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<NAME>Megan Marion</NAME>
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<P>Certain PARTICVLARS, Further tending to &s;atisfie THE Tender Con&s;ciences OF Such as are required to take THE ENGAGEMENT.</P>
<P>WRITTEN By a Godly and Learned Divine.</P>
<P><HI>London,</HI> Printed by <HI>Robert White,</HI> 1651.</P>
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<HEAD>Certain Particulars, further ten|ding to &s;atisfie the tender Con&s;ciences of &s;uch as are required to take the ENGAGEMENT.</HEAD>
<P>_THe pre&s;ent <HI>Engagement</HI> being a thing new and formerly unknown to our Engli&s;h Nation,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Mutatione impe|riorum rar&ograve; mu|tantur calamita|tes.</HI> Lopez. Flor. 405.</NOTE> is not ea&s;i|ly dige&s;ted of many; for although we read of Principalities among&s;t the <HI>Brittains,</HI> an Heptarchy a|mong the <HI>Saxons,</HI> and a continued Monarchy both by the <HI>Norman</HI> line and long before; Yet before this time, we never heard of a State Government, and therefore no mar|vell though it work on &s;ober and ingenious men, who are not acquainted with the affairs of the times, and thereupon are jealous that every change may tend to the wor&s;e, and not to the better. For my part it hath &s;tuck with me, and therefore tho&s;e con&s;iderations which have &s;atisfied me, if they may &s;atisfie you, I have my end; however, I hope you will candidly accept what is &s;incerely meant.</P>
<P N="1">1. The <HI>Engagement</HI> runs thus: <HI>I do promi&s;e to be faithful to the Common-wealth of England, as now it &s;tands, without a King and Hou&s;e of Lords.</HI></P>
<PB N="2" REF="3">
<P><NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Fides cum promit|titur etiam ho&s;ti|bus, e&s;t &s;ervanda.</HI> Aug. ad Bono&s;. </NOTE>In which fir&s;t, There is the Act, <HI>I do promi&s;e to be faithful;</HI> that is to &s;ay, fir&s;t Negatively, we do promi&s;e not to act any thing &s;ecretly or openly again&s;t the Common-wealth: <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Fidem qui perdi|dit, nihil pote&s;t ultra perdere.</HI> Sen.</NOTE> And &s;econdly, Affirmatively, to &s;tand for it, and endevor the welfare and &s;afety of it: Now a Promi&s;e doth bind as well as an Oath; yet with &s;ome difference becau&s;e a Promi&s;e may be di&s;&s;olved by con&s;ent, but an Oath cannot unle&s;s there be &s;ome condition either expre&s;&s;ed or implyed, becau&s;e it is &s;olemnly made to God.</P>
<P N="2">2. <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Re&s;publica e&s;t res populi.</HI> Aug. de civitate Dei. lib. 1.</NOTE> The Object, the Common wealth; By the Com|mon-wealth may be under&s;tood 1. the publike Af|fairs and welfare of the place where his lot is ca&s;t to inhabite, and &s;o much the word <HI>re&s;publica</HI> doth hold forth. <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Non mihi &s;oli, &s;ed etia~ multo potius natus &s;um patriae.</HI> Cic. Rhetor. li. 1.</NOTE> 2. It may be taken for &s;uch a policy, wherein the original of Government lies in the people, both to depo&s;e Magi&s;trates abu&s;ing their Tru&s;t, and to elect and chu&s;e others in their places. By what hath been &s;aid you may &s;ee what is meant by being faithful, &amp;c. <HI>viz.</HI> 1. To &s;eek the welfare of the common affairs of this Nation, and of tho&s;e grand Priviledges which have co&s;t our Ance&s;tors and our &s;elves &s;uch large expence both of Bullion and blood; As namely, <HI>Magna Charta,</HI> the frequency of Parliaments, and our own civil pro|priety, to our &s;elves and Po&s;terity. 2. To endevor to pre&s;erve that native and natural freedom which is in|ve&s;ted in us, that is to own Government and Gover|nours &s;o far as they derive their power from the people.</P>
<P N="3">3. The Limitations that are given: 1. Affirmatively, <HI>as it is now e&s;tabli&s;hed;</HI> this word <HI>(now)</HI> carries us to the time pa&s;t when it was not a Common wealth, but a Kingdom; or el&s;e it carries us to have reference to the time to come, and then it holds forth no more then this, that we are &s;o far bound to it, as it &s;hall continue thus &s;etled; &s;eeing this may happily not be the exact Model,
