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<NAME>John Latta</NAME>
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<DIV1 TYPE="title page">
<PB REF="1" MS="y">
<P>JEAN ARMAN DU PLESSIS, Duke of RICHELIEU, and PEERE of FRANCE: His <HI>LIFE,</HI> &amp;c.</P>
<P>Set forth By GABRIEL DVGRES.</P>
<P>LONDON, Printed by THO: FAWCET, for the Author. 1643.</P>
</DIV1>
</FRONT>
<BODY>
<DIV1 TYPE="biography">
<PB REF="2">
<PB N="1" REF="2">
<HEAD>A SHORT, AND EXACT Narration of the mo&s;t re|markeable things, done and &s;poken by that Grand Polititi|an of <HI>France Iean Arman du Ple&s;&s;is, Cardinall</HI> of RICHELIEU.</HEAD>
<P>_I Write here the Life of a Man, which hath been as much admired, envied, lo|ved, and hated as one, that ever <HI>France</HI> brought forth. The be&s;t, and rare&s;t wits admired the va&s;t capacity of his tran&s;cendent mind. Some others, that a&s;pired as high as he, but wanted his reach, envied him. They that could not endure the pro&s;perity, greatne&s;&s;e,
<PB N="2" REF="3">and flouri&s;hing e&s;tate either of the King, or of the Kingdome of <HI>France,</HI> hated him, but they, that rejoyced at the King, or Kingdomes welfare, loved him. I feare, lea&s;t as an unskilfull limner doth injury very much a hand&s;ome, and compleat face with the drawing of it: I likewi&s;e blemi&s;h the lu&s;tre of the acti|ons of that mo&s;t eminent Polititian, and true Patriot, with my ruffe pen. I know, that it is with Polititians as with lovers: none can conceive, or expre&s;&s;e the pa&s;&s;i|ons of a lover, but he that hath been in love him&s;elfe. Neither can one imagine, apprehend, or lay open the &s;ubtilties, plots, inventions, and tricks of a Politi|tian, that never was employed in any State bu&s;ine&s;&s;es. But on the other &s;ide, the greate&s;t piece of policy being to hide it: I hope to be ea&s;ily excu&s;ed, if I doe take only upon me to write the mo&s;t e|minent <HI>Cardinall</HI> his birth, life, and a|ctions, without &s;earching any further in|to his wayes, then the outward deeds,
<PB N="3" REF="3">and effects can afford us. It were a meet folly to undertake to &s;et forth a thing, which he hath alwayes kept clo&s;e, and private to him&s;elfe. I take him to have farre exceeded <HI>Machiavel</HI> in his policy, who made the world acquainted with it. Many became good <HI>Theori&s;ts</HI> with reading his books, but few good practitioners. Policy once knowne is no more policy. They that follow the common road of it, &s;hall be &s;oone met withall. It is the head-piece that mu&s;t be a true Polititians book. A quarter of an houre of our Red hats &s;tudy hath many times overthrowne the de&s;ignes, projected and concluded by a long con|&s;ultation of the grave <HI>Spani&s;h</HI> Councell.</P>
<P>None can taxe me of adulation in writing the <HI>Cardinals</HI> life, hee being dead, and the King his good ma&s;ter like|wi&s;e: and in a time, in which mo&s;t of them, that were of his fide, are per&s;e|cuted in <HI>France.</HI> I can hope for no pre|ferment by writing of it, but I will
<PB N="4" REF="4">render te&s;timony unto the truth as farre as I know it: and I will honour that brave mans memory; they that are well-wi&s;hers unto the Crowne of <HI>France</HI> &s;hall build him a monument in their owne hearts. That tho&s;e things I write of the <HI>Cardinall</HI> may find more credit with the reader: I will intreat him to know, that there are but few in <HI>England,</HI> that know, or can write more things of him according to the truth, than I can doe. I was borne but ten leagues from his owne native place: I lived at &s;everall times in <HI>Lodun</HI> a place but 3 leagues di&s;tant from <HI>Richelieu.</HI> They that have knowne the <HI>Queen-Mothers</HI> Court in the beginning of the <HI>Cardinals</HI> ri&s;ing, knew likewi&s;e <HI>Me&s;&s;ieurs les Botrus</HI> born in the City of <HI>Angiers</HI> which got into the Queenes favour at the &s;ame time: did continue in it as long as the <HI>Cardi|nall:</HI> were promoted to the Kings &s;er|vice in the time of the <HI>Cardinals</HI> pro|motion: and to the wonder of all men,
<PB N="5" REF="4">carried their cups &s;o even, that in the mid&s;t of all troubles, and of all the plots and con&s;piracies wrought by the Queens favorites, and others again&s;t the <HI>Cardi|nall,</HI> they were never found tardie, were maintained in their honours, and lived in favour with the King, and <HI>Cardinall</HI> both. I &s;pare telling what relation I have to them: This onely I will &s;ay, that my Father was borne likewi&s;e in <HI>Angiers,</HI> and that his younger brother lived in the Kings Court with them. This will &s;uffice to make the reader think that it is probable I may know &s;ufficiently of the <HI>Cardinall</HI> to write his life. The occa&s;ions I had the&s;e late yeeres to be with &s;ome <HI>French</HI> Lords, which were even di&s;plea&s;ed at his favour, and government, made me know many things more at large: for, if any thing could have been &s;poken again&s;t the <HI>Car|dinall,</HI> it was not kept private in their hou&s;es. But, to &s;peak true; I never heard the Lords them&s;elves &s;peak any evill
<PB N="6" REF="5">word of him, as they were men of great under&s;tanding, they did e&s;teem highly of his rare parts. The <HI>Cardinall</HI> was borne in the yeere 1585 in the an|cient Ca&s;tle of <HI>Richelieu</HI> three leagues di&s;tant from the city of <HI>Lodun,</HI> upon the borders of the Provinces of <HI>Poictou,</HI> and <HI>Tourraine.</HI> His Pedigree is derived from <HI>William du Ple&s;&s;is,</HI> who lived under the reigne of <HI>Phil. Aug. Anno</HI> CLXXIX, unto <HI>William</HI> &s;ucceeded <HI>Peter</HI> &s;econd of the name, <HI>William</HI> the third of the name, <HI>Peter</HI> the fourth, <HI>William</HI> the fifth, <HI>Peter</HI> the &s;ixth, <HI>Savage</HI> the &s;eventh, <HI>Francis</HI> fir&s;t of the name, the 8. in who&s;e time the hou&s;e of <HI>Richelieu</HI> entred into that of <HI>Du ple&s;&s;is, Francis</HI> the &s;econd, the ninth, <HI>Francis</HI> the third, the tenth, <HI>Francis</HI> the fourth, the eleventh, Father to <HI>Iean Arman du Ple&s;&s;is Cardinall,</HI> Duke, and Peere of <HI>France,</HI> &amp;c. One of our Hi&s;torians writeth that <HI>Francis Du Ple&s;&s;is,</HI> &s;econd of the name, was married unto <HI>Guyonne de la val,</HI> which was a kin
<PB N="7" REF="5">to the hou&s;e of <HI>Bourlon.</HI> Our <HI>French</HI> Hi&s;tory maketh mention of the valour, and of the warlike exploits of many of that hou&s;e, and among&s;t all the re&s;t, of <HI>William</HI> the fir&s;t of it, who went into the Holy Land with <HI>Philip Augu&s;t.</HI> A hou&s;e in <HI>Paris</HI> bearing the name of a family is none of the lea&s;t marks of its antiquity, and noblene&s;&s;e. Many <HI>Eng|li&s;h</HI> families enjoy the &s;ame honour in <HI>London.</HI> As <HI>Arundels</HI> Hou&s;e, <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> Hou&s;e, <HI>Suffolke</HI> Hou&s;e, <HI>Southampton</HI> Hou&s;e, <HI>Northampton</HI> Hou&s;e, &amp;c. <HI>L'ho&s;tel de Richelieu</HI> hath been very famous in <HI>Pa|ris,</HI> the&s;e many yeetes; to the greater glory of the family of <HI>Richelieu,</HI> the <HI>Cardinall</HI> gave the name of it to one of the gates of the City of <HI>Paris,</HI> when he did enlarge a part of St. <HI>Honorius Sub|urb.</HI> The Palace called, <HI>Le Palais Car|dinal,</HI> in St. <HI>Honorius</HI> Street, is like|wi&s;e called <HI>Richelieus</HI> Palace. Our <HI>Car|dinall</HI> did put <HI>France</HI> into a maze in his youth. For, his quick, and &s;ubtile wit,
<PB N="8" REF="6">his judgement ripe afore the wonted time, and the proofes hee gave of his rare parts in the Schooles of humane learning, &s;hewing him&s;elfe a mo&s;t elo|quent Rhetorician, and a &s;ubtile, and &s;ound Philo&s;opher made the world think that there was &s;omething in him, which did &s;avour more of the Angelicall, than of the humane nature. All the&s;e things being done by him under the age of eighteen. Hee &s;tudyed Divinity in the famous, and ancient faculty of <HI>Sorbonne</HI> to the wonder of the mo&s;t learned Do|ctors of it, which admired the &s;olidity of his rea&s;ons, and the &s;ubtility of ar|guments, which pa&s;&s;ed many times their &s;olutions, and an&s;wers. He went out Doctor in that Colledge; <HI>Al|phon&s;e</HI> the Bi&s;hop of <HI>Lucon</HI> his bro|ther gave his Bi&s;hoprick over to him, and betooke him&s;elfe to a <HI>Carthu&s;ian</HI> Cloi&s;ter, <HI>Iean du Ple&s;&s;is</HI> being not capa|ble of that charge by the Canons of the Church of <HI>Rome,</HI> for want of age, <HI>Paul</HI>
<PB N="9" REF="6">the fift di&s;pen&s;ed with him by rea&s;on of his de&s;erts, and learning. Returned to <HI>Paris</HI> from <HI>Rome,</HI> he went to give hum|ble thanks to <HI>Henry</HI> the fourth, and to ki&s;&s;e his Maje&s;ties hand, who received him mo&s;t favourably, and told him that this was the fir&s;t dignity the Church had be&s;towed upon him; but his me|rits would obtaine the greate&s;t &s;hee could conferre upon him. They that have read our <HI>French</HI> Hi&s;tory know of the conference held in <HI>Lodun</HI> 1616, where the greate&s;t Princes, and Nobles met after the damnable murther, and ever bleeding death of the mo&s;t renow|ned, and never to bee &s;o gotten <HI>Henry</HI> the fourth: to con&s;ult about the King|domes affaires. The <HI>Cardinall</HI> got there acquaintance with the be&s;t and chiefe&s;t Courtiers. A very neere kin&s;woman of his being one of the <HI>Queen-Mothers</HI> La|dies of Honour, commended him to her Mi&s;tre&s;&s;e, who after the knowledge of his extraordinary parts admitted him
