he will; how many &s;orts of Wills there be in God; whether it be that Will which is from all Eternity, or that &s;ame Will within the time: They di&s;pute of Prede&s;tination, of the Li|berty of Man, if he produceth his Actions him|&s;elf, or is it God alone who is the Author, and that Man &s;erves but for a pa&s;&s;ive In&s;trument, who hath not in him&s;elf the Principle of Action.</P>
<P>One Sect attributes all to God, as being the Cau&s;e of all things: others on the contrary give all to the Creatures, and will have, that God re|po&s;eth him&s;elf without having need to be occupied about our Affairs. There are &s;ome of them who pretend that God is not the Cau&s;e of our Faith,
<PB N="104" REF="57">but that it comes of it &s;elf, and from our own good di&s;po&s;itions: Others are of a contrary Opi|nion, who go &s;o far as to de&s;troy all the Liberty of Man, from whom they remove all &s;orts of In|difference, and &s;ay, <HI>that God con&s;iders not our Merits, but his own Will alone; and 'tis He that hardens the Hearts of whom He plea&s;eth, and is no le&s;s the Author of Evil than of Good.</HI> This Opi|nion, which is very common among&s;t the <HI>Turks,</HI> is founded upon the Idea which they have of all the Divine power, to whom they attribute all things, as if the Creatures were but meer In&s;tru|ments. They believe, for example, that it is God that produceth heat in the Hand, and not the Fire. That the Victuals which we eat doth not nouri&s;h us, but that it is God alone that doth that in us; <HI>For,</HI> &s;ay they, <HI>there is no other Mover but He.</HI> there are &s;ome who keep in the medium of the&s;e, and place neither Con&s;traint nor ab&s;olute Nece&s;&s;ity in the Will, but yet do not attribute &s;o great and ab&s;olute an Indifference thereto. Finally, they hold great Di&s;putes touching the Liberty of the Ble&s;&s;ed: &s;ome believe that the Liberty of the Ble&s;|&s;ed is a true Liberty; others pretend that it me|rits rather the Name of Nece&s;&s;ity than Liberty, having no Indifference. The nature of Habit which hath been produced long &s;ince in our Schools is not unknown to them, for they there di&s;pute of Faith, if it be an Habit; if that Habit be &s;imple or no; if it be acquired all at once, or by degrees. <HI>Calvin</HI> might have found Ma&s;ters among&s;t the <HI>Mahometans,</HI> who might have read him Lectures of Faith and Good Works; for there are &s;ome of them who have writ before him, <HI>that the Faithful can never lo&s;e the Faith; that neither Murder, nor Adultery, nor the other great Sins, can hinder him
<PB N="105" REF="57">from being always of the number of true Believers, unle&s;s he &s;ay the Sins that he committed were with permi&s;&s;ion, for then he &s;ins out of pure malice.</HI> Like|wi&s;e they cannot agree among&s;t them&s;elves about the di&s;tinction of Faith, if it comprehends in it Works or no; and they &s;earch out with much &s;ub|tilty, if it's po&s;&s;ible to be &s;aved without Faith, and that being &s;uch as they ought to believe of them who are in the utmo&s;t parts of the Earth, and have never heard &s;peak of <HI>Mahomet;</HI> many believe that in that ca&s;e Faith is not &s;o ab&s;olutely nece&s;&s;ary, and that then they may be &s;aved by the meer Light of Rea&s;on, as 'tis to be feard &s;ome have in the &s;ame manner been &s;aved under the Old Te&s;tament. They have al&s;o very great Di&s;putes touching ex|plicit and implicit Faith. There are &s;ome who teach 'tis &s;ufficient to have an explicit Belief of God and <HI>Mahomet;</HI> that as to other Articles of Faith, 'tis enough to believe them implicitly and in gro&s;s; and they found this upon a Principle that is very common to the <HI>Turks,</HI> to wit, that to be|lieve a Truth there is no need to know nor com|prehend it; that God puni&s;heth not the Faithful for not taking greater care to be in&s;tructed in their Belief: neverthele&s;s, they are never permit|ted to u&s;e Equivocations when they are que&s;tion'd about their Faith, for then they are obliged to an|&s;wer without he&s;itation, whether they are <HI>Mu&s;&s;ul|mans</HI> or true Believers.</P>
<P>Altho' the <HI>Mahometans</HI> are great Mathemati|cians, yet that hinders not their having among&s;t them Sects which attribute all to Sen&s;e, and who believe that God is a Body, and that what is writ|ten of him is to be taken literally. In a word, tho&s;e have the &s;ame Opinion of God as the ancient <HI>Anthropomorphites.</HI> There are &s;ome al&s;o who are
<PB N="106" REF="58">&s;o far from con&s;idering God in him&s;elf, according to the method of the <HI>Platoni&s;ts,</HI> and to acknow|ledge in him all the Perfections that may be con|ceiv'd, that they pur&s;ue on the contrary the Prin|ciples of <HI>Ari&s;totle,</HI> who regarded not the Ideas in them&s;elves, for that he believed them to be Chi|mera's, but formed Ideas after the induction of particular things. The&s;e &s;ort of People pretend that God knows not things but after they are come to pa&s;s; that that which is ordinarily called the future Contingent cannot be known of God by the Principles of <HI>Ari&s;totle;</HI> That that which is not cannot be known. The <HI>Socinians,</HI> who make pro|fe&s;&s;ion of &s;o refin'd a Philo&s;ophy, and according to which they regulate all Religion, are but the Di|&s;ciples of the&s;e <HI>Mahometan</HI> Doctors.</P>
<P>They are moreover divided among&s;t them&s;elves about the <HI>Alcoran.</HI> I will not touch upon the an|cient Di&s;putes touching the reading of that Book, which was very different, and which obliged them to re&s;t contented at la&s;t with the Limitation of certain Pricks which &s;erve for Vowels, as the <HI>Jews</HI> have done with the Hebrew Text of the Bible, and who have al&s;o compos'd their Grammar ac|cording to that of the Arabic, I &s;hall &s;peak only of certain Sects which <HI>Abraham Ecchelen&s;is</HI> reports to be unwilling to receive all the Surates or Chap|ters of the Alcoran as canonical, pretending that the Surate of <HI>Jo&s;eph,</HI> which contains the Hi&s;tory of that Patriarch, is in their e&s;teem Apocryphal. And the <HI>Per&s;ians</HI> receive not for authentic certain Ver&s;es of the Alcoran, which are received by the <HI>Turks.</HI></P>
<PB N="107" REF="58">
<P>Be&s;ides their Alcoran, they depend much upon Tradition, and they have an <HI>A&s;&s;onna,</HI> which is the &s;ame thing as the Mi&s;na of the <HI>Jews:</HI> however, you may find a &s;ort of <HI>Puritans</HI> among&s;t them who take the Alcoran alone for their Rule, not believing that the Words of Men can oblige them to any thing in Con&s;cience, and under pain of Sin. As to their manner of expounding the Al|coran, &s;ome conform them&s;elves entirely to the Letter, others fall upon Allegories, believing it cannot be literally under&s;tood, but that there are diver&s;e meanings conceal'd under the Letter; which they do in imitation of the Jews, who &s;ay, that the Scripture hath &s;eventy-two Panims or Faces. In &s;hort, &s;ome follow the literal &s;ence, others the moral, and others confine them&s;elves principally to the my&s;tical &s;ence; they add more|over, that Religion cannot &s;ub&s;i&s;t without &s;ome Author authenticly to decide all the Difficulties that occurr; others finally are of that opinion, that without <HI>their Sect</HI> there is no Salvation.</P>