<PB N="3" REF="3">but onely made u&s;e of till another full Repre&s;entative may be called; and why any &s;hould boggle at either of the&s;e, I &s;ee not; for though the Government may not in all points &s;uit their apprehen&s;ions, yet our ca&s;e would be far wor&s;e if there were none at all, and per|haps for &s;uch a time as this, the fitte&s;t expedient which could be found out. The 2. Limitation, is Negative, <HI>without a King and Hou&s;e of Lords;</HI> which &s;eems to mean an utter extirpation both of Monarchy and Ari|&s;tocracy, and the &s;etting up of a Government by a State near to Democracy; &s;o making the chief power to re&s;t in the people; which if it may be rightly compo&s;ed, in my apprehen&s;ion, cannot but be a happy and a la&s;ting Government; for it is mo&s;t &s;utable to rea&s;on that no man &s;hould bear rule over others, but by their con|&s;ents, and in ca&s;e of male-admini&s;tration to be que&s;tio|ned by them.</P>
<P>By this time you have &s;een what the &s;um and &s;cope of the <HI>Engagement</HI> is; Give me leave to re&s;olve and an&s;wer &s;uch Que&s;tions and Objections as are u&s;ually brought again&s;t it.</P>
<P><MILESTONE N="1" UNIT="Que&s;t."> The fir&s;t and main one, is the Covenant,which we have &s;olemnly taken; unto which I would an&s;wer &s;ome general things.</P>
<P><MILESTONE N="1"> Fir&s;t, we are to di&s;tingui&s;h between the letter of the Covenant, and the intent of it; Now the Preface to the Covenant, makes the&s;e two to be main ends of it, <HI>the pre&s;ervation of our &s;elves, and our Religion, from ruine and de&s;truction:</HI> Now if any Articles in the Covenant &s;hall in the future, cro&s;s either of the&s;e: then cer|tainly they that are Covenanteers are di&s;obliged in &s;uch a ca&s;e; for no &s;ober men will ever engage again&s;t their own &s;afety, or the &s;afety of Religion, which is more dear to them then their own.</P>
<P N="2">2. Though the whole Covenant be to be taken together, yet &s;o as matters of lower concernment are to give way
<PB N="4" REF="4">to matters of higher concernment;
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Hone&s;t&egrave; ab ejus foedere receditur qui communem li|bertatem oppri|mere conatur &amp; tentat.</HI> Thucyd. lib. 3.</NOTE> &s;o as if the pre&s;erva|tion of the Kings per&s;on may be thought incompatible, with the pre&s;ervation of ju&s;t Laws, and the &s;afety of the People, then the depo&s;ition and deve&s;ting of the King of his Office and place, can be no breach of the Covenant: and in ca&s;e it were pre&s;umed that the thing was not &s;o equitable in the per&s;ons that did it; yet &s;uppo&s;ing there were &s;uch a guilt on the per&s;on of the King, and that in the eye of the Law, both of God and man; then cannot this Engagement in this particular in the lea&s;t oppo&s;e the Covenant; and if no man dare free him from &s;uch a guilt, I &s;ee not how they can accu&s;e &s;uch as engage upon his removeal, on the mo&s;t prudential way for their own &s;afety. The like may be &s;aid of the Hou&s;e of Lords, who&s;e &s;itting there was never from the People, but per&s;ons that received their Honor from the King, and made them&s;elves higher then all the Commons of <HI>England;</HI> yea, and took the boldne&s;s to maintain it, that the Commons were to propound, and the Lords were to judge: and la&s;tly, that none might que&s;tion their Actions, but by their con&s;ent; how &s;uch a creature therefore might be con&s;i&s;tent with a free Common-wealth, I leave it to &s;ober men to judge; or how &s;uch &s;hould be permitted to be Judges over a Free people that were never cho&s;en by them, can con&s;i&s;t with rea&s;on and freedom.</P>
<P N="3">3. <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Suprema pericula &s;emper dant ve|niam culpa.</HI> Cyp. Epi&s;t. <HI>Impia e&s;t promi&s;|&s;io quae &s;celere ad|impletur.</HI> Rener. de jurand. cap. 3.</NOTE> The &s;afety of the People, is the Paramount Law; this therefore takes the fir&s;t place in the Covenant, as mo&s;t nece&s;&s;ary; for the King, and other Officers, are but Servants of the Common-wealth, and have their ri&s;e from it, and their maintenance by it; and although there were no Parliament, as there is no King, nor Hou&s;e of Peers, yet every one were bound by that Law to u&s;e his be&s;t endeavour, to &s;eek the welfare of the State. In a Ship, put ca&s;e the Ma&s;ter and Mariners were drunk, or out of the Ve&s;&s;el, &s;o as the Ship were