<PB N="10" REF="7">into her Court, and Councell. Some have thought it di&s;honourable to the <HI>Cardinall</HI> that a woman &s;hould bee the fir&s;t that introducted him into the Queens Court. It is not &s;o. Courtiers are all like tho&s;e of the Church of <HI>Rome,</HI> they need one Saint, or another to bring them into the pre&s;ence, and fa|vour of their Soveraigne. If it be a he, or a &s;he Saint, it mattereth not. <HI>Jean du Ple&s;&s;is</HI> Bi&s;hop of <HI>Lucon,</HI> was not long after nominated Emba&s;&s;adour in extra|ordinary to the King of <HI>Spaine</HI> to treat betweene him, and the Duke of <HI>Sa|voye.</HI> But the Queene &s;eeing that hee could doe better &s;ervice at home, made him the Kings fir&s;t Secretary. His fa|cility in the expedition of mo&s;t impor|tant, and difficult affayres, his judge|ment in his Coun&s;els, his politene&s;&s;e in his conver&s;ation, his eloquence in his di&s;cour&s;es, his &s;ubtility in his replies, his Rhetorick, and elegancy in his wri|tings, and diligence in di&s;patching bu|&s;ine&s;&s;es
<PB N="11" REF="7">made the world &s;ufficiently know what hee was. The Marque&s;&s;e of <HI>Ancre</HI> an <HI>Italian</HI> borne, husband to the Queenes Fo&s;ter &s;i&s;ter, played his pranks in <HI>France</HI> about that time, and did do|mineere over all the Princes, Nobles, and over all the whole Kingdome of <HI>France.</HI> Even &s;o much that hee came to that height of pride, and &s;corne of the Councell of State, that hee was wonted to tell them that hee did not aske them coun&s;ell of what hee was to doe, but onely of what they called formes of proceeding. Hee became at la&s;t intollerable to the King him&s;elfe, who commanded Mr. <HI>De Vitry</HI> Captain of his Guards to pi&s;toll him, which hee did performe according to the charge he had. Here is a remarkable thing of our Bi&s;hop; that, although he was the fir&s;t Secretary of State during the ba&s;e government, or rather tiranny of the Marque&s;&s;e, yet hee did carry him&s;elfe &s;o di&s;creetly, and &s;o wi&s;ely, that hee
<PB N="12" REF="8">kept the Kings favour &s;till. <HI>Mon&s;ieur de Luynes</HI> his Maje&s;ties only Favorite, a&s;&s;ured the King, that <HI>Me&s;&s;ire Iean du Ple&s;&s;is</HI> Bi&s;hop of <HI>Lucon</HI> had &s;erved him well, even during the Marque&s;&s;e of <HI>An|chor</HI> his time, who was pi&s;tolled, as wee have told. The Queen &s;omewhat &s;en|&s;ible of his death retired her &s;elfe to <HI>Blois.</HI> Our Bi&s;hop had leave given him to waite upon her thither. Hee &s;tayed there not much above a moneth. For, his envious per&s;waded the King that hee was a bad Coun&s;ellour to Her Ma|je&s;ty. Hee went thence to his Priorie of <HI>Cau&s;&s;ay,</HI> where he made a booke cal|led <HI>The Chri&s;tian Doctrine;</HI> Envie fol|lowed him &s;o farre, and got him a re|moove from thence to <HI>Avignon,</HI> in which <HI>Henry</HI> Lord of <HI>Richelieu,</HI> and <HI>Mon&s;ieur Du Pont</HI> his Brother in Law were com|prehended. His Brothers death was the the greate&s;t unhappine&s;&s;e hee had there. The Duke of <HI>E&s;pernon</HI> did convey the <HI>Queen-Mother</HI> out of the Ca&s;tle of
<PB N="13" REF="8"><HI>Blois</HI> to <HI>Loches,</HI> and from thence to <HI>An|goule&s;me.</HI> Many did &s;ay, and more did think that the Bi&s;hop of <HI>Lucon</HI> was the projector of that de&s;igne. Yet notwith|&s;tanding all this, the Duke of <HI>Luynes</HI> the Kings Grand Favorite &s;ent him a letter to de&s;ire him to returne to the Queene: The King him&s;elfe wrote with his owne hand the&s;e following words. I de&s;ire you to believe that the things above written are according to my will; and that you cannot plea&s;e me better, than if you doe according to them. Some thought the rea&s;on, why the King &s;ent for him back againe out of <HI>Avig|non,</HI> was becau&s;e hee feared lea&s;t hee &s;hould pa&s;&s;e over either into <HI>Savoye,</HI> or into <HI>Italy:</HI> for, he had &s;ufficient proofes of his working braines; and &s;ome o|thers, did conceive, that the King being de&s;irous to be reconciled with his Mo|ther, thought no man &s;o able, or fit to work his reconciliation as the Bi&s;hop was. Who, took his journey towards
<PB N="14" REF="9">the Queene pre&s;ently after the receit of that letter: he was arre&s;ted betweene <HI>Valentia,</HI> and <HI>Vienna,</HI> by the Captaine of the Marque&s;&s;e of <HI>Alincour</HI> his Guards, but &s;oone after &s;et at liberty by the Mar|que&s;&s;e him&s;elfe after a complementall excu&s;e. The Queene having &s;et her hand to the agreement betweene his Maje&s;ty and hers: &s;ent the Bi&s;hop of <HI>Lucon</HI> with them to the King; They were both fa|vourably received. The King told the Bi&s;hop, that he thought him&s;elfe bound to acknowledge his good &s;ervice. By that agreement the government of <HI>An|giers, Pont de ce,</HI> and <HI>Chinon,</HI> was given to the Queene. The King, and the Queene were not long after up in armes one again&s;t the other. <HI>Le Pont de c&eacute;</HI> &s;tood again&s;t the King, &s;ome few un|fortunate, and unwi&s;e men were killed of both &s;ides. The King took <HI>Le Pont de c&eacute;,</HI> new agreements were drawne by his Councell, and &s;ent to Her Maje|&s;ty by <HI>Mon&s;ieur de Crequy;</HI> She &s;igned
<PB N="15" REF="9">them, and returned them to the King by the <HI>Cardinall de Sourdis,</HI> and the Bi&s;hop of <HI>Lucon.</HI> Many have thought that the&s;e bickerings between the King, and His Mother were but counterfeited, and that it was but a trick to rai&s;e men to fall upon the Prote&s;tants before they could make a con&s;iderable party to re|&s;i&s;t the Kings forces. I cannot affirme it for truth. I will only &s;ay that the Warres again&s;t the reformed in <HI>France</HI> begun not long after. (Would to God the Kings, and the Parliaments forces would now joyne together to fall upon the <HI>Iri&s;h</HI> Rebells in ca&s;e they could a|gree together, and make a true, ble&s;&s;ed, and happy Peace in <HI>England.</HI>) 1622 our Bi&s;hop of <HI>Lucon</HI> was made <HI>Cardinall</HI> of <HI>Richelieu.</HI> 1624 He was cho&s;en to bee the fir&s;t Mini&s;ter of State, at <HI>Cam|piegne.</HI> 1626 The <HI>Cardinall</HI> per&s;waded the King to make &s;ure of the Duke of <HI>Vendo&s;me,</HI> and of the <HI>Grand-prior</HI> his naturall brothers. To call the States
<PB N="16" REF="10">to <HI>Nauntes,</HI> where the Earle of <HI>Chalais</HI> ma&s;ter of the Kings Warderope was beheaded in the month of <HI>Augu&s;t</HI> in the &s;ame yeare. It hath been &s;aid openly enough in <HI>France</HI> that their plot was to put the King into a Cloi&s;ter, that hee might apply him&s;elfe the better to his devotions without any di&s;turbance by the care of his Kingdome. And &s;o <HI>Mon|&s;ieur</HI> the Duke of <HI>Orleans</HI> his brother was to be &s;et in the Throne, and many of the Nobles were to &s;hare either the Kingdomes parts, or, the dignities a|mong&s;t them&s;elves. How true it is, I know not. But, if it was &s;o, the <HI>Cardinall</HI> did the King no &s;mall &s;er|vice in the di&s;coverie of the plot. Some thought otherwi&s;e of it: for it was &s;aid in <HI>France,</HI> that there was nothing inten|ded again&s;t the Kings per&s;on, but that all their aime was at the <HI>Cardinall</HI> him|&s;elfe: who was a great eye-&s;ore unto them. He was in 1627 made Admirall of <HI>France;</HI> the Duke of <HI>Montmorency</HI> re|&s;igned
<PB N="17" REF="10">his place unto him, for which the King gave him the government of <HI>Languedoc</HI> the Duke did not like of that exchange as it appeared afterwards. 1628 The <HI>Cardinall</HI> was made Generall of the Kings forces again&s;t that famous, and renowned City of <HI>Rochell;</HI> before which the King had &s;pent five moneths already, and three Kings had be&s;ieged it afore him. He did more with his wit, and policy, than all the Kings forces could doe by their &s;trength. For, he bri|dled the Sea; and to the wonder of all the world, built a banke to &s;top the pa&s;&s;ages of tho&s;e Ships that would have been &s;ent out of the City to fetch in reliefe: and to keep any other from &s;ai|ling into it. <HI>Rochell</HI> was at la&s;t forced to yeeld unto the King after a tedious famin, who entred into it on all-<HI>Holy-tide</HI> 1628. Thus a brave, and well fortified City, which &s;tood afore again&s;t two, or, three Kings, and which was thought impregnable: was taken by the device,
<PB N="18" REF="11">and &s;ubtility of the <HI>Cardinall.</HI> I will relate here &s;ome <HI>French</HI> ver&s;es made by &s;ome of the Kings forces, two, or three moneths afore the &s;urrendring of it.</P>
<Q><L><HI>Parlez moy de la Rochelle</HI></L>
<L><HI>A-ton rompu &s;on canal.</HI></L>
<L><HI>Cette ville Rebelle</HI></L>
<L><HI>Perdra le nom de pucelle</HI></L>
<L><HI>Par l'e&s;pr it du Cardinal.</HI></L></Q>
<P>He knew that it could not bee taken but by famine, he wrought all the means conducing to that effect. The victuals borrowed out of it for the <HI>Engli&s;h</HI> Navy a going into the I&s;le of <HI>R&eacute;,</HI> was no &s;mall preparation unto it. For, they were never payd againe, as they &s;ay. I cannot think that the good Duke of <HI>Buckingham</HI> had &s;o ba&s;e a de&s;igne, as to be acce&s;&s;ary to the ruine of &s;uch a place, and of men, that profe&s;&s;ed the Religion, he profe&s;&s;ed him&s;elfe. But &s;uch was perhaps his bad fortune to be ill thought of by &s;ome of the <HI>Engli&s;h,</HI> and by all <HI>French</HI> Prote&s;tants. The twentieth of