<P>They have moreover a kind of Canon-Law wherein they di&s;tingui&s;h a Divine Right from that which is but a po&s;itive Right. They have al&s;o a great number of Ca&s;ui&s;ts of all &s;orts of Sects, but the mo&s;t judicious <HI>Turks</HI> have no e&s;teem for all the&s;e Ca&s;ui&s;ts, from an Opinion they hold, that they ought to have recour&s;e to the Ancients. They prefer, among&s;t others, a certain Doctor, whom they call <HI>Abuha&s;ine,</HI> for that they pre|tend, that that &s;ame per&s;on hath followed more exactly than others the Text of the Alcoran and Tradition, whereas the greate&s;t part of the new Doctors &s;eparate them&s;elves from it, through too much rea&s;oning.</P>
<PB N="108" REF="59">
<P>I might have here many things to &s;ay touching their Morals, but I perceive I have already too far digre&s;&s;ed: one may &s;ee more at large a part of that which I have related touching the Theo|logy of the <HI>Mahometans,</HI> in a Book of <HI>Abraham Ecchelen&s;is,</HI> entitul'd, <HI>De Origine nominis Papae,</HI> and in the Notes which <HI>Pocock</HI> hath joyned to that which he cau&s;ed to be printed of <HI>Abel Fa|rarius.</HI> I have taken the other part from the Books of the <HI>Mahometan</HI> Doctors, from whence one may ea&s;ily judge that the Followers of Maho|met are not &s;o ignorant in their Religion, as is ordinarily imagin'd. 'Tis true, that they are be|holden to the <HI>Arabians</HI> for all the Subtilty of their knowledge in Theology, but they have now very learned Books written in the <HI>Turki&s;h</HI> and <HI>Per&s;ian</HI> Languages. The Catechi&s;ms al&s;o which they teach their Children at <HI>Con&s;tantinople</HI> &s;peak of God in a very &s;ublime manner; and to the end the Reader may judge hereof, I will relate here the Words of the fir&s;t Chapter of a Catechi&s;m compo&s;ed in <HI>Tur|ki&s;h</HI> by <HI>Mahomet Ben pir Ali; That Wor&s;hip is due to God alone, who hath no Companion, nor any like unto him; that He hath no need of eating, drink|ing, nor &s;leeping; and that 'tis altogether impo&s;&s;i|ble he can be &s;ubject to the&s;e &s;orts of Infirmities and Imperfections; that he is neither in Heaven nor in the Earth, nor on the right nor on the left, nor above nor below, nor behind nor before, for he takes up no place; that he hath al&s;o neither form nor manner of being, neither Head nor Ear, nor Tongue nor Mouth, nor Hand nor Foot; that his E&s;&s;ence hath neither beginning nor ending; that he exi&s;ts of him&s;elf; and that his Being is al|ways in the &s;ame e&s;tate:</HI> Moreover, <HI>That God
<PB N="109" REF="59">hath created the World out of nothing; that he can annihilate it in a moment by his only Will; that nothing is hard for him to do; that it is as ea&s;ie for him al&s;o to create &s;even Heavens, and &s;even Earths, as the lea&s;t Crumb of the World; that the Creatures bring him neither Lo&s;s nor Profit.</HI> In the two fol|lowing Chapters the Author &s;peaks extraordinari|ly well of the Life of God, of his knowledge of his Will, in what manner tho&s;e places are to be explained wherein it is &s;aid, <HI>He &s;peaks and under|&s;tands.</HI> The <HI>Per&s;ians</HI> al&s;o expound in the &s;ame manner all that regard the Divine Perfections; they &s;peak very exactly of the Unity of God, of his Eternity, Independance, Knowledge, Power, Life, Will; how he &s;ees all things without Eyes; how he under&s;tands without Ears; that he al|ways was, is, and always will be; that he is nei|ther Body nor Sub&s;tance. In a word, mo&s;t part of the Mahometans, whether <HI>Turks</HI> or <HI>Per&s;ians,</HI> treat of the&s;e matters almo&s;t in the &s;ame manner as we &s;ee them treated of by the learned <HI>R. Moy&s;e,</HI> and others.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 TYPE="remarks">
<PB N="110" REF="60">
<HEAD>Remarks upon the Ninth Chapter.</HEAD>
<P>THE Patriarch of the <HI>Maronites</HI> complained, that the Pope had &s;ent him but a &s;imple Brief in&s;tead of a &s;olemn Bull, and gave him not the Title of Patriarch of <HI>Antioch,</HI> as the other Popes his Predece&s;&s;ors had done. I know not why <HI>Clement</HI> the Eighth followed not in this the Example of his Predece&s;&s;ors, for the Court of <HI>Rome</HI> &s;eldom differs from its u&s;age, and when they have once conferred a Title, they are not afterwards accu&s;tomed to refu&s;e it, for they do nothing there but upon good deliberation: It might happen that Pope <HI>Clement</HI> acted thus with that Patriarch out of the Uncertainty he was of his Belief, founded upon the relation that had been lately made him at <HI>Rome. Paul</HI> the Se|cond writing, in the Year 1468, to <HI>Peter</HI> Pa|triarch of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> gave him the Quality of <HI>Reverend Brother</HI> Peter, <HI>Patriarch of the</HI> Ma|ronites <HI>entituled of</HI> Antioch. The <HI>Jacobites</HI> a&s;|&s;ume al&s;o the &s;ame Title of <HI>Patriarch of Antioch;</HI> and it is <HI>at this</HI> day no extraordinary thing to &s;ee in the <HI>Levant</HI> divers <HI>Patriarchs</HI> of the &s;ame Church, for &s;ince the Ea&s;tern Nations have been divided into &s;o many Sects, every Sect would have its own Patriarch; the Patriarch of the <HI>Ma|ronites</HI> takes ordinarily the Name of <HI>Peter,</HI> for that Saint <HI>Peter</HI> was Bi&s;hop of <HI>Antioch,</HI> and per|haps they affect that Name the more, &s;ince they have been united to the Church of <HI>Rome.</HI></P>
<PB N="111" REF="60">
<P>As to the two Deacons mention'd by our Au|thor, the&s;e apply them&s;elves &s;olely to the Tempo|ralities; and it &s;eems the Patriarchs of the <HI>Maro|nites</HI> would imitate the Apo&s;tles when they &s;aid to their Di&s;ciples, <HI>'Tis not good to leave the Word of God to &s;erve at Tables:</HI> wherefore they di&s;charged them&s;elves of all Temporal Affairs, and left them to the management of the Deacons they cho&s;e for that purpo&s;e. This was the occa&s;ion of the e&s;tabli&s;hment of the Deacons, and the <HI>Maronites</HI> &s;eem to have retained this Apo&s;tolic Di&s;cipline; for their Patriarch applys him&s;elf &s;olely to Spi|ritual things. They give to the&s;e two Deacons the Quality of Lords, for to di&s;tingui&s;h them from the ordinary Deacons that officiate at the Altars, and we ought rather to call the former <HI>Governors,</HI> or <HI>Admini&s;trators of the Temporali|ties,</HI> than <HI>Deacons.</HI></P>