<PB N="5" REF="4">in danger to &s;uffer &s;hipwrack, in &s;uch a ca&s;e Pa&s;&s;engers might, by the &s;ame rule, endeavour the &s;afety of it; and certainly much more in the Common-wealth; and if any &s;uch Article could be &s;uppo&s;ed to be in our Solemn League and Covenant, which &s;hould oppo&s;e this Maxim, we ought rather to repent of our ra&s;hne&s;s, then per&s;i&s;t in it.</P>
<P><MILESTONE N="2" UNIT="Que&s;t."> The &s;econd thing objected, is, That there is not a full and free Parliament, and therefore I may not do it at their Command.</P>
<P>To which I An&s;wer:</P>
<P N="1">1. If by a full Parliament, be meant the whole defi|nite number Elected and Cho&s;en, &s;uch a number is very &s;eldom to be found, wherein there is the integral num|ber of all the Members; the Parliament was a true Par|liament, when many of &s;uch as were Members of it fled to <HI>Oxford,</HI> and &s;ate in a Junto there; therefore, though a Parliament have not all its Members, yet it may be a true Parliament now, as then it was.</P>
<P N="2">2. The Que&s;tion is not whether it be &s;uch and &s;uch,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">In rebus dubiis ac periculo&s;is im|minentibus eae conditiones acci|piendae quae ali|quid &s;pei cert&egrave; re|linquunt.</NOTE> but whether it be one; if it be one, though not in all points as it has been, and hereafter it may be, yet it may challenge obedience; a Father has lo&s;t one of his armes, and therefore imperfect; is al&s;o in pri&s;on, and therefore not free; yet his child &s;tands bound to obey him, as if he were both perfect, and free; if you could a&s;&s;imulate the ca&s;e of the Parliament to this ca&s;e (which in my apprehen&s;ion you cannot) yet the Parliament commanding right things, it ought to be obeyed.</P>
<P N="3">3. In &s;uch a turn of time as this has been, men cannot go by tho&s;e common principles, as when a State &s;hall be &s;ettled; every Article in our Solemn Covenant can|not be ju&s;tified by the Laws of this Nation, but yet it was very nece&s;&s;ary and equitable to the rules of com|mon &s;afety it &s;hould be taken; even &s;o we may &s;ay, that though there may be &s;uppo&s;ed defects in the Par|liament,
<PB N="6" REF="5">and a want of &s;ome of her integral parts; and withall, not in that con&s;titution and condition it were to be wi&s;hed; yet at &s;uch a time as this, wherein God has chalked out his own way, we are rather to &s;tand a|doring his work, then make head again&s;t it.</P>
<P><MILESTONE N="3" UNIT="Que&s;t."> But are we not bound to an old Government, by our <HI>Oath of Allegeance,</HI> to be true to the King, and his Po&s;terity?</P>
<P><MILESTONE N="1" UNIT="An&s;w."> We are to &s;uppo&s;e in every Oath, and Engagement, which men take, there are &s;ome conditions either to be &s;uppo&s;ed,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Aquin. Tanner 22. que&s;t. 89.</NOTE> or expre&s;&s;ed. <HI>I am bound to obey the King, &s;o long, and &s;o far as he is true to his Tru&s;t;</HI> but if he prove unfaithful, and be thought unfit to Reign, my obliga|tion cea&s;eth, and it is agreed by the School men; no man &s;tands engaged in any matter, of which he can have no certain knowledge, further then when he took that Engagement, he thought it would be; in ca&s;e it fall out otherwi&s;e, he cannot be &s;aid to be bound: the change of the thing intended, changeth the Engage|ment. And for his Po&s;terity, as in the election of a King, the Po&s;terity of the King is elected; &s;o in the depo&s;i|tion of a King, his Po&s;terity cea&s;eth, as to right; King <HI>Saul</HI> being depo&s;ed, his Po&s;terity lo&s;t their Title to the Kingdom.</P>
<P N="2">2. <NOTE PLACE="marg">Rex e&s;t &s;ingulis major, univer&s;is minor.</NOTE> It has often been ob&s;erved, that the King is in|ve&s;ted with power above any particular Subject; but yet he is inferiour to them all, and that he is as far below a Common-wealth, as any particular per&s;on is below him, or el&s;e there had been no difference between a King of <HI>England,</HI> and <HI>Cambi&s;es</HI> the <HI>Per&s;ian</HI> Emperour, that by a Law might do what he li&s;t; therefore if the power of the Repre&s;entatives of the Common-wealth be above a King, then certainly our obedience to them mu&s;t take place above any other Power binding us.</P>