<PB N="19" REF="11"><HI>Augu&s;t</HI> 1629, the <HI>Cardinall</HI> entred into <HI>Montaulban,</HI> and was royally enter|tained by the Citizens, which had cho|&s;en him for their Governour. They u&s;ed that hone&s;t policy, &s;eeing that there was no po&s;&s;ibility that they could with|&s;tand alone, all the Kings army, and in a manner whole <HI>France</HI> it &s;elfe. They had prepared a rich Canopy for his more honourable reception: he thank|ed them &s;aying, That it was fitter for a King than for him. Our <HI>Cardinall</HI> was cho&s;en that &s;ame yeere Generall of the Kings forces in <HI>Piedmont.</HI> When he was at <HI>Su&s;e,</HI> the <HI>Queen-Mother</HI> be|gan to be jealous of his pro&s;perous &s;uc|ce&s;&s;e, and endeavoured to lay an a&s;per|&s;ion upon his fidelity: yet the King well per&s;waded of his Lovalty, gave no cre|dit to her words. She con&s;ulted with Mr. <HI>de Marillac</HI> then Lord-Keeper of the Great Seale in <HI>France,</HI> how &s;he might rid her &s;elfe of the <HI>Cardinall:</HI> but their con&s;ultation proved very un|&s;ucce&s;&s;efull
<PB N="20" REF="12">to both: for, Mr. <HI>de Ma|rillac</HI> lo&s;t his bead-piece; and the Queen went to take the fre&s;h ayre into <HI>Bru|xels.</HI> Yet notwith&s;tanding all this: the <HI>Cardinall</HI> asked her before the King, if he had committed any thing again&s;t his Maje&s;ty: and &s;he an&s;wered, no. Hee wrote her this Letter,</P>
<LETTER LANG="eng">
<OPENER><SALUTE>MADAM,</SALUTE></OPENER>
<P>I <HI>Know how my enemies, or rather the enemies of the State not contented to have di&s;credited me unto your Maje&s;ty; endeavour be&s;ides to bring my abode neer the King, into &s;u&s;pition: as if I came on|ly neer him to remoove him from. You and to divide what God, and nature have joy|ned, I hope in the divine bounty that their malice will be knowne: that my com|portments will hee &s;hortly ju&s;tified; and that my innocency &s;hall triumph over ca|lumnie. It is not</HI> MADAM, <HI>but, that I count my &s;elfe unfortunate in that I cea&s;e
<PB N="21" REF="12">from plea&s;ing your Maje&s;ty: and, but life is odious to me in the &s;tate I am, de|prived of the honour of your favour, and of that e&s;teeme, which I loved farre more than the greatne&s;&s;e of the earth: as I hold it from your liberall hand, I doe likewi&s;e bring it, and pro&s;trate it at your feet. Excu&s;e</HI> MADAM <HI>your owne work, and your creature. All that &s;hall proceed from your Royall humour, &s;hall be recei|ved by me without murmuring, and fol|lowed with a thou&s;and ble&s;&s;ings. But</HI> MADAM, <HI>&s;pare I be&s;eech you (through that piety, which is naturall unto you) the purple of the Church wherewith you have cloathed me; which will loo&s;e its &s;plendour and lu&s;tre, if your Maje&s;ty im|printeth in it &s;o black a &s;pot. What like|ly-hood, that the mo&s;t obliged man were the mo&s;t ingratefull; and that my con|&s;cience, my intere&s;ts, and my fir&s;t incli|nation binding me to your &s;ervice, I &s;hould have &s;eparated my &s;elfe from it, through the onely advantage of gaining
<PB N="22" REF="13">unto my &s;elfe the name of traytour unto my be&s;t, and greate&s;t</HI> QUEEN <HI>of the world?</HI></P>
<P><HI>That well con&s;idered</HI> MADAM, <HI>&s;hould ab&s;olve me from crime, and from &s;u&s;pition before the Tribunall of your Maje&s;ty: which hath almo&s;t condemned me without bearing me. But I appeale not from it, becau&s;e I am infinitely well re&s;igned unto all your will, I &s;ub&s;cribe unto my di&s;a&s;ter, and I will not contend with my Soveraign Mi&s;tre&s;&s;e, nor aske her rea&s;on of what &s;he hath done, neither doe I think to for|tifie my &s;elfe with the &s;upport of my Ma&s;ter, nor with his Officers, nor with the remem|brance of my former &s;ervices, again&s;t the cour&s;e of your indignation: the very thoughts of it would be guilty; and farre from the inclination which I have alwayes &s;howed in &s;eeking for glory in Loyalty, and for &s;ecurity in the only innocency. I de&s;ire much le&s;&s;e to draw a mi&s;erable fortune in</HI> France, <HI>or to carry it into</HI> Rome, <HI>to &s;ee therein more lamentable ruines than mine
<PB N="23" REF="13">owne. It would be tedious unto me to be in any place from which your Maje&s;ty &s;hould be ab&s;ent and without the leave to &s;ee you, I have none el&s;e but to dye. But, I could wi&s;h for my reputation &s;ake, and for the ranke I have in the hou&s;e of God, that it were after my innocency was knowne: and (if it is not too much audacity in me) after the recovery of your favour. If this hap|peneth unto me, I will grieve no more to depart from Court; nay, from the very world. I dye how&s;oever a thou&s;and times a day, &s;ince your Maje&s;ty maketh as if you did believe that I am no more my &s;elfe. That is to &s;ay,</HI></P>
<CLOSER><SALUTE>MADAM of your Maje&s;ty</SALUTE><LB>
<SIGNED>The mo&s;t humble, mo&s;t faithfull,<LB> and mo&s;t obedient &s;ervant<LB> ARMAN, <HI>Cardinall<LB> de</HI> RICHILIEU.</SIGNED></CLOSER>
</LETTER>
<PB N="24" REF="14">
<P> THe Prince&s;&s;e of <HI>Conty,</HI> the Duke of <HI>Gui&s;e,</HI> the Dutche&s;&s;e of <HI>Elbeuf,</HI> Ma|dam <HI>de Fargis,</HI> Mr. <HI>de Marillac</HI> a|forenamed, and his brother, <HI>Mon&s;ieur de Belle-garde,</HI> Mr. <HI>de Ba&s;&s;ompierre, &amp;</HI> Mr. <HI>Vautier</HI> the Queens Phy&s;itian have been thought to have all con&s;pired together the <HI>Cardinals</HI> ruine. But, they could never undermine him; for hee was grounded upon the rock. As he was con&s;tant in his faithfull &s;ervice to the King: &s;o did his Maje&s;ty likewi&s;e never alter, or di|mini&s;h his favour to him: but he did ra|ther encrea&s;e it from time to time, and &s;o continued it to the <HI>Cardinals</HI> death and his not &s;urviving long after him, might happily cau&s;e many one to think, that the griefe he tooke for the lo&s;&s;e of &s;o con&s;tant a Subject, did advance his dayes. 1632 the Duke of <HI>Orleans</HI> took up armes again&s;t his brother, and invol|ved in the broyles the ever-renowned Duke of <HI>Montmorency,</HI> but unfortunate, and over&s;eene in this onely bu&s;ine&s;&s;e:
<PB N="25" REF="14">who being wounded and taken pri&s;oner at <HI>Cha&s;telnau, d'Array,</HI> by the Mar&s;hall of <HI>Schomberg</HI> then Generall of the Kings forces: was carried to <HI>Tolou&s;e,</HI> where being only 34 yeeres old he lo&s;t his head upon a Scaffold. All the Court, nay whole <HI>France</HI> did grieve for the mi&s;era|ble death of &s;o compleat, and &s;o Noble a Duke. And &s;o much the more, becau&s;e &s;o ancient, and &s;o faithfull a race to the Crowne of <HI>France</HI> did peri&s;h, and dye in him. He being the fir&s;t man of his Progenie, that had ever committed any fault again&s;t any King of <HI>France,</HI> did de|&s;erve pardon. <HI>France</HI> would have bin ve|ry thankfull to the <HI>Cardinall</HI> for the procuring, and to the King for grant|ing of it. But, publike good cannot ma|ny times con&s;i&s;t with private good. It is often needfull that men of greate&s;t births, and parts &s;uffer puni&s;hment for their faults, to the example, and terrour of tho&s;e that are either of an equall, or of an inferiour rank with them.</P>
<PB N="26" REF="15">
<P> I leave of here tracing the <HI>Cardinals</HI> life yeere after yeere, and writing of his dignities. For, I can &s;ay in few words, that ever from 1631 untill his death, he was the only man, upon whom the King re|po&s;ed the tru&s;t of his whole Kingdom, and of the affaires out of the Kingdom: and who was the maine in&s;trument of his Maje&s;ties will. Many indi&s;creet, and ignorant per&s;ons have wrongfully taxed our decea&s;ed King for want of wit, imagining them&s;elves that the King did let the <HI>Cardinall</HI> rule, becau&s;e hee him&s;elfe was not able to governe. They wanted wit, and knowledge in their cen&s;ure. The greate&s;t part of a Princely wi&s;dome being to chu&s;e wi&s;e, under&s;tanding, and faithfull States-men: and to be able to di&s;cerne between them that are truly affected to the good of his Crowne: and them, that &s;eek onely their owne ends, and which put him u|pon de&s;ignes, de&s;tructives to him&s;elfe, and to his Kingdome. Judicious, and
<PB N="27" REF="15">wi&s;e men &s;hall ever think, and beleeve, that <HI>Lewis</HI> the thirteenth was of a &s;in|gular, and rare judgement, and wi&s;|dome. Since, he was able to judge, and chu&s;e among the re&s;t, one that went farre beyond any man of our age, in wit, under&s;tanding, Judgement, and Loyalty to his King, and Kingdome. I will &s;peak a bold word. The antiquity had never any that exceeded him: few, or none, that could be paralleld with him. Many have been grand Polititians, as <HI>Elius Se|janus,</HI> and &s;uch like: enjoyed great dig|nities, and were in great favour with their Soveraigns. Fortune did &s;mile u|pon them for a while: &s;he rai&s;ed, and extolled them to the height of favour, and then &s;he brought them to the lowe&s;t of the di&s;grace, and di&s;honour. Mo&s;t of them dyed an unnaturall death either by poy&s;on, by the &s;word, or by the hang|man. It is thought that Mr. <HI>de Luynes</HI> the <HI>Cardinals</HI> predece&s;&s;our was poy&s;o|ned. It is knowne in <HI>England,</HI> that the
<PB N="28" REF="16">Duke of <HI>Buckingham</HI> was &s;tabbed with a knife by <HI>Felton.</HI> I have &s;een my &s;elfe my Lord <HI>Wentworth</HI> Viceroy of <HI>Ireland</HI> to loo&s;e his head upon a Scaffold on <HI>Tower</HI> hill 1641. So mi&s;erable is the condition of mo&s;t Favorites. For, &s;ome things they undertake, prove well to their advantage, and glory: and &s;ome others very ill, and di&s;advantageous both to them, and to their Kings. But the <HI>Cardinall</HI> was ever fortunate from the fir&s;t minute of his favour to the la&s;t moment of his life. The Kings favour did continue, or rather increa&s;e to his very death. Let envie it &s;elfe &s;peake, or name that one thing, hee undertooke, that ever proved to his &s;hame, to the di&s;advantage either of his King, or of his Kingdome. His enemies gave bad con&s;tructions to his de&s;ignes: but the events of them &s;hewed him faithfull to the Crowne of <HI>France.</HI> When was the name of the <HI>French</HI> more glorious, than in his time? When did any King