<P>I believe the Author has made u&s;e of the word <HI>Deacon,</HI> for that the <HI>Syriack</HI> and <HI>Ara|bick</HI> words which the <HI>Maronites</HI> make u&s;e of to expre&s;s the Name of that Charge, &s;igni|fie <HI>Deacons</HI> and <HI>Admini&s;trators.</HI> However it be, certain it is, that the&s;e Deacons have had formerly the admini&s;tration of the Temporali|ties, and that that Charge render'd them very con&s;iderable; but they grew in&s;olent, &s;o that the Church was obliged to make Canons to moderate them. There is no &s;uch thing to be &s;een in the Deacons of Mount <HI>Libanus,</HI> although they have more Authority than the Deacons of the Church formerly had.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 TYPE="remarks">
<PB N="112" REF="61">
<HEAD>Remarks upon the Eleventh Chapter.</HEAD>
<P>I Have &s;omewhat to &s;ay concerning the Origi|nal of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> which the Abbot would have to be derived from the Abbot <HI>Maron;</HI> he follows in that the common Opinion of the <HI>Maro|nites,</HI> for in the Preface they have prefix'd to their Caldeck Ma&s;s printed at <HI>Rome,</HI> they pretend they have had their Name from St. <HI>Maron,</HI> who&s;e Life <HI>Theodoret</HI> has written, and for to confirm it they cite an Epi&s;tle of St. <HI>Chry&s;o&s;tom</HI> to the &s;ame <HI>Ma|ron,</HI> which he wrote unto him during his Exile: and they add, that the Mona&s;tery which bore afterwards the Name of St. <HI>Maron,</HI> was very con&s;iderable at the beginning of the Sixth Century, &s;ince <HI>Alexander</HI> Abbot of St. <HI>Maron</HI> was the fir&s;t that &s;ub&s;cribed the Letter which the Archimandrites or Abbots of <HI>Syria</HI> wrote to Pope <HI>Hormi&s;das. Gabriel Sconita,</HI> and <HI>John He|&s;tonita, Maronites,</HI> in a little Treati&s;e they com|po&s;ed, touching the Manners and Religion of the <HI>Levantines,</HI> are al&s;o of the &s;ame Opinion, yet without rejecting the Sentiments of them who believe that the Name of <HI>Maronite</HI> came of a certain Country in Mount <HI>Libanus,</HI> called <HI>Maro|nia;</HI> but they cannot endure to be made de&s;cended from the heretical <HI>Maron,</HI> and do maintain, that there was never any &s;uch of that Name. I will
<PB N="113" REF="61">add to their Sentiments that which <HI>Abraham Ec|chelen&s;is</HI> &s;aith, to wit, that St. <HI>Maron</HI> gave fir&s;t the Name to all the Monks of the &s;econd <HI>Sy|ria,</HI> and that after the Council of <HI>Calcedon</HI> all the <HI>Syrians,</HI> who defended the Decrees of that Council again&s;t the <HI>Eutichians, Dio&s;corians,</HI> and <HI>Aciphales,</HI> were called <HI>Maronites;</HI> but this hin|ders not <HI>F. Morin,</HI> to whom he writ, to follow a contrary Opinion, which is &s;upported with the Te&s;timony of <HI>William de Syr,</HI> who reports but what he hath &s;een him&s;elf, and what pa&s;&s;ed in his time.</P>
<P>The <HI>Maronites</HI> then, according to that Hi&s;to|ry extract their Original from a certain Here|tick named <HI>Maron:</HI> After they had been &s;epara|ted from the <HI>Roman</HI> Church about Five hundred Years, they made an Abjuration of their Here&s;ie in the hands of <HI>Aimeriek</HI> Patriarch of <HI>Antioch,</HI> who lived in the time of <HI>William de Syr,</HI> and was the third Latin <HI>Patriarch</HI> of that Church: They were before <HI>Monothelites,</HI> and acknowledg'd but one Will and one Operation in Je&s;us Chri&s;t. <HI>James de Vitris</HI> Bi&s;hop of <HI>Accon</HI> in <HI>Syria,</HI> and <HI>Marin Sanat,</HI> are al&s;o of the &s;ame opinion touch|ing the <HI>Maronites.</HI> We may add to the&s;e Proofs the Authority of <HI>Eutychius</HI> Patriarch of <HI>Alexan|dria,</HI> who &s;poke in his Annals of a certain Monk called <HI>Maron,</HI> who lived in the time of the Em|peror <HI>Maurice,</HI> and who admitted in Je&s;us Chri&s;t but one Will, and one Operation, altho' he ac|knowledg'd in him two Natures: Then he &s;aid, that this Monk infected many per&s;ons with his Here&s;ie, and that tho&s;e who followed his Opi|nion were called <HI>Maronites.</HI> The &s;ame Author &s;peaks often afterwards hereof in his Annals,
<PB N="114" REF="62">and makes mention of tho&s;e who followed that Sect: He affirms, that the Emperor <HI>Heraclius</HI> was a <HI>Maronite,</HI> and that he did many Kindne&s;&s;es to tho&s;e of that Belief. He attributes moreover the Here&s;ie of the <HI>Maronites</HI> to many Patriarchs of <HI>Con&s;tantinople, Antioch,</HI> and <HI>Alexandria,</HI> and al&s;o to Pope <HI>Honorius. Philip Mazerius,</HI> in the Life he hath writ of <HI>Peter Thomas,</HI> the Apo&s;tolic Nuncio in the <HI>Levant,</HI> who died at <HI>Famagu&s;ta</HI> in 1366, treats of the Schi&s;ms of the <HI>Maronites</HI> of that Country; the Author takes the Quality of Chancellor of the Kingdom of <HI>Cyprus</HI> upon him, and he lived at the &s;ame time as he who&s;e Life he wrote, having accompanied him in part of his Travels. Tho&s;e <HI>Maronites</HI> of <HI>Cyprus</HI> per&s;i&s;ted in the Errors of the <HI>Monothelites,</HI> even to the Pope|dom of <HI>Eugenius</HI> the Fourth, in 1445. Their Bi&s;hip, named <HI>Elie,</HI> made Abjuration of them, together with all the Nation between the Hands of <HI>Andrew</HI> Bi&s;hop of <HI>Colo&s;s,</HI> and &s;ent a Per&s;on al|&s;o to <HI>Rome,</HI> who did the &s;ame in his name; as <HI>F. Raynald</HI> reports at large in his Annals.</P>
<P>It remains now that we di&s;tingui&s;h the Here&s;ie of the <HI>Maronites</HI> from that of the <HI>Jacobites,</HI> for that, as an <HI>Italian</HI> Author ob&s;erves, they are a Sprout of the <HI>Jacobites.</HI> In effect there is much appearance that the Monk <HI>Maron</HI> quitted the part of the <HI>Jacobites,</HI> or <HI>Eutichaus,</HI> for to render him|&s;elf Chief of a Sect; for we &s;ee that the <HI>Jacobites</HI> and <HI>Maronites</HI> have &s;ome Books common to both, which however hinders not, but that the <HI>Ma|ronites</HI> having &s;eparated from the <HI>Jacobites,</HI> have written diver&s;e Books again&s;t them, for to prove that there are two Natures in Je&s;us Chri&s;t. 'Tis no good Proof to &s;ay, that the <HI>Maronites</HI> have not been Hereticks, for that <HI>John Maron</HI> and
<PB N="115" REF="62">others of their Writers have compos'd Books a|gain&s;t the <HI>Jacobites, Menophy&s;ites, Acephales,</HI> and <HI>Severians;</HI> for they might have been <HI>Monothelites,</HI> and condemn tho&s;e Here&s;ies whereof we have &s;po|ken: Be&s;ides, they have added many things to their Books &s;ince they have been totally united to the Church of <HI>Rome,</HI> and it may be they have not only in&s;erted therein the Condemnation of the <HI>Eutichyans,</HI> but that al&s;o of the <HI>Monothelites,</HI> and that conformable to the Orders of the Pope's Envoys to Mount <HI>Libanus,</HI> who e&s;tabli&s;h'd Per|&s;ons to review the Books of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> and to retrench in them all that might come near unto Here&s;ie.</P>
<P>Notwith&s;tanding all the&s;e Proofs, I will wil|lingly &s;u&s;pend my Judgment upon this Subject, until I &s;hall &s;ee in what manner Mon&s;ieur <HI>Fau&s;te Nairon,</HI> a learned <HI>Maronite,</HI> Nephew to <HI>Abra|ham Ecchelen&s;is,</HI> and his Succe&s;&s;or in the College of <HI>Sapience</HI> at <HI>Rome,</HI> hath defended his Nation from the Here&s;ies whereof they have been accu|&s;ed. This learned <HI>Maronite</HI> hath compo&s;ed a Book in <HI>Italian,</HI> wherein he hath treated of the Original of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> and related all that might contain their Hi&s;tory. I cannot imagine what hinders the publication of that Work, &s;ince it hath been fini&s;h'd three Years ago: I know that divers Latin Authors, who&s;e Te&s;timonies it were u&s;ele&s;s to rehear&s;e, pretend that the <HI>Maro|nites</HI> derive really their Original from that Ab|bot <HI>Maron,</HI> of whom we have &s;poken: but we may &s;ay, that they too ea&s;ily follow the Opinion of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> without being willing to take pains to examine the thing in it &s;elf. 'Tis long &s;ince the <HI>Maronites</HI> have promis'd us the Hi&s;tory of the pretended St. <HI>Maron,</HI> who&s;e Memory they
<PB N="116" REF="63">&s;o much celebrate; it were to be wi&s;hed that &s;ome learned Per&s;on among&s;t them would plainly exhi|bit that Hi&s;tory whereof we have but little know|ledge; for perhaps they have added to the num|ber of Saints the Heretical Saint <HI>Maron,</HI> as the <HI>Ne&s;torians</HI> and mo&s;t part of other Sects honour to this day their Patriarchs. The <HI>Ne&s;torians</HI> honour <HI>Ne&s;torius</HI> with the Title of Saint in their Pray|ers and Liturgies, and make Imprecations again&s;t the Memory of Saint <HI>Cyril,</HI> whom they con&s;ider as an Heretick: The <HI>Jacobites</HI> do al&s;o the &s;ame thing in re&s;pect to divers of their Sectaries. There is &s;ome appearance that it will not be long before we have the Works which the <HI>Maronites</HI> of Mount <HI>Libanus</HI> promi&s;e to publi&s;h in one of their At|te&s;tations, which is printed at the end of the third Tome of the <HI>Perpetuity.</HI> I wi&s;h neverthele&s;s that before they write of their Liturgies, that they fir&s;t dive&s;t them&s;elves of an Infinity of fal&s;e Prejudices, wherewith they are cumber'd, and which hinder them to treat of that matter with exactne&s;s e|nough. Moreover, 'tis to be ob&s;erved, that he that hath printed that <HI>Atte&s;tation</HI> of the <HI>Maronites</HI> hath done it under the name of the <HI>Maronites</HI> of <HI>Antioch,</HI> altho' it hath been writ by them who inhabit Mount <HI>Libanus.</HI> That which deceiv'd him was, that the Patriarch which re&s;ides in the Mona|&s;tery of <HI>Cannubin</HI> in Mount <HI>Libanus</HI> takes upon him the Quality of Patriarch of <HI>Antioch,</HI> but he does not live at <HI>Antioch;</HI> and I believe al&s;o that there is not at this time in that City any Church of <HI>Maronites.</HI></P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 TYPE="remarks">
<PB N="117" REF="63">
<HEAD>Remarks upon the Twelfth Chapter.</HEAD>
<P>'TIS no extraordinary wonder to &s;ee that mo&s;t part of the <HI>Maronite</HI> Prie&s;ts can but only read and write; there are but a very few know|ing Per&s;ons in all the <HI>Levant,</HI> for they have not the conveniency of Colleges as we have, yet there are &s;ome of them skill'd in the <HI>Italian.</HI> Be&s;ides, the Je&s;uits have Schools in the <HI>Levant,</HI> and particularly at <HI>Con&s;tantinople,</HI> where they in&s;truct Youth. <HI>Cyrilli Lucar,</HI> in a Letter which he writ from <HI>Con&s;tantinople</HI> to <HI>Witem|berg,</HI> pretends that that Ignorance is advanta|geous to the <HI>Levantines,</HI> for, &s;ays he, they re|tain always their ancient Belief without Inno|vation: Neverthele&s;s, the &s;ame Author, in ano|ther Letter, hugely reproves the Ignorance of the Prie&s;ts and Bi&s;hops of the Ea&s;tern Churches, out of a fear he te&s;tifies to have, lea&s;t the E&s;tabli&s;hment of the Je&s;uits at <HI>Con&s;tantinople</HI> introduce &s;ome Novelty in the Ea&s;t; but how|ever it be, the Church of <HI>Rome</HI> is obliged to the&s;e Je&s;uits herein, for that they have by that means prevented <HI>Calvini&s;m</HI> to over &s;pread the <HI>Levant.</HI></P>
<P>Before that the <HI>Ma<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">onites</HI> had a College at <HI><GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 word">,</HI> they were much more ignorant than they are at this juncture; we have &s;een of them, &s;ince that time, three very knowing Per&s;ons at
<PB N="118" REF="64"><HI>Paris,</HI> who came out of this Seminary. Altho' they have at this time among&s;t them divers Per|&s;ons capable to In&s;truct the People, yet they fail not to &s;end them &s;till Religious Mi&s;&s;iona|ries to entertain them more in their Duty; but the Eccle&s;ia&s;ticks of the Country bear them en|vy, and often quarrel with them, believing them|&s;elves to be more capable to preach, and exer|ci&s;e other Functions, than tho&s;e &s;ent unto them. In effect, it were to be wi&s;hed there were no other that preached but the Natives, for that 'tis very difficult for the <HI>Europeans</HI> to &s;peak and pronounce the <HI>Arabick</HI> Tongue well, which is the rea&s;on that the People cannot forbear laugh|ing when they hear the&s;e Preachers &s;peak; &s;o far are they from giving them Audience. And I have heard not long &s;ince, that a Deacon of <HI>Nount Libanus</HI> &s;hould &s;ay, That the&s;e Mi&s;&s;iona|ries did them much harm, for that they accu|&s;ed them, at their return, of divers Errors, whereof they had no foundation, and that only for to be continued in their Mi&s;&s;ion.</P>
<P>As to the <HI>Caldean</HI> Tongue, 'tis true that 'tis the &s;ame among&s;t them at this day, as the <HI>La|tin</HI> is among&s;t us. Since <HI>Omar</HI> rendered him|&s;elf Ma&s;ter of <HI>Syria,</HI> at the beginning of the &s;eventh Century, the <HI>Arabick</HI> Language intro|duced it &s;elf by little and little into the Coun|try; and as the <HI>Arabs</HI> commanded and held the principal Offices there, they obliged the Peo|ple to conform them&s;elves to their Language. However, the <HI>Caldee</HI> hath always been con&s;er|ved in the Church, and the mo&s;t knowing writ &s;till in that Language, after <HI>Omar,</HI> for a long time; neverthele&s;s you mu&s;t ob&s;erve, that the Language which the Ancients calls <HI>Caldee,</HI> is