<PB N="29" REF="16">get more victories, and conquered more places in &s;o &s;hort a time, than <HI>Lewis</HI> the thirteenth did through his Coun|&s;els? I doe not &s;ay that the King took the <HI>Cardinals</HI> coun&s;ell without u&s;ing his owne di&s;cretion: but, that knowing him the wi&s;e&s;t, and mo&s;t faithfull of all his Coun&s;ellours, he gave more credit to his coun&s;ell than to any bodies el&s;e. Ma|ny one have thought that the <HI>Cardinall</HI> did rather work by the Kings direction, than the King by his coun&s;els; and that the King had given over to him the ma|naging of his affaires upon a meer po|licy. So did a gentleman of great rank, and one of the middle Temple tell me: who having occa&s;ion to &s;peak with his Maje&s;ty, was entertained by him with as much courte&s;ie as any one could be en|tertained: The <HI>Cardinall</HI> came then to the King, which commended the gentle|man to him. His <HI>Eminency</HI> gave him but a nod; but the bu&s;ine&s;&s;e was per|formed according to the gentlemans ex|pectation.
<PB N="30" REF="17">We are often deceived, when wee thinke that Favorites work all of them&s;elves. They are but in&s;truments of their Ma&s;ters will. If the things they doe, be plea&s;ing to the people, they have their good words, if di&s;plea&s;ing, all the venome, and anger is vomited again&s;t the poore favorites. The King is &s;afe from their hatred. They &s;ay, that he is the be&s;t natured Prince, and the mo&s;t de|bonnaire King, if it were not for his ba&s;e, and wicked favorite. It is &s;o many times, I confe&s;&s;e it: but yet; favorites are too often thought to bee the givers of coun|&s;els, and contrivers of de&s;ignes, when they are but the executors of them. Kings, and other Soveraignes conceive many times great matters, and frame grand de&s;ignes within them&s;elves: They lye in their heads, untill they be fit, and ready to bee brought forth: The favo|rite mu&s;t doe the office of a Midwife to give them entrance into the world. For, Princes are like <HI>Jove,</HI> their bearing
<PB N="31" REF="17">place is the head. It is &s;eldome &s;eene that a favorite endeavoureth to cro&s;&s;e the di&s;po&s;ition, or to alter the naturall inclination of his Ma&s;ter: he doth ra|ther ob&s;erve it, and &s;ympathize with it as much as hee can. <HI>Cicero</HI> giveth the character of an ob&s;erving favorite in the&s;e words. <HI>Loquitur ad voluntatem, a&s;&s;entatur, a&s;&s;idet, admiratur.</HI> So that: if the Princes nature is good, hee dareth not coun&s;ell him any bad thing: if bad, he &s;eldome goeth about to amend it. A good nature may (I deny it not) be cor|rupted by bad coun&s;els, and more e&s;peci|ally if they doe appeare in the &s;hape of good. An ea&s;ie, and a debonnaire one may ea&s;ily. bee wrought upon. Evill words corrupt good manners. Kings be|lieve many lies, becau&s;e they are pre|&s;ented unto them cloathed like truths: and they doe often commit evill, when their Councell per&s;wadeth them that they doe good.</P>
<P>Let us &s;peak now of &s;ome of the <HI>Car|dinals</HI>
<PB N="32" REF="18">rare&s;t parts, and that <HI>pro modulo no|&s;tro,</HI> according to our po&s;&s;ibility: For, to undertake to comprehend them all, were to doe as if one did goe about to put all the water of the <HI>Thames</HI> in a Coc|kle-&s;hell. To pre&s;ume to de&s;cribe them fully, and as they were. It would be as if a picture-drawer would pre&s;ume to animate his draughts: or rather as if he &s;hould thinke that the picture he hath drawne were equall with the live body. when it is but a meer &s;hadow of it: &s;o likewi&s;e, what&s;oever (not I only) but al&s;o any man el&s;e can &s;ay of the <HI>Cardi|nals</HI> brave parts, it will bee but an imper|fect draught of his excellent perfe|ctions.</P>
<P>Every action of his life &s;peaketh him wi&s;e: nay, his whole life (&s;ince hee had the u&s;e of rea&s;on) was but a conti|nued wi&s;dome. <HI>Rome,</HI> which was in for|mer ages the dwelling place of wi&s;e men, and the &s;ea it &s;elfe of wi&s;dome, and is now (to give every man their
<PB N="33" REF="18">due) the rendez-vouz and receptacle of many wi&s;e, and excellent wits: did take him for a young <HI>Apollo</HI> when hee went thither to be made Bi&s;hop by <HI>Gregory</HI> the 15. For: every &s;entence hee &s;poke was an oracle. Hee made the depth of his wi&s;dome knowne unto the &s;aid <HI>Gre|gory,</HI> but under the &s;ecret of confe&s;&s;i|on. And the Pope &s;aid then that hee would overturn the whole world. He al|tered &s;ome yeeres after, the face of the affaires of <HI>France:</HI> and almo&s;t of all <HI>Europe.</HI></P>
<P>The wi&s;dome of a man is knowne in his words, and in his deeds: wee &s;hall &s;peak of his deeds, when wee come to di&s;cour&s;e of his policie. As for his words, we will relate &s;ome of his wi&s;e &s;ayings: but wee will leave of many, becau&s;e they might perhaps di&s;ta&s;te &s;ome that &s;hould read them.</P>
<P>The old Latin Proverb &s;aith, that, <HI>Vir &s;apit qui paeuca loquitur.</HI> A man is wi&s;e that &s;ayeth but little. Wee have
<PB N="34" REF="19">likewi&s;e two old Proverbs in <HI>French</HI> to this purpo&s;e. <HI>Parlez peu; parlez bien. Parlez rien, ou parlez bien.</HI> The fir&s;t is in <HI>Engli&s;h.</HI> Speak little, &s;peak well: and the &s;econd is: &s;peak nothing, or &s;peak well: If every man did ob&s;erve that rule punctually, and followed tho&s;e Proverbs exactly, it was the <HI>Cardinall.</HI> For, except in publike meetings, and when State-bu&s;ine&s;&s;es were in agitation, he &s;poke very little, or nothing at all: we &s;aid afore, that when the King him|&s;elfe did &s;peak to him in the behalfe of an <HI>Engli&s;h</HI> Gentleman, hee nodded only unto the Gentleman and gave him never a word.</P>
<P>The Poet &s;aid, that <HI>Semel in anno ridet Apollo.</HI> Our <HI>French Apollo</HI> did hardly laugh once in two yeeres in the &s;en&s;e that the Poet &s;peaketh it. Hee was not of a frowning Countenance, though he was grave: his gravity was not &s;evere, but accompanied many times with &s;miles.</P>
<PB N="35" REF="19">
<P> <HI>Here follow &s;ome of his Sentences.</HI></P>
<P N="1">1. It is only for great minds to goe on in their de&s;ignes though their actions be cen&s;ured, and controlled.</P>
<P N="2">2. The be&s;t book of a States-man, is Experience: that only book will make him &s;ooner, and more learned, than all the Politicks in the world.</P>
<P N="3">3 The borders of Kings Empires are mea&s;ured by their &s;trength. I doe not like of this &s;entence.</P>
<P N="4">4. Private faults in States-men, may be pardoned, but they, by which the publick is offended, can, and mu&s;t never be excu&s;ed.</P>
<P N="5">5. To neglect the puni&s;hment of great crimes is &s;till to permit, and to give an encouragement for the commit|ting of greater.</P>
<P N="6">6. To puni&s;h men of a low conditi|on, and let the great ones be unpuni&s;hed, is to kill little Snakes, and to let great Dragons live.</P>
<P N="7">7. That bu&s;ine&s;&s;es or imployments make man.</P>
<P N="8"><PB N="36" REF="20"> 8. He &s;aid that he approved not of that &s;aying of <HI>Tacitus. Fortunae &s;aevienti &s;ubmittendus animus.</HI> The heart mu&s;t yeeld unto the cruelty of fortune. But &s;aid, on the contrary, that the more fierce, and cruell fortune is, the greater mu&s;t a wi&s;e mans courage be, and the more &s;tiffely hee mu&s;t &s;tand again&s;t her. Hee hath put that &s;aying of his, in practi&s;e during many yeeres; for, the greater was the rage of his great enemies, the more con&s;tant he was in his wayes: and went on the more couragiou&s;ly in the de|&s;ignes he had projected for the good of the King, and of the Kingdome of <HI>France.</HI></P>
<P N="9">9. That a States-man mu&s;t &s;eek for glory in his fidelity, and for &s;ecurity in his innocency.</P>
<P N="10">10. That ab&s;ence is the be&s;t &s;afe|gard for one that hath offended his Prince.</P>
<P N="11">11. That men mu&s;t not be ra&s;h, and precipitated in their coun&s;els; when the
<PB N="37" REF="20">matter concerneth the good of the Prince, and of the Kingdome: but, when the re&s;olution is taken upon a ma|ture deliberation, to be &s;low in the exe|cution is to &s;hew a kind of unwilling|ne&s;&s;e: and to incurre the danger of &s;u&s;|pition.</P>
<P N="12">12. That it is a generous kind of vengeance, to let our enemies know that we can avenge our &s;elves of the injuries they have done us, and yet, pardon them.</P>
<P N="13">13. That the Favorites center mu&s;t be the good of his King, and of his Kingdomes: all his de&s;ignes mu&s;t be as the lines drawne from it, which mu&s;t end into it.</P>
<P N="14">14. He &s;aid that although the cre|dit, favour, and greatne&s;&s;e of accu&s;ers u&s;eth to ca&s;t men accu&s;ed into de&s;paire: yet a faithfull States-man mu&s;t bee the more re&s;olute, the greater his accu&s;ers are, and the more con&s;tant in his &s;er|vice: becau&s;e it will adde to his glory (when hee hath cleered him&s;elfe) that
<PB N="38" REF="21">he hath with&s;tood the fal&s;e accu&s;ations of &s;o potent enemies.</P>
<P N="15">15. That a States-man that de&s;ert|eth the &s;ervice of his King, and Kingdom by rea&s;on of the many oppo&s;itions, and difficulties hee meeteth in his way: is no better then a traytour, that betray|eth his King, and his Kingdome: and giveth them both in prey to their ene|mies.</P>
<P N="16">16. That the greate&s;t &s;trength of a King, and of a Kingdome con&s;i&s;teth in reputation. For, if their enemies thinke them &s;trong and couragious, they dare not make any attempt again&s;t them: and their neighbours will &s;eek to have a league with them. If they goe about Conquering, or about regaining any thing, that was formerly lo&s;t: Their very name, and fame &s;hall conquer, and regaine it.</P>
<P N="17">17. When &s;ome of his Friends did tell him, that he had many enemies, and that hee was in great danger of his life.
<PB N="39" REF="21">He an&s;wered thus. <HI>Satis e&s;t &s;i hoc ha|bemus ne quis nobis mal&egrave; facere po&s;&s;it.</HI> It is enough (&s;aid he) if we have where|withall to keep any body from offending us. If hee meaned by the&s;e words his guards, or the Kings favour I know not; perhaps he meaned them both.</P>
<P N="18">18. That we mu&s;t never hazard with lo&s;&s;e, that, which wee can obtaine with &s;ecurity.</P>
<P N="19">19. That one, that is in favour can|not free him&s;elfe from envy, but by loo|&s;ing, or leaving that favour, which is the cau&s;e of envie.</P>
<P N="20">20. That a man, that endeavoureth to mend tho&s;e things, that are corrupted in the States, &s;hall never want dangers: becau&s;e the remedy mu&s;t bee violent a|gain&s;t corruption: and violence is dan|gerous.</P>
<P N="21">21. That a Prince de&s;irous to govern his States with ju&s;tice and to keep the love of his Subjects, ought not to e&s;ta|bli&s;h by force that which he may obtain
<PB N="40" REF="22">by faire meanes, neither to aske by arms what is due unto rea&s;on.</P>
<P N="22">22. That people feele more the pre|&s;ent time, than they feare the time to come: and that they complaine for a &s;mall matter that they contribute for their defence, and pre&s;ervation: and thinke not that their totall ruine is pre|vented by that meanes. That they know not how to chu&s;e the le&s;&s;er evill: as an (expert Pilot doth) which &s;eeing his &s;hip to&s;&s;ed by the winds, and in danger of a &s;hip-wrack, ca&s;teth into the Sea a part of his fraught to &s;ave the re&s;t, and thinketh not to loo&s;e what hee giveth willingly for the pre&s;ervation of his life.</P>
<P>The <HI>Cardinall</HI> u&s;ed the&s;e words to &s;hew, that it was lawfull for him to leavie mony of the people for the main|taining of his nece&s;&s;ary warres.</P>
<P N="23">23 That he approved not of the <HI>Ie&s;u|ites</HI> opinion, which is, that faith mu&s;t not be kept with hereticks. For, &s;aid he, if wee ought not to keep it, wee ought
<PB N="41" REF="22">much le&s;&s;e to give it them.</P>
<P N="24">24. When &s;ome of the Prote&s;tants back-friends told him that it were bet|ter to have but one Religion in <HI>France:</HI> becau&s;e the diver&s;ity of Religion is apt to cau&s;e di&s;&s;entions, he an&s;wered them in the&s;e words. <HI>Maneat concordia bene|nevolentiae inter &s;ententi&acirc; di&s;cordes.</HI> Let them that differ in opinion, agree in mutuall love.</P>
<P N="25">25. That publick &s;ervices mu&s;t bee rewarded by publick charges, and not with money; becau&s;e the recompence mu&s;t be knowne for the encouragement of others: and mu&s;t la&s;t long, that it may be remembred the longer.</P>
<P N="26">26. That it is better to prevent crimes, than to puni&s;h them: and that it is to doe a favour unto them, that in|tended to doe evill, to take away from them the power of doing it.</P>
<P N="27">27. That patience mu&s;t atchieve, what &s;trength cannot end.</P>
<P N="28">28 That the Science of vanqui&s;hing
<PB N="42" REF="23">con&s;i&s;teth in making good u&s;e of a vi|ctory.</P>
<P N="29">29. That precepts of Policie may be ea&s;ily put in writing, but hardly in practi&s;e.</P>
<P N="30">30. That men attribute many times to a deficiencie of wi&s;dome, that, which is a meer want of fortune.</P>
<P N="31">31. That it is better to confute, and convince our accu&s;ers, and enviers by our vertues, and good deeds, than by words of purgation.</P>
<P N="32">32. That a man, that thinketh him|&s;elfe learned and wi&s;e enough, is an <HI>ig|noramus,</HI> and a foole. And therefore though he was &s;o litterate, and &s;o under|&s;tanding a man, he did neglect no occa|&s;ion of benefiting him&s;elfe either in learning, or in wi&s;dom. To that effect he conver&s;ed with learned men as much as his grand imployments could permit him. Nay, hee &s;tole many houres from his naturall re&s;t to heare &s;everall books of learning, and e&s;pecially of ancient
<PB N="43" REF="23">hi&s;tories read unto him by &s;ome young, and learned Student. Mr. <HI>Bodin</HI> a young <HI>Sorboni&s;t,</HI> now beneficiate in <HI>Paris</HI> was one of the la&s;t. The grave <HI>L'E&s;cot,</HI> now Bi&s;hop of <HI>Chartres</HI> did wi&s;h him, and commend him unto the <HI>Cardinall,</HI> which did benefit him&s;elfe mightily by hearing tho&s;e books read unto him: For; then he framed, and builded his de&s;ignes upon the actions of the ancient, not that hee imitated, or followed them &s;trictly, for he went farre beyond them; but becau&s;e, that lecture did help &s;omewhat his mind, and memory after a painefull day of &s;erious imployments.</P>
<P N="33">33. That, as the diver&s;ity of voices maketh a perfect harmony, provided that there be a di&s;cordant concordancy: &s;o likewi&s;e in a Kingdome, or in a Re|publike: The di&s;parity of per&s;ons, of offices, and of dignities, maketh a per|fect con&s;ort in ca&s;e there bee an union, and an agreement among&s;t them. There mu&s;t bee a Prince, and Subjects, great
<PB N="44" REF="24">ones and little ones, a Magi&s;trare and a people, &s;ome to command, and &s;ome to o|bey. If they keep all time, and be not out of tune, the melody will be very &s;weet.</P>
<P>I conclude the di&s;cour&s;e of his wi&s;|dome by that which <HI>Balzac</HI> &s;aid of him (though too prophanely by his leave.) That he was &s;o wi&s;e, that God might repo&s;e the government of the whole world upon him.</P>
<P>Let us now &s;peak of his Policy, which is very neere a kinne to wi&s;dome. We cannot judge of any mans policy but by the effects: Though wee doe at|tribute many times unto policy tho&s;e things, which are but meere fortune: and on the contrary, wee cen&s;ure mens wi&s;dome, when wee &s;ee &s;ome events which doe rather proceed from the want of fortune, then from the defect of prudence.</P>
<P>It is much to conceive, and to pro|ject grand de&s;ignes: but it is more to bring them forth, and to execute them.</P>
<PB N="45" REF="24">
<P> The life is in the action. What pro|fiteth one to aime at brave ends, if he cannot tell how to find out the meanes to execute them?</P>
<P>The <HI>Cardinals</HI> chiefe&s;t end was to make the King of <HI>France</HI> ab&s;olute, glo|rious, and renowned: and his Kingdome to flouri&s;h. To obtaine it, he removed all the ob&s;tacles either at home, or a|broad, that could be any hinderance to his proceedings. Hee did imagine that &s;o long as the Prote&s;tants had &s;trong Holds, and pledge-townes in <HI>France,</HI> the King was not ab&s;olute in his King|dome: and therefore hee did put the King upon the Prote&s;tant warres, and per&s;waded him to take all the places they had, from them, it was done &s;o. The King got the ma&s;terie. His policy was like to prove di&s;advantageous unto the King, and to him&s;elfe afterwards. For, except the Prote&s;tants had been in po|&s;ture of helping them; his ma&s;t er, and hee, would have been in great danger.