<PB N="119" REF="64">ordinarily called <HI>Syriack,</HI> which mo&s;t part of Grammarians di&s;tingui&s;h from the <HI>Arabick Caldee,</HI> as two different Dialects; but the <HI>Maronites,</HI> whom our Author has followed, call &s;ometimes their Language the <HI>Caldee.</HI> In effect, that which we call <HI>Syriack,</HI> differs not almo&s;t from the <HI>Caldee</HI> but the Characters; 'tis true that it hath many Dialects, but all the&s;e Dialects make but one Language. 'Tis very ancient, and &s;ome pretend that it was the Language of our fir&s;t Parents. That which might &s;upport this Opini|on is, That there is no other Language that ap|pears &s;o &s;imple in its expre&s;&s;ions; neverthele&s;s there is greater appearance that 'tis a corrup|tion of the Hebrew, as the Italian is of the Latin, and that in proce&s;s of time it appropria|ted to it &s;elf divers Greek words, and the words al&s;o of other Languages. It has a particular Character, which is but a corruption of the He|brew Character; wherefore 'tis needle&s;s to &s;earch as many have done, who it was that fir&s;t in|vented the <HI>Syriack</HI> Letters. They differ al&s;o from one another in their Characters, as the French vary from the Italians in the manner of writing their Letters. The <HI>Jacobites</HI> and the <HI>Maronites</HI> have the &s;ame Letters, and they are &s;uch as we &s;ee in their printed Books. The <HI>Ne&s;torian Caldeans,</HI> which are di&s;per&s;ed in ma|ny places of the <HI>Levant,</HI> have different Cha|racters from tho&s;e of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> and 'tis by that we may ea&s;ily know the Manu&s;cripts of the different <HI>Caldean</HI> Sects, altho' the&s;e Cha|racters differ no more one from another than the writing of a French Man and an Italian.</P>
<PB N="120" REF="65">
<P>We have no room here to &s;peak of all the Books which are written in <HI>Caldee,</HI> we will ob&s;erve only &s;uch as are in u&s;e at this day among&s;t the <HI>Maronites,</HI> that we may not di|gre&s;s too far from the de&s;ign of our Author. They have in the fir&s;t place two &s;orts of <HI>Sy|riack</HI> Tran&s;lations of the Old Te&s;tament, one of which is done out of the Hebrew, and the other out of the Greek of the Septuagint; however, we mu&s;t not give credit to what &s;ome &s;ay of that Ver&s;ion out of the Hebrew, which they call &s;imple, for to di&s;tingui&s;h it from the other, for they fal&s;ly believe that that Tran&s;la|tion hath been done in the time of <HI>Solomon,</HI> and <HI>Hiram</HI> King of <HI>Tyre;</HI> 'tis an Hi&s;tory which hath no more foundation than that of the <HI>Sy|riack</HI> Letters, for Authors attribute the&s;e &s;ame al&s;o to <HI>Solomon. Gregory Abulfarius</HI> makes men|tion of the&s;e two Ver&s;ions, and affirms that the Ea&s;tern <HI>Syrians</HI> make u&s;e of the fir&s;t, and the We&s;tern <HI>Syrians</HI> of both. <HI>Hebed Je&s;u,</HI> in his Catalogue of <HI>Caldee</HI> Books, &s;peaks of one <HI>Mar Aba,</HI> who hath tran&s;lated the Old Te&s;tament out of the Greek into Syriack; but as the <HI>Sy|riack</HI> Church was in being long before this <HI>Mar Aba,</HI> it had a Tran&s;lation of the Bible into Sy|riack taken out of the Greek Tran&s;lation of the <HI>Septuagint,</HI> for the Church, in the fir&s;t Ages, knew no other Bible but that of the <HI>Septuagint,</HI> which &s;eemed to have been alone e&s;teemed Au|thentick in the Decrees of Councels, and I know not why the Ea&s;tern <HI>Tyrians</HI> made u&s;e of a Ver&s;ion made different from the Hebrew Text, &s;ince the Apo&s;tles them&s;elves u&s;ed the <HI>Septua|gints;</HI> and that the fir&s;t Tran&s;lations from the Hebrew, different from that of the Seventy,
<PB N="121" REF="65">were rather for the u&s;e of particular Per&s;ons than any Church. Moreover, <HI>James</HI> of <HI>Nibi&s;e</HI> and St. <HI>Ephraim,</HI> who preceded <HI>Mar Aba,</HI> fol|lowed the Bible of the <HI>Septuagint;</HI> be&s;ides, that Ver&s;ion which they call &s;imple, for to di&s;tin|gui&s;h it from that of the Seventy, which doth not always follow the Text, differs &s;ometimes from the Hebrew for to accord with the Greek. However, it may be well &s;een, that at fir&s;t it was entirely conformable to the Hebrew, but that with time it has been corrupted by Tran|&s;cribers, and particular Per&s;ons, who have re|formed it in &s;ome places by the <HI>Septuagint,</HI> in|&s;omuch that that Ver&s;ion hath lo&s;t &s;omewhat of its ancient &s;implicity, through the different commixtures that hath been introduced there|unto. There is al&s;o &s;ome appearance, that the Hebrew Text, from which that <HI>Syriack</HI> Tran|&s;lation hath been made, was not altogether the &s;ame as that we have at this day; as for the <HI>Syriack</HI> New Te&s;tament, I do not doubt but that it may be very ancient, yet the dialect wherein it is written is a &s;ufficient proof, ac|cording to my judgment, for to &s;hew that it is not an Original. The <HI>Caldee</HI> that was &s;poken in <HI>Jeru&s;alem,</HI> in the time of our Saviour, was not the <HI>Caldee</HI> Language of the New Te&s;tament; and if St. <HI>Matthew</HI> writ his Go&s;pel in that Lan|guage, which they called al&s;o then the Hebrew, as is very probable, it cannot be &s;aid that 'tis the &s;ame <HI>Syriack</HI> Go&s;pel as we have at this day, becau&s;e of the difference of the Dia|lects.</P>
<P>Pope <HI>Gregory</HI> XIII. cau&s;ed a little Prayer-Book to be printed at <HI>Rome,</HI> in the year 1585. for their u&s;e, written in Arabick and Syriack
<PB N="122" REF="66">Characters; that Book contained &s;ome Prayers, which bore the Title of <HI>Salutation,</HI> and addre&s;|&s;ed to the Virgin <HI>Mary,</HI> the Archangels <HI>Gabriel</HI> and <HI>Michael,</HI> with &s;ome other things of the like nature; whereunto were added the Penitential P&s;alms, with the Litanies of the Saints. But the&s;e Litanies, that are in u&s;e in the Church of <HI>Rome,</HI> have not been received by the Maronites of <HI>Mount Libanus,</HI> unle&s;s it be very lately, for that <HI>Gabriel Sionita</HI> hath left them out of his Copy which I have in my hands, and 'tis ap|parent that that fa&s;hion of Praying to Saints is not ordinary in the Ea&s;tern Churches.</P>
<P>They have al&s;o their particular Editions of Councels, their Con&s;titutions, their Fathers, and divers other Books; neverthele&s;s you mu&s;t ob&s;erve, that they acknowledge but the fir&s;t four General Councels that preceded their Schi&s;m. I que&s;tion al&s;o, whether the Maronites have at any time had any particular Con&s;titutions, al|tho' they procure &s;ome that bear that Name; it may be that they have added that Title to a Book, which they call at this day the <HI>Eccle&s;i|a&s;tical Con&s;titutions,</HI> which a Learned Man of that Nation pretends to have been written be|fore the <HI>Califf Omar</HI> rendered him&s;elf Ma&s;ter of <HI>Syria.</HI> I cannot tell what foundation he has for to believe them to be &s;o ancient, if it be not that they are written in <HI>Syriack,</HI> and that that Language, according to his Sentiment, be|gan to grow out of u&s;e from the time of <HI>Omar.</HI> They have been Tran&s;lated into <HI>Arabic</HI> in 1059. by a Maronite Archbi&s;hop, according to the re|lation of <HI>Abraham Ecchelen&s;is,</HI> and they treat of divers Matters in Theology, principally of the Sacraments. Proper Bapti&s;m is there di|&s;tingui&s;hed