<PB N="46" REF="25">1632, His wi&s;dom could not but dictate him that the &s;trength of the Prote&s;tant party in <HI>France</HI> is the pre&s;ervative of the Crowne, and Kingdom of <HI>France.</HI> But, what he did then, he did it out of poli|cy, that he might be called no more the <HI>Cardinall Huguenot.</HI></P>
<P>There were many great men, and o|thers in <HI>France</HI> like to &s;tirre, and to &s;ide with the <HI>Spaniards,</HI> he cau&s;ed &s;ome of them to be impri&s;oned, and &s;ome others to bee put to death: happy were they, that could e&s;cape the bad day, and get over out of the Kingdome of <HI>France.</HI></P>
<P>Hee knew that the hou&s;e of <HI>Au&s;tria</HI> was a great annoyance unto the hou&s;e of <HI>Bourbon,</HI> and that it kept too much light from it. Therefore he endeavoured to pull it downe piece by piece. 1631, He called the King of <HI>Swedeland</HI> into <HI>Ger|many</HI> to give the fir&s;t &s;troake; he did like a very good workman, and had not death prevented his de&s;ignes, that hou&s;e would have been levelled with the ground a|fore
<PB N="47" REF="25">now. Generall <HI>Bannire</HI> did fur|ther the work pretty well, and the <HI>Swedes</HI> are a working &s;till. The <HI>Catalonians</HI> and the <HI>Portingals</HI> have had each one a very good pull at it, they were all the <HI>Cardinals</HI> workmen, he was the Grand Enginiere. They that he thought to be inclined towards the hou&s;e of <HI>Au&s;tria,</HI> and which he perceived to bee more de|firous of the <HI>Spaniards</HI> pro&s;perity, than of the <HI>French</HI> were prevented in their de&s;ignes by &s;ome bu&s;ine&s;&s;es hee gave them at home. I could enlarge my &s;elfe upon this &s;ubject. I could &s;hew the oc|ca&s;ions, and rea&s;ons, which moved him to doe &s;o. I could name &s;ome per&s;ons he imployed in that bu&s;ine&s;&s;e. I could tell how hee di&s;per&s;ed, and broke the <HI>Spani&s;h</HI> faction in a Kingdome, that &s;hall bee namele&s;&s;e. I rather grieve to think of the mi&s;eries, in which they are now than doe de&s;ire to relate the rea|&s;ons, and occa&s;ions of them. And if the <HI>Cardinall</HI> were now alive, I beleeve that
<PB N="48" REF="26">he would rather &s;eek to compo&s;e their di&s;tractions, than to further them: for, he would be contented to &s;ee the <HI>Spani&s;h</HI> faction di&s;inabled for helping the <HI>Spani|ard.</HI> And perhaps they, that are now Coun&s;ellours of that Kingdome would rather &s;ide with <HI>France,</HI> than with <HI>Spain:</HI> or at lea&s;t they would deale equally be|twixt both: for, when we deale betwixt two of our friends that are at oddes a|mong&s;t them&s;elves: we &s;hall make one of them our enemy, if hee perceiveth that we rather take part with his enemy than with him. The Pen&s;ionaries, and Intelligencers he kept abroad, co&s;t him fifteen thou&s;and crownes a week. Mr. <HI>Delope</HI> a <HI>Jew,</HI> or a <HI>Portingall</HI> was the man, that payed mo&s;t of them.</P>
<P>There could hardly bee &s;ix men in a company but three of them were of the <HI>Cardinals</HI> &s;pies, or Intelligencers; and many times the whole company proved all intelligencers. And yet they knew not one another, and every one of them
<PB N="49" REF="26">endeavoured to intrap the others. It was likewi&s;e &s;o with his pen&s;ionaries: for: though hee had many in the &s;ame place, and in one Kingdome, yet hee would not have them know one another. He had two men, unto which he gave the charge of all the affaires. One was to take care of tho&s;e that were within the Kingdome: and the other did onely look after forraine bu&s;ine&s;&s;es. He im|parted his de&s;ignes unto them telling them, that none but they knew them, and therefore if they &s;hould ever be di&s;|covered, they were to look to them|&s;elves. Mr. <HI>de Chavigny,</HI> and Mr. <HI>de Noyers</HI> were the men. <HI>Cardinall Maza|rin</HI> his &s;ucce&s;&s;our, and during his life his collegue, and another him&s;elfe: did concurre much with him for the good of <HI>France:</HI> for he was of one mind, and of one heart with him.</P>
<P>One thing I di&s;like much in his poli|cie. It was his way of getting, or ma|king of Souldiers: For, when he pro|pounded
<PB N="50" REF="27">unto the King his Ma&s;ter his great de&s;ignes for advancing his glory, and for the de&s;truction of <HI>Spaine:</HI> the King asked him how he &s;hould get &s;oul|diers enough to bring the&s;e Grand De|&s;ignes to execution. Being, that none are pre&s;&s;ed in <HI>France,</HI> and that none can be forced, or compelled, except Gen|tlemen, which are called the <HI>Arriere|ban:</HI> and are onely to attend his Maje|&s;ties per&s;on upon extraordinary, and mo&s;t important affaires. <HI>Henry</HI> the fourth that invincible Monarch of ours, called them, and they were prepared: but <HI>Ravaillac</HI> mun&s;ter of nature, and the &s;hame of <HI>France</HI> did cut off his de&s;ignes by &s;tabbing of him. <HI>Lewis</HI> the thirteenth of late, and happy memory called them likewi&s;e when he went into <HI>Italy.</HI> The <HI>Cardinal</HI> intreated the King to take no care, and to let him alone for that: be|cau&s;e hee had a way to get his Maje&s;ty more &s;ouldiers than be &s;hould need. To that effect, he laid many heavy taxati|ons
<PB N="51" REF="27">upon the people, and &s;o: the poore he made more, the more &s;ouldiers hee got. Hee knew that the breaking of trades-men was the making of &s;ouldiers. The be&s;t piece of his policie was to make no u&s;e of tho&s;e Grand Polititians, Grand Contrivers, Grand Plotters, Grand Di&s;turbers of the Peace of <HI>Eu|rope:</HI> which men call <HI>Ie&s;uites:</HI> Fir&s;t, be|cau&s;e he knew that they were too well affected unto the Crowne of <HI>Spaine,</HI> to prove faithfull unto <HI>France:</HI> Secondly, by rea&s;on that they think to have ingro&s;|&s;ed all the wit, and policie in the world, and &s;o would have every body to be ru|led, or governed by their Coun&s;els, which ever proved de&s;tructives. The old Emperour of <HI>Germany</HI> did undoe him|&s;elfe and all his Empire by believing of them. It is very &s;trange that tho&s;e Om|ni&s;cient Gentlemen knew not the way to <HI>Pamprou.</HI></P>
<P>The <HI>Cardinall</HI> imployed much one Father <HI>Io&s;eph</HI> a <HI>Capucin</HI> Fryar, who
<PB N="52" REF="28">though he wore a very cour&s;e garment had a very refined wit. Hee did <HI>France</HI> great &s;ervice; e&s;pecially in <HI>Germany:</HI> and it is thought that the <HI>Cardinall</HI> was ruled by his coun&s;ells whil&s;t hee lived. Their enimies did &s;et up one night at the <HI>Pa&s;quill</HI> in <HI>Rome,</HI> the&s;e lines again&s;t them both: nay, again&s;t the <HI>Pope,</HI> and the King of <HI>France</HI> him&s;elfe.</P>
<Q><L><HI>Papa <GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="2 letters">&s;ter inurbanus,</HI></L>
<L><HI>Rex par<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 letter">m Chri&s;tian<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 letter">s,</HI></L>
<L><HI>Cardinalis infernalis:</HI></L>
<L><HI>C<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1+ letters">in<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 letter">S c<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1+ letters">qualis</HI></L>
<L><HI>Reple<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 letter">t <GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1+ letters">undum totis malis.</HI></L></Q>
<P>This I will &s;ay for his reaching poli|cy and no more. That his mind was like a circle, which can containe any o|ther figure, but cannot be contained by any. So likewi&s;e: he could comprehend all <GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 span"> policie, and devices of any <GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 word"> but none was able to apprehend, or to conceive his own wi&s;dom, and policy. <HI>La V<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1+ letters">, La S<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 letter">&s;e, Ca&s;al, L<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 letter">rraine, <GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 word">,</HI> St. <HI>Honor<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1+ letters">. Et</HI> St. <HI>Marguerite</HI>
<PB N="53" REF="28">I&s;lands, <HI>Th<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 letter">rin, Tort<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1+ letters">, Pignerol, Arras,</HI> Aire, (though lo&s;t again) <HI>Cata<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1+ letters">, Por|tingal, Perpignan,</HI> &amp; <HI>E.</HI> have &s;elt the pow|er of his policy. He had alwaies an equall mind in pro&s;perity, and in adver&s;ity, ex|ceeding not in one, &amp; being not de&s;icient in the other. As he was nor tran&s;ported with over-joy, &s;o likewi&s;e he was never ca&s;t down, nor dejected by griefe: u&s;ing a moderation in his pro&s;perity, and pa|tience in his adver&s;ity; which was not becau&s;e he had ever any bad &s;ucce&s;&s;e in any of his enterpri&s;es: but, by rea&s;on that he had &s;o many enemies, which did &s;eek his life, and the mine of <HI>France.</HI> Though he was con&s;tant, he was not in|&s;en&s;ible: his heart was not made of Di|amond, neither was it like <HI>Piadarus Ci|noas</HI> his skin, which was &s;o tuffe, and &s;o hard, that he did dart back the arrowes that were &s;hot again&s;t him. He was no Stoick, but his con&s;tancy was accom|panied with a rea&s;onable wi&s;dom: for hee did grieve &s;ometimes when there
<PB N="54" REF="29">was occa&s;ion of grieving, and he rejoy|ced: but yet, was no wi&s;e di&s;tempered, for, he had &s;o great a command over his pa&s;&s;ions, that they were all at his beck, they obeyed his call: they went no far|ther, then rea&s;on could afford them to goe: for &s;he was alwayes their guide, and leader.</P>
<P>Once onely the <HI>Cardinall</HI> broke out into pa&s;&s;ion, when the newes of <HI>Wal&s;tein's</HI> death was brought to him: for, then he did bite, and tare his hand karchief in pieces, and retired him&s;elfe into his clo|&s;et for a while. <HI>Wal&s;tein</HI> was (as almo&s;t every body knoweth) the Emperour of <HI>Germany</HI> his Generall. The <HI>Cardinals</HI> de&s;igne was (as men did conceive) to make <HI>Lewis</HI> the thirteenth Emperour of <HI>Germany,</HI> him&s;elfe King, or at lea&s;t <HI>Vi|cery</HI> of <HI>France:</HI> and <HI>Wal&s;tein,</HI> which was to give his &s;ouldiers unto the King of <HI>France:</HI> was promi&s;ed the Dukedome of <HI>Bavaria.</HI> But, the de&s;igne being di&s;|covered, <HI>Gourden</HI> Governour of <HI>Egger</HI>
<PB N="55" REF="29">killed <HI>Wal&s;tein February</HI> the twenty &s;ift, 1634. and foure of his Captaines, toge|ther with a Page, when they were all at dinner, and then cryed <HI>Vive l'Empereur.</HI></P>
<P>He was &s;o excellent a Rhetorician, that if truth it &s;elfe, and all the Orators in the world had been of one &s;ide, and he of an other: yet he was able to make his opinion to be thought, and received for the be&s;t. Therefore, we mu&s;t not wonder if he did ever draw men unto his &s;ide, and if his Coun&s;els were ap|proved with a generall applau&s;e, and fol|lowed with a generall con&s;ent: Since his mouth was the Organe of Truth it &s;elfe (I mean in civill affaires) and that he never u&s;ed his Rhetorick, but to de|clare truth unto men, and to make them believe, and follow it.</P>
<P>The a&s;&s;embly of the mo&s;t noted, and chiefe Gentlemen of <HI>France,</HI> held in <HI>Paris</HI> about the latter end of 1626. heard many pieces of his eloquence. He per&s;waded them all to yeeld unto
<PB N="56" REF="30">the Kings demands as being ju&s;t, and to con&s;ent unto the Articles His Maje&s;ty did propound them. The &s;econd of which was that the Prote&s;tants in <HI>France</HI> &s;hould be maintained in their ancient freedome, priviledges, and liberties.</P>
<P>The Earle of <HI>Chalais,</HI> which was be|headed, or rather mi&s;erably butchered in in <HI>Nauntes,</HI> hearing that <HI>Madamoi&s;elle de Montpen&s;ier</HI> was promi&s;ed unto <HI>Mon|&s;ieur</HI> the Duke of <HI>Orleans.</HI> Broke into the&s;e words. Thou ha&s;t a per&s;wading <HI>Demon</HI> O <HI>Cardinall.</HI> The Mar&s;hall of <HI>Schomberg</HI> u&s;ed to tell him, that they did deferre, and yeelded much unto him: not &s;o much becau&s;e of the authority, in which the King had placed him, as for the &s;trength of his rea&s;ons, and of his eloquence.</P>
<P>He &s;tole every bodies heart through the eares, his &s;peech was &s;o charming that he enchanted every one. None did ever part from him un&s;atisfied. For he knew how to winne mens love, by a wi&s;e,
<PB N="57" REF="30">and di&s;creet complacencie: for though hee was &s;omewhat &s;tately, hee was not &s;cornefull; and though hee was of a plea&s;ing humour, he was no flatterer. Yet many have &s;aid that they were plea|&s;antly deceived by him, and that he was like a <HI>Camaeleon</HI> that a&s;&s;umeth all kinds of colours, except the white: but, it was black envie that made them &s;peak &s;o ba&s;ely again&s;t his free, and &s;incere candour. For, as he never be&s;towed any prai&s;e upon unworthy Subjects; &s;o like|wi&s;e, he never di&s;prai&s;ed de&s;erving men. De&s;erts were alwayes rewarded, and faults puni&s;hed by him, u&s;ing a di&s;creet wi&s;dom both in his rewards, and in his puni&s;hments. Hee di&s;cerned betweene fal&s;e, and true parts of men. He never took temerity for a great &s;pirit, cove|tousne&s;&s;e for good husbandry Impuden|cie for courage, prating for eloquence, &s;tupidity for mode&s;ty, In&s;olencie for freedome, and in a word: he never mi|&s;took vice for Vertue, or Vertue for
<PB N="58" REF="31">vice; nor Truth for a lye. For, the light of his under&s;tanding di&s;&s;ipating the clouds which kept things hidden from other men, made them to appeare unto him as they were: &s;o that he e&s;teemed of every thing and of every one as he was indeed, and not as he was in other mens opinion: or in his owne. He ho|noured much the Nobility of Bloud, but he did re&s;pect farre more the No|bility of Vertue. And indeed; &s;ince all bloud is of a colour, and &s;ince it is ei|ther health, or &s;ickne&s;&s;e, that maketh a difference in mens bloud, I &s;ee no rea&s;on why we &s;hould wor&s;hip, and honour &s;o much men onely becau&s;e they are No|bly de&s;cended: and why we &s;hould re|&s;pect &s;o little Vertuous, and brave minds lodged in bodies of a meane ex|traction. I grant, and will give the ho|nour due unto Noble-men for their rankes &s;ake: but I &s;hall never Idolize a thing, that commeth by meer fortune. I will admire a Vertuous, and a Gene|rous
<PB N="59" REF="31">&s;oule in a Noble mans body as a rich Diamond &s;et in gold: but I will e&s;teem no le&s;&s;e of a like Diamond, if it were &s;et in bra&s;&s;e. I &s;ay that it is much to be borne Great, but it is more to become &s;uch by Vertue, and merits. The envie, which the Princes, and No|ble-men of <HI>France</HI> borne unto the <HI>Cardi|nall</HI> becau&s;e he did not let them have, and &s;hare all the offices, and dignities of <HI>France,</HI> hath occa&s;ioned me to fall into this di&s;cour&s;e. For, they thought that great charges were intailed upon onely Great, and Noble-Hou&s;es. But the <HI>Car|dinall</HI> was of another opinion. If Vertue, De&s;erts, and Nobility met all in one Subject, that party was &s;ure to be the object of his favours. The Earle of <HI>Arcour,</HI> the Marque&s;&s;e of <HI>Alincour,</HI> The Mar&s;hall <HI>de la Me&s;teraie,</HI> and the Mar&s;hall of <HI>Breze</HI> being all of Noble Fa|milies, have been honoured by him with many brave charges, and dignities, be|cau&s;e he knew them vertuous, and de&s;er|ving.
<PB N="60" REF="32">And be &s;ides them, many others, which I name not, for, it is not my in|tent to make here a catalogue of them upon which hee be&s;toved the favours due unto their merits, and noble births. Among&s;t all, which were not of &s;o Great; and of &s;o Noble Hou&s;es, yet a&s;cended almo&s;t to the highe&s;t dignities of <HI>France,</HI> I will name only the ever renowned <HI>Ga&s;&s;ion,</HI> that brave, undaunted, and conragious &s;pirit, the terrour of <HI>Spaine,</HI> the glory of <HI>Bearne,</HI> and of all <HI>France</HI> it &s;elfe, who was imployed as a Generall by the <HI>Cardinall,</HI> and even after the <HI>Cardinals</HI> death had the <HI>Mar|&s;hals</HI> &s;taffe &s;ent to him by the young King of <HI>France</HI> for a reward of his former &s;ervices, and more e&s;pecially for the great overthrow hee gave unto the <HI>Spani&s;h</HI> Army about <HI>Rawcroy;</HI> where the mo&s;t Noble, and mo&s;t va|liant Prince (though yet very young in yeeres, the Duke of <HI>Auguien</HI> was Generall. <HI>Ga&s;sion</HI> was like another
<PB N="61" REF="32"><HI>Marius,</HI> among&s;t the <HI>Romanes;</HI> who being but meanly borne, a&s;cended by his vertue to &s;uch a point of Great|ne&s;&s;e, that hee was &s;even times <HI>Con&s;ul,</HI> and pre&s;erved the Citie of <HI>Rome</HI> a|gain&s;t the powerfull enemies, which a&s;&s;ailed it.</P>
<P>The <HI>Cardinals</HI> favour, and great|ne&s;&s;e occa&s;ioned many Great, and No|ble-men to make Factions, and Con|&s;piracies again&s;t the King, and the Kingdome, and again&s;t the <HI>Cardinall</HI> him&s;elfe: nay (if they are to be be|leeved) they aymed onely at him, and he was the &s;ole object of their envie, they would free (as they &s;aid) the King, and the Kingdome from a Ty|rant: for, they imagined that he ty|rannized the Kings will, and that hee oppre&s;&s;ed the Kingdom.</P>
<P>Wee have &s;poken of the plot about putting the King into a Cloi&s;ter 1626, we have &s;aid enough of the in&s;urrection in <HI>Languedoc</HI> made by the Duke of
<PB N="62" REF="33"><HI>Orleans</HI> and the Duke of <HI>Montmoren|cy</HI> 1632: we have &s;aid nothing as yet of that Grand De&s;igne of the Duke of <HI>Be&uuml;illon,</HI> and of the Earle of <HI>Soi&s;&s;ons,</HI> which get into <HI>France</HI> ayded with many <HI>Spaniards,</HI> and gave a great defeat unto the Kings Army: and had not the <HI>Car|dinals</HI> care, vigilancie, and wi&s;dome &s;topped their proceedings, <HI>France</HI> was like to become a prey unto the <HI>Spani|ards.</HI> There hath been another plot of a newer &s;tamp 1642, It was about bringing in tenne thou&s;and <HI>Spaniards</HI> through <HI>Sedan</HI> to relieve the di&s;tre&s;&s;ed, and oppre&s;&s;ed <HI>French-men,</HI> and chiefly the Nobility of <HI>France,</HI> which was kept under by the <HI>Cardinall. Mon&s;ion do</HI> St. <HI>Marc,</HI> otherwi&s;e called <HI>Mon&s;ieur le Grand</HI> by rea&s;on of his dignity: was the chiefe contriver of it. <HI>Mon&s;ieur d<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="in gutter" EXTENT="1 letter"> Fentrailles</HI> carried the Articles of agree|ment unto the King of <HI>Spaine,</HI> and &s;<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="in gutter" EXTENT="1 letter"> brought them &s;igned by his Catholick<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="in gutter" EXTENT="1 letter"> Maje&s;ties hand unto <HI>Mon&s;ieur</HI> the