<PB N="123" REF="66">from the Metaphorical, or Confirma|tion is con&s;idered as the perfection of Bapti&s;m; frequent Communion much recommended. There is a long Treati&s;e about the Ordination of Chantres, Exorci&s;ts, Readers, Sub-deacons, Deacons, Prie&s;ts, and Bi&s;hops, to whom it is pre|&s;crib'd to a&s;&s;emble before their Patriarch. More|over, one may &s;ee there Rules for the Admini|&s;tration of the Temporalities of the Church, for Tythes, for Pious Legacies, for Civil Af|fairs; to wit, for all things that regard Wills, things in Tru&s;t, Inheritances, Donations, Loans, Re&s;titutions, and Purcha&s;es. The &s;ame Con&s;ti|tutions regulate al&s;o the Services that ought to be performed towards the Dead, their Burial, and the Banquets they make for them; therein be|&s;ides, are particular Statutes for Monks, for the Schools, and for the Books that were to be recei|ved into the Church. Finally, you may have Rules there for to make a di&s;tinction of Sins; Murder, Apo&s;tacy, and Fornication, are reckon|ed as the greate&s;t.</P>
<P>The Author pretends in this Chapter, that 'tis a great happine&s;s to the Chri&s;tians of the <HI>Levant,</HI> that they have not the u&s;e of printing, becau&s;e that prevents the errors of &s;o many Sects to be com|mix'd with the Orthodox; one may &s;ay as much of the impre&s;&s;ions of <HI>Europe,</HI> which have their commodities and incommodities, for that ought to facilitate great changes both in Church and State. If the <HI>Levantines</HI> lay a&s;ide the u&s;e of printing for the&s;e Rea&s;ons, they are wi&s;er than we in following that Maxim of Policy, <HI>Non pro&s;it potius &s;iquid Obe&s;&s;e pote&s;t:</HI> However, the <HI>Turks</HI> permit the <HI>Jews</HI> to print at <HI>Con&s;tantinople, Salonica,</HI> and el&s;e|where, but 'tis upon condition that they print
<PB N="124" REF="67">none but their own Books, which is of no con&s;e|quence.</P>
<P>He adds moreover, that Manu&s;cripts are more &s;ubject to changes than printed Books; in effect, that happens but too often, and without having oc|ca&s;ion to &s;earch el&s;ewhere for examples, the <HI>Ma|ronites</HI> alone furni&s;h us with enough, for one can almo&s;t &s;ee no Manu&s;cript-Books among&s;t them, for Divine Service, that are altogether alike and con|formable to tho&s;e printed at <HI>Rome</HI> for their u&s;e, but &s;ome are larger, other again contain le&s;s. 'Tis al&s;o worthy of ob&s;ervation, that <HI>Morin,</HI> who belie|ved he had given us the Ordinations of the Maro|nites entirely, hath printed but the le&s;&s;er part, which regards the Mini&s;try of the Bi&s;hops; for they are u&s;ed to have two di&s;tinct Books, one of which &s;erves the Bi&s;hop, who Ordains, and the other the Mini&s;ter, who An&s;wers him. The fir&s;t is properly the Book of Ordinations, the other is cailed the Clerks Book; in the mean time F. <HI>Morin,</HI> who had but the la&s;t, hath given it us as an entire Copy of the Ordination of the Maronites, and I am &s;urprized that <HI>Abraham Ecchelen&s;is,</HI> a Maro|nite, who hath peru&s;ed the Copy of <HI>Morin,</HI> hath not adverti&s;ed him hereof, that mu&s;t have e&s;caped them both; but an omi&s;&s;ion is no change, and it were ea&s;ie, with little precaution, to &s;hun the like mi&s;takes, which cannot be done when Tran&s;cribers can add to, and retrench, as they plea&s;e, in their Manu&s;cripts, for they ought to have divers Per&s;ons for to compare them together, and to examine throughly the Contents of the Book, to &s;ee if they can di&s;cover therein any Innovation; they need but u&s;e this Rule about the Books of the Maronites, and it &s;hall be found they are not for the mo&s;t part &s;uch as they are repre&s;ented to be. For example;
<PB N="125" REF="67">If you examine tho&s;e that have been written in <HI>Sy|riack,</HI> under the Name of <HI>John Maron,</HI> it will be ea&s;ie to di&s;cover they have not all the Antiquity which the Maronites attribute unto them; or if they be &s;o ancient, divers things have been added thereunto, which could not be written &s;ince that time.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 TYPE="remarks">
<HEAD>Remarks upon the Thirteenth Chapter.</HEAD>
<P>I Cannot tell whether it was Nece&s;&s;ity or Am|bition, that introduced into the Church of the Maronites the u&s;e of tho&s;e Bi&s;hops which have no Juri&s;diction, and which they ordinarily call <HI>Epi&s;|copi &s;ine Clero &amp; Populo;</HI> this Cu&s;tom, neverthe|le&s;s, might have its advantages, for that they found &s;ometimes occa&s;ion to make u&s;e of Prie&s;ts that were Bi&s;hops, and then they were Coadjutors. It &s;eems al&s;o, that in the time of the Apo&s;tles, the Prie&s;t|hood was not &s;eparate from the Epi&s;copacy, altho' they exerci&s;ed not entirely the Function of the Bi&s;hop. It cannot be &s;aid that the Abbots of <HI>Mount Libanus</HI> take the quality of Bi&s;hops upon them, for to be exempted from the ordinary Juri&s;diction, as many of our Abbots have done, for they know not in that Country what it is to be without the&s;e &s;orts of Exemptions, they have only pretended thereby, that they could promote them&s;elves to the Epi&s;copacy without the leave of their Patriarch, which was the cau&s;e of great trouble among&s;t them, and which <HI>Gregory</HI> XIII. remedied. As to the Marriage of Prie&s;ts, there is no body knows
<PB N="126" REF="68">not but that the Di&s;cipline of the Ea&s;tern Church differs in that from the We&s;tern Churches, in&s;o|much that it may be &s;aid, that the u&s;age that is re|ceived in all the <HI>Levant,</HI> is a di&s;pen&s;ing with the Canons. I know that the <HI>Greeks,</HI> at this day, af|firm that they follow the ancient Canons, and rely upon tho&s;e which are called the Canons of the Apo&s;tles; the 13th Canon of the &s;ixth Councel, which they call <HI>in Trullo,</HI> made u&s;e of the fore&s;aid Canons for a Rule, and they were afterwards con|demned in a Councel of the Church of <HI>Rome,</HI> as if they contradicted the ancient Rules. But St. <HI>Epi|phany,</HI> who lived long before, declares, That the Marriage of Prie&s;ts was a tran&s;gre&s;&s;ing of the Ca|nons which enjoined their Celibacy; and added, that that was di&s;pen&s;ed with, becau&s;e they had of|ten occa&s;ion for Prie&s;ts, and that it was difficult to find them, if obliged perpetually to a &s;ingle life. The words he makes u&s;e of, di&s;cover plainly that this u&s;age is very ancient in the Ea&s;tern Church. Moreover, we do not &s;ee that the Councels of <HI>Nice, Ancyra, Neoce&s;area,</HI> and <HI>Laodicia,</HI> have made any Rules for to oblige Prie&s;ts to Conti|nence, but on the contrary, the Hi&s;tory of <HI>Panuche</HI> reported by <HI>Socrates,</HI> demon&s;trates, that the Fathers of <HI>Nice</HI> regarded that Di&s;cipline which is now ob|&s;erved in the Church of <HI>Rome,</HI> as an hard, &s;evere, and unnatural Law, to which they ought in no wi&s;e to compel the Prie&s;ts to &s;ubmit. Indeed, as the Church is the Mi&s;tre&s;s of &s;uch Laws, it may law|fully di&s;pence with them; and 'tis an effect of its great prudence to accord with the weakne&s;s of Men when it &s;ees occa&s;ion, the right of rigour and compul&s;ion is not always, if ever, in &s;ea&s;on. Thus it is certain, the Emperor <HI>Charles</HI> V. con&s;ented to the marriage of Prie&s;ts in that famous interim,