<PB N="63" REF="33">Duke of <HI>Orleans.</HI> The <HI>Cardinall</HI> di&s;co|vered the plot: <HI>Mon&s;ieur do</HI> St. <HI>Marc</HI> was beheaded: and Mr. <HI>de</HI> Thou like|wi&s;e: becau&s;e the tender affection he bore unto <HI>Mon&s;ieur de</HI> St. <HI>Marc,</HI> as being his intimate friend, made him to keep &s;ecret a traiterous de&s;igne, from which he had di&s;coun&s;elled the &s;aid Mr. St. <HI>Marc.</HI> but to conceale trea&s;on, is to be acce&s;&s;ary unto it. The re&s;t of the plot got out of the Kingdome. I have &s;een, and conver&s;ed with two of the chiefe&s;t for the &s;pace of foure, or five moneths together.</P>
<P>Such kinds of plots, and con&s;pira|cies did concerne the generality of <HI>France,</HI> though their pretence was par|ticular, to wit, the putting downe of the <HI>Cardinall,</HI> and the de&s;troying of his pre|tended tyrannicall government. Let us now relate &s;ome Con&s;piracies which were intended directly again&s;t the <HI>Car|dinals</HI> per&s;on. One <HI>Alfe&s;ton</HI> borne in <HI>Chaalens</HI> was &s;ent with two more from
<PB N="64" REF="34"><HI>Bruxelles</HI> be the per&s;wa&s;ion of Father <HI>Chanteloube</HI> one of the <HI>Queen Mothers</HI> Councell; to kill him.</P>
<P>The plot being di&s;covered <HI>Alfe&s;ton</HI> was broken upon the wheele by the &s;entence given again&s;t him in <HI>Metz.</HI> One <HI>Chavag|nac</HI> was convicted for having attempted to poy&s;on his Eminencie with a letter. One <HI>Bernard</HI> a Phy&s;itian condemned for coyning of mony, confe&s;&s;ed that he had promi&s;ed to poy&s;on the <HI>Cardinall. Adrian Bouchard</HI> a <HI>Romi&s;h</HI> Prie&s;t, and <HI>Nicholas Gargan</HI> noted Magicians (as they &s;ay) were hired to doe the like. But they had a rope for their hire the nineteenth of <HI>Aprill</HI> 1634 in <HI>Paris.</HI> Their books were burned, and the cinders throwne into the ayre. It was &s;aid that a great <HI>French</HI> Duke did cro&s;&s;e the Sea 1641, becau&s;e two men di&s;gui&s;ed in Hermits habits had con&s;pired his death through his per&s;wa&s;ion. But I heard them, that were the chiefe&s;t in his hou&s;e, affirme the contrary. After &s;o many
<PB N="65" REF="34">con&s;piracies again&s;t him, after the op|po&s;itions of &s;o many &s;trong enemies: to have him die a naturall death crown|ed with glory, and honour: as much in favour with his King, as any man could be: it &s;eemeth to me &s;omewhat like a miracle. The King vi&s;ited him in his &s;ickne&s;&s;e: which was the greate&s;t com|fort that he could receive of any mortall man: &s;eeing, that, having lived altoge|ther for his King, he was to die neere him, and almo&s;t in his armes, as if God had &s;o di&s;po&s;ed of his life; that being ordained for the &s;ervice of <HI>Lewis</HI> the thir|teenth, and for the good of his King|dome: almo&s;t the very la&s;t breath &s;hould be &s;pent in his Maje&s;ties &s;ight. He de&s;i|red in his &s;ickne&s;&s;e, that he might live no longer, than he was able to doe the King, and the Kingdom of <HI>France</HI> &s;ervice. Had heaven been plea&s;ed to hearken to his prayers: and to geant him his reque&s;t: his life would have been of an equall la|&s;ting with the fates of the Kingdome of <HI>Prance.</HI></P>
<PB N="66" REF="35">
<P> He expired on a Thur&s;day being the fourth of <HI>December, &s;tilo navo,</HI> and the 14. <HI>&s;tilo veteri,</HI> 1642. being about 58 yeeres old. Hee left nothing wanting unto the pro&s;perity of the King, and of the King|dome of <HI>France,</HI> but his owne per&s;on. Yet, the lo&s;&s;e of &s;o brave a man is in &s;ome mea&s;ure recompenced by <HI>Cardinall Mazarin,</HI> who was the mo&s;t intimate friend the <HI>Cardinall Richelieu</HI> had during his life, and one that knew the be&s;t part of his de&s;ignes, and wanteth no wit to bring them to execution: and be&s;ides all this, hath given &s;ufficient proofes of the zeale, and inclination hee hath for the good of <HI>France.</HI> So that <HI>French-men</HI> will never think that <HI>Richelieu</HI> is dead &s;o long as <HI>Mazarin</HI> is alive. For, <HI>Richelieu's Genius</HI> remaineth &s;till with <HI>Mazarin.</HI></P>
<P>The <HI>Cardinall Richelieu</HI> was buried in the Colledge of <HI>Sorbenne,</HI> where he had cau&s;ed his monument to be built, during his life. There could not be a fitter place to receive the body in which &s;o wi&s;e, and
<PB N="67" REF="35">&s;o learned a &s;oule did inhabite: than that brave, and famous hou&s;e of Learning.</P>
<P>Now: if you aske me of what Religi|on the <HI>Cardinall</HI> was, you &s;hall po&s;e me. The <HI>Romans</HI> &s;ay, that he was of their Religion: like enough &s;o, for he cau&s;ed warres to bee made again&s;t the Prote|&s;tants: he hath written a book called the <HI>Chri&s;tian Doctrine,</HI> for the in&s;truction of the <HI>Romi&s;h</HI> Prie&s;ts: and &s;ome things of controver&s;ie again&s;t the Prote&s;tants; Which for all that think that he was of their Religion: he was called the <HI>Cardi|nall Huguenot</HI> for a great while: he fa|voured the Prote&s;tants very much: and coun&s;elled the King even &s;oone after the taking of <HI>Rochell,</HI> to prote&s;t publickly in the a&s;&s;embly of the mo&s;t noted men in <HI>France,</HI> that hee would maintaine the Prote&s;tants in their Priviledges, and liberties. But, for my owne part, I be|lieve that his religion, was be&s;t knowne unto him&s;elfe; and, that it was as hard to dive into it, as into his policie. It is a
<PB N="68" REF="36">common thing to &s;ay, that Polititians grea|te&s;t Religion, is to have none. Yet, it is not impo&s;&s;ible to bee religiou&s;ly poli|tick. We may &s;erve God, and our country likewi&s;e. I wi&s;h that <HI>France</HI> may never beare a wor&s;e Patriot than he was. That the Kings of <HI>France,</HI> may alwayes have as tru&s;ty, and as faithfull &s;ubjects. That the Reformed in <HI>France</HI> may never have a wor&s;e enemy; (all things rightly con|&s;idered.)</P>
<P>It is &s;eldome &s;een that the govern|ment of Clergy-men proveth &s;o &s;ucce&s;&s;e|full unto their Kings, and Kingdomes; as that of <HI>Cardinall Richelieu</HI> did. For; they doe &s;eek oftentimes too much to exalt them&s;elves, and their tribe: and by tho&s;e meanes overthrow them&s;elves, their ad|herents, and the Kingdomes, or repub|licks, wherein they live. For: the over|great pride, and &s;tate of the Clergy is apt to breed a kind of heart-burning among&s;t the Nobility and Gentry: nay among&s;t &s;ome of their owne profe&s;&s;ion, and a|mong&s;t
<PB N="69" REF="36">the Commonalty. So that: they con&s;pire many times altogether the ruine, and the down-fall of the pride of &s;uch men: which &s;hould rather gaine love, and re&s;pect by their humble con|ver&s;ation: then cau&s;e envie by their vain, and &s;tately pompe. If the Clergy mount up their Canons again&s;t the Laiety: They will plant their Ordnance again&s;t them. If <HI>Ju&s;tinian</HI> &s;triveth to get the up|per hand: <HI>William</HI> the Conqueror will &s;o ju&s;tle with him, that he will goe neer to thru&s;t him out. Therefore, it is be&s;t for him to bee contented with the honour, and place, which is allowed, and a&s;&s;igned unto him: and not to de&s;ire to a&s;cend any higher. Some &s;ay, that the <HI>Cardinall</HI> called the now Bi&s;hop of <HI>Canterbury,</HI> his Ape. I cannot believe that his Emi|nency was &s;o uncivill, as to &s;peak &s;o irre|verently of his Grace. Peradventure he called him his Imitator: and I would he had imitated him indeed. Kingdomes are compared unto &s;hips, their Kings to
<PB N="70" REF="37">Pilots. States-men, upon which they re|po&s;e the government of the &s;hip, may be called their Deputy Pilots, and in a man|ner the Ma&s;ters mates. The <HI>Cardinall</HI> go|verned <HI>France</HI> intru&s;ted to him, in all tempe&s;ts ri&s;en again&s;t it without either &s;hipwrack or lo&s;&s;e: left it enjoying a good calme in the Haven. May it plea&s;e God to let no tempe&s;t ari&s;e after the death of the Ma&s;ters mate, and of the Ma&s;ter him&s;elfe, that ca&s;t that brave &s;hip of <HI>France</HI> upon &s;ome rock, or bank. A <HI>French man</HI> made two ver&s;es in <HI>Latin,</HI> and <HI>French</HI> by a kind of a propheticall &s;pirit of the Kingdom of <HI>France</HI> compa|red with a &s;hip, and of the <HI>Cardinall</HI> be|ing the Pilot of it, I will end with them.</P>
<Q><L>Te duce &s;ulcabit fluctus, portum&abque; tenebit:</L>
<L>Anchora nulla fuit divitiore loco.</L></Q>
<Q><L>Va navire ne craint point, ton Pilote e&s;t un Dieu,</L>
<L>Jamais Anchre ne fut en un plus <HI>Richelieu</HI></L></Q>
<TRAILER>FINIS.</TRAILER>
</DIV1>
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