<PB N="127" REF="68">which was done for the pre&s;ervation of peace, till the General Councel had determined &s;omewhat up|on that point, which was then in di&s;pute. Nay, Pope <HI>Paul</HI> III. him&s;elf, gave his Nuncio's in <HI>Germa|ny</HI> power to accord with the Emperor, in his demands touching the marriage of Prie&s;ts.</P>
<P>You mu&s;t neverthele&s;s ob&s;erve, that the Di&s;ci|pline at this day, in regard to the marriage of Prie&s;ts, and other Eccle&s;ia&s;ticks that are in holy Orders, is not the &s;ame as in ancient times, for the Prie&s;thood was not then &s;uch an impediment as to di&s;annul the marriage as it has been &s;ince. The fir&s;t Canon of the Councel of <HI>Neoce&s;area</HI> ordered, That a Prie&s;t that &s;hould marry &s;hould be deprived from the exerci&s;e of his Charge, but it touched not at all upon the marriage it &s;elf, which was &s;uppo&s;ed to be legitimate. And it appears by the &s;ame Ca|non, That Fornication and Adultery were puni&s;h|ed in Prie&s;ts, much more &s;everely than marriage af|ter Ordination; and &s;o, con&s;equently, it was a far greater crime. They had al&s;o this difference be|tween the Deacons and Prie&s;ts; That the Deacons might marry after their Ordination, if they had before prote&s;ted that they could not live Conti|nent, which was not permitted by them to the Prie&s;ts; but if it happen'd that a Deacon married after his Ordination, without fir&s;t making his pro|te&s;tations, his marriage cea&s;ed not to be good, but they &s;uffered him not to exerci&s;e the Function of his Office.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 TYPE="remarks">
<PB N="128" REF="69">
<HEAD>Remarks upon the Fourteenth Chapter.</HEAD>
<P>THE Reflections which our Author makes in this Chapter upon the Life and Manners of the Religious <HI>Maronites</HI> are very judicious: St. <HI>Hilarion,</HI> the Di&s;ciple of St. <HI>Anthony,</HI> was the Father of the Monks of <HI>Syria</HI> and <HI>Pale&s;tine,</HI> as his Ma&s;ter had been of tho&s;e of <HI>Aegypt.</HI> We might have many things here to &s;ay touching the Origi|nal and E&s;tabli&s;hment of the&s;e Monks, who are the Source and Foundation of all Monachi&s;m, but as there are many Authors who have written here|of, we need not repeat here that which they have &s;aid; and all the World knows, that the e&s;tabli&s;h|ment of a Religious Life <HI>hath nothing divine in it:</HI> The number of the ancient Solitaries encrea&s;ed in a moment, for they had no need then of Bulls, Letters Patents, no more than the permi&s;&s;ion of Ordinaries, for to e&s;tabli&s;h Religious Hou&s;es; there was no more demanded, if in the Title of their Foundation they had a &s;ufficient Revenue for to maintain them, to the end they might not be any charge to the Publick; for the&s;e fir&s;t Monks were very different from tho&s;e we &s;ee at this day, tho&s;e for&s;ook the Cities for to retire them&s;elves into the Mountains, built them there very &s;mall Lodgings, and every one labour'd at his Calling, in&s;omuch that their Solitude became Villages in a &s;hort time. Likewi&s;e they gave them the Name
<PB N="129" REF="69">of <HI>Laura,</HI> which is a Greek word, which they u&s;e in <HI>Aegypt,</HI> principally for to &s;ignifie <HI>diver&s;e Hou&s;es joyned together:</HI> and <HI>Agapius,</HI> a Religious of Mount <HI>Athos,</HI> hath in&s;erted in a Book of his called <HI>The Salvation of Sinners,</HI> a particular Cha|pter touching the St. <HI>Laura</HI> of Mount <HI>Athos,</HI> for 'tis &s;o he calls his Mona&s;tery: They had there|fore nothing at tho&s;e beginnings of particular places to live upon in Community. <HI>Eutychius</HI> reports, That the Religious that inhabited Mount <HI>Sinai</HI> were di&s;per&s;ed here and there in the Moun|tains and Valleys, about the Bu&s;h where God &s;pake unto <HI>Mo&s;es,</HI> until that the Emperor <HI>Ju&s;tinian</HI> cau&s;ed a Mona&s;tery to be built for to &s;helter them again&s;t the Incur&s;ions of the <HI>Arabs.</HI></P>
<P>Tho&s;e by whom they were governed took the Names of Abbots or Archimandrites upon them; and I believe that the&s;e two terms came original|ly from the <HI>Syriac.</HI> As to the fir&s;t, which is that of Abbot, which &s;ignifies Father, there is no doubt of it; and for the &s;econ<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">, there is much likeli|hood that the Word <HI>Mandra,</HI> which in the Greek &s;ignifies <HI>a Stable,</HI> or <HI>place to put up Bea&s;ts,</HI> hath been taken from the word <HI>Dour,</HI> which the <HI>Chal|deans</HI> u&s;e to &s;et forth the Habitation that Tra|vellers have in pitiful Hutts, and very often in Stables: In effect the <HI>Syrians</HI> u&s;e the word <HI>Dairo</HI> for to &s;ignifie the&s;e &s;ort of Man&s;ions, and a Mo|na&s;tery. The <HI>Arabs</HI> have al&s;o imitated in that the <HI>Syrians,</HI> in&s;omuch that a Mandrite is no other thing than a &s;olitary retirement into a &s;mall Man|&s;ion or Cell, which our Author compares to the Caverns of Bea&s;ts. He that was the Chief, and as it were the Dean of all the&s;e Solitaries, took upon him the Name of <HI>Archimandrite,</HI> that is,
<PB N="130" REF="70">Head and Ma&s;ter of the Solitaries. Moreover, the&s;e &s;ort of People, who retired from the Towns to lead a private Life in Solitude, could not &s;ub|&s;i&s;t without &s;ome Rules; wherefore they enacted certain Laws, unto which they would &s;ubmit: and altho' we do not know whether they made then Vows of Poverty, Cha&s;tity, and Obedience, they fail'd not to practi&s;e them all; for, as to that of Poverty, they &s;aw it was &s;et forth in the Go&s;pel as a &s;tate of Perfection; in regard to O|bedience, 'tis &s;uppo&s;ed they could not live in a body without Superiors, whom they were obli|ged to obey; finally, as they had entirely quit|ted the Commerce of the World, it &s;eems their Condition engaged them to live &s;eparated from Women. Thus, when they receiv'd any one in|to their Society, it was &s;ufficient to repre&s;ent un|to him once, without any wor&s;hip, what manner they lived; if, after that, he embraced their &s;ort of living, he was obliged to conform him&s;elf to the re&s;t, without having occa&s;ion to make any Vows. And our Author ob&s;erves, that altho' the Religious <HI>Maronites</HI> made none, yet they lived in perfect Continence, and that they went alone up and down, and ab&s;ented them&s;elves many days from their Mona&s;tery, without having the lea&s;t ill &s;poken of them.</P>
<P>Their Habit al&s;o was very mean and conform|able to their Profe&s;&s;ion, for they clad them&s;elves after the manner of Pea&s;ants and Labourers. The Author attributes to the Religious <HI>Maronites</HI> only a Bonnet and a pitiful Coat, that de&s;cends down only to the Girdle, but it is &s;uppo&s;ed that they wear be&s;ides that a Drawers, according to the <HI>A<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">abic</HI> Fa&s;hion, which cover al&s;o their Legs; he
<PB N="131" REF="70">explains him&s;elf well when he &s;aith tho&s;e Monks have not a long Ve&s;t, like unto that of the Re|ligious <HI>Europeans.</HI> In effect, the&s;e long Habits would be incommodious for the&s;e People to la|bour in: One may con&s;ult what <HI>Ca&s;&s;ien</HI> and others have writ touching the Habits of the Ancient Monks. As it hath always been the Cu&s;tom in the <HI>Levant</HI> for to learn &s;ome Trade, and that Per&s;ons of Quality al&s;o are not exempted here|of, &s;o ought not we to be a&s;toni&s;h'd that the&s;e Solitaries, who had no Employs in the Towns, labour<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="MURP" EXTENT="1 letter">d with their Hands for to get their Live|lihood: but I cannot approve, that a Man who might be profitable to the Publick in &s;ome con&s;i|derable matter, &s;hould remain all day &s;hut up in Solitude, for to make Lanthorns and Sabots. In the mean time, altho' Hand labour hath not been &s;o in u&s;e among&s;t the Monks of <HI>Europe,</HI> becau&s;e the greate&s;t part of their Mona&s;teries have been endow'd with Yearly Revenues, yet they have not totally neglected it; for, to give them their due, &s;ome have imploy'd them&s;elves in a Labour much more profitable, to wit, to write Books, and make &s;everal Tran&s;criptions of them, &s;o that we are beholden to them for a great part of tho&s;e we have extant among&s;t us.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 TYPE="remarks">
<PB N="132" REF="71">
<HEAD>Remarks upon the Seventeenth Chapter.</HEAD>
<P>WE &s;hall make no further Ob&s;ervations, than to explain that which regards the Election of the Patriarch of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> to wit, if it depends really upon the People, and how. 'Tis certain that the Election of Bi&s;hops, and al&s;o Prie&s;ts, was done formerly by the People; but as there happen'd &s;ometimes great Di&s;orders at the&s;e &s;orts of Elections, they were oblig'd to change that Di&s;cipline; the Thirtieth Canon of the Council of <HI>Laodicea</HI> forbids them; but if good heed be given to the Words of the Ca|non, it &s;eems, that that Prohibition regards but the inferiour &s;ort. In effect the People have a&s;|&s;i&s;ted &s;till at this Election long after the Ordinance of that Council. As to the Election of the Pa|triarch of the <HI>Maronites,</HI> the People have a great &s;hare therein, for it depends upon the Body of the Republick, who ought to acknowledge him that hath been elected, otherwi&s;e the Election were null: But as the Eccle&s;ia&s;ticks hold the fir&s;t rank in the State, &s;o they contribute much to the Election; their manner is thus. Twelve of the principal Prie&s;ts, who in &s;ome fa&s;hion repre|&s;ent the &s;acred College of the Apo&s;tles, a&s;&s;emble in the Mona&s;tery of <HI>Cannubin,</HI> where they pro|ceed to the Election of a new Patriarch, by way of Scrutiny, and when they are all agreed, then
<PB N="133" REF="71">the Republick which is a&s;&s;embled, that is the Eccle&s;ia&s;ticks and the People, give their Con&s;ent to that Election.</P>
<P>This &s;ort of Election is much like unto that which was &s;ometimes ob&s;erved at the Election of the Patriarch of <HI>Alexandria,</HI> which is &s;poken of in the Annals of <HI>Eutychius;</HI> neverthele&s;s, as 'tis impo&s;&s;ible all the Voices &s;hould concurr to|gether in the Scrutiny, they have a &s;econd man|ner of proceeding, which is a kind of Compro|mi&s;e, that is, that the&s;e dozen Prie&s;ts cho&s;e three by Lot, and that the&s;e three make a Patriarch, which is al&s;o elected by two Voices, and after|wards the People confirm that Election by their Con&s;ent. But be&s;ides this, &s;ince the <HI>Maronites</HI> have been united to the Church of <HI>Rome,</HI> the Patriarch is obliged to receive the Pope's Bulls of Confirmation, conformable to the Rules of the New Right of that Church.</P>
</DIV2>
</DIV1>
<TRAILER>FINIS.</TRAILER>
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<BACK>
<DIV1 TYPE="publisher's advertisement">
<PB REF="72">
<PB REF="72">
<HEAD><HI>BOOKS printed for</HI> Abel Roper, <HI>at the</HI> Black Boy <HI>in</HI> Fleet-&s;treet.</HEAD>
<P>THE ancient and pre&s;ent &s;tate of <HI>Mu&s;|covy;</HI> containing a Geographical, Hi|&s;torical and Political account of all tho&s;e Na|tions and Territories under the Juri&s;diction of the pre&s;ent Czar; with Sculptures and a new Map; by <HI>J. C.</HI> M. D. Fellow of the Royal Society, and a Member of the College of Phy&s;icians.</P>
<P>The Hi&s;tory of <HI>Poland,</HI> in &s;everal Letters to Per&s;ons of Quality: giving an account of the ancient and pre&s;ent &s;tate of that Kingdom, Hi&s;torical, Geographical, Phy&s;ical, Political, and Eccle&s;ia&s;tical, <HI>viz.</HI> it's origin and extent, with a de&s;cription of its Towns and Provin|ces, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> Religion, Learning, Language, Cu|&s;toms, Habits, Manners, Riches, Trade, and Military affairs, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> Vol. I. By <HI>Bern. Con|nor,</HI> M. D. Fellow of the Royal Society, and Member of the College of Phy&s;icians, who in his Travels in that Country collected the&s;e Memoirs from the <HI>be&s;t Authors</HI> and his own Ob&s;ervations. Publi&s;h'd by the care and a&s;|&s;i&s;tance of Mr. <HI>Savage.</HI></P>
<P>A true Hi&s;tory of the &s;everal De&s;igns and Con&s;piracies again&s;t his Maje&s;ty's &s;acred Per|&s;on and Government, as they were continual|ly carried on from 1688 to 1697: containing matters extracted from original Papers on de|po&s;itions of Witne&s;&s;es, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> By <HI>R. K.</HI></P>
<PB REF="73">
<P>Marriage-Ceremonies; or the Ceremonies u&s;ed in Marriages in all parts of the world: Very diverting, e&s;pecially to the Ladies. By Seignior <HI>Gaya.</HI> Tran&s;lated from the Italian. The &s;econd Edition; to which is added &s;ome Remarks upon Marriage, written by Mr. <HI>Tho. Brown.</HI></P>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="publisher's advertisement">
<HEAD><HI>Books printed for</HI> R. Ba&s;&s;et, <HI>at the</HI> Mitre <HI>within</HI> Temple-bar <HI>in</HI> Fleet-&s;treet.</HEAD>
<P>THe Life of the learned Sir <HI>Thomas Smith,</HI> Doctor of the Civil Laws, principal Secretary of State to King <HI>Edward</HI> the Sixth, and Queen <HI>Elizabeth;</HI> wherein are di&s;cover'd many &s;ingular matters relating to the &s;tate of Learning, the Reformation of Religion, and the Tran&s;actions of the Kingdom during his time, in all which he had a great and happy influence.</P>
<P>The Innocent Mi&s;tre&s;s; a Comedy, as it is now acted at the new Theatre in <HI>Little Lin|colns-Inn-Fields.</HI></P>
<P>The Deceiver deceiv'd; a Comedy, as it is acted by His Maje&s;ty's Servants at the New Theatre. Both written by Mrs. <HI>Pix.</HI></P>
<P>Love's Reward, or the Unnatural Mother; a Tragi-Comedy, acted at the Theatre in <HI>Lincolns-Inn-Fields:</HI> written by Madam &mdash;</P>
<PB REF="73">
</DIV1>
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