<P N="3">3. If providence do hold out another way of admi|ni&s;tration, in the Government of this Common-wealth,
<PB N="7" REF="5">who are we, that we &s;hould let God? And certainly God that changes times and Governments, would ra|ther have us &s;oberly to follow his providence, then to think we, by our oppo&s;ition, can cro&s;s him in his way.</P>
<P N="4">4. Suppo&s;e a Government in all points were not right, yet in ca&s;e it be all the vi&s;ible Authority that is then in being, and withall, command right things, I &s;ee not why it may not be obeyed without the cro&s;&s;ing of any former Oath, as it may appear in Chri&s;ts paying the Didrachma to <HI>Cae&s;ar;</HI> unto which children were not bound, but &s;trangers; and the Apo&s;tle exhorts them obedience to <HI>Caligula,</HI> and <HI>Nero,</HI> then U&s;urpers, <HI>Rom.</HI> 13.</P>
<P N="5">5. If &s;uch Oaths were in all points binding, that a King, and his Po&s;terity, in no ca&s;e might be laid a&s;ide, then a Government upon never &s;uch immergencies, mi&s;demeanors or nece&s;&s;ities of &s;tate, might not be al|tered, which were to cro&s;s the way that God hath taken from the beginning of the world in the changing of humane Titles and times.</P>
<P><MILESTONE UNIT="object."> Again, if it be further &s;aid, what &s;ay you then to the Oath which <HI>Jo&s;hua</HI> made to the <HI>Gibeonites</HI> upon a mi&s;take? which yet having made it, he thought he was bound not to recede it from it; by the &s;ame rea&s;on in the ca&s;e we have &s;worn, although upon &s;ome mi&s;takes, yet our Oath mu&s;t be kept unviolable.</P>
<P><MILESTONE UNIT="An&s;w."> To which I An&s;wer; It &s;eems to me apparent that <HI>Jo&s;hua,</HI> by the command of God &s;hould have de&s;troyed the <HI>Gibeonites,</HI> for no Oath of ours can di&s;oblige us from our obedience to God; yet it doth not hinder but God may di&s;pence with his own Law, as I think he did in this, though it be not expre&s;&s;ed in the Text, <HI>Jo&s;h.</HI> 9. as he did in <HI>Abrahams,</HI> ca&s;e commanding him to kill his &s;on contrary to a moral precept; and then if he di&s;pence with it, it is &s;ufficient warrant for us to re&s;t &s;atisfied; and this &s;eems to be <HI>Jo&s;huahs</HI> ca&s;e; but now for us, we
<PB N="8" REF="6">are to hold to &s;uch principles as Gods ordinary provi|dence holds forth.</P>
<P>Again, <HI>Jo&s;huahs</HI> Oath was only as a Magi&s;trate, to &s;uf|fer poor men to live under him as va&s;&s;als and &s;laves, which is far different from ours, in having men to rule over us as Tyrants; for in ca&s;e <HI>Jo&s;hua</HI> &s;hould have &s;worn obedience to the <HI>Gibeonites,</HI> its a great que&s;tion whether then God would have di&s;penced with his own law, and therefore it doth evidently appear that men are not bound to all &s;uch unju&s;t Oaths, as out of ra&s;hne&s;s, or ig|norance, they may, upon &s;ome occa&s;ions, be brought to take; for then <HI>Jephtas</HI> ra&s;h vow, and <HI>Herods</HI> wicked and &s;inful Oath might not have been broken; the which I think no &s;erious or &s;ober man will affirm.</P>
<P><MILESTONE N="4" UNIT="Que&s;t."> But does not this &s;ub&s;cription ju&s;tifie what&s;oever has been the progre&s;s that has been made for the erecting of this Common-wealth?</P>
<P><MILESTONE UNIT="An&s;w."> There is a double ju&s;tification; of the fact, and of their per&s;ons;
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Sublata religione corruere rempub|licam oporlet, quo|niam &s;ublato Dei timore &s;equitur impietas &amp; ruina imperiorum.</HI> Lo|pez. pag. 573. <HI>Grande quidem e&s;t procerem e&s;&s;e, &s;ed mult&ograve; grandi|us e&s;t de proceri|bus judicare.</HI> Ca&s;. Ep.</NOTE> now the fact may be lawful in it &s;elf con|&s;idered; as now to in&s;tance in the Kings ca&s;e; his taxations of the people unju&s;tly, his introducing of Popery into the Kingdom, making wars again&s;t his Parliament, and &s;hedding of the blood of many of his &s;ubjects, by his Agents in the three Kingdoms, were &s;o great, and &s;o manife&s;t, that I &s;uppo&s;e few will deny but that there was &s;uch a guilt on him, as that both in the eye of the Law of God, and man, he ju&s;tly de&s;erved that which is now fallen on him; and if &s;o, no man can deny the lawfulne&s;s of the thing; but as to the per&s;ons that did it, whether they &s;hould have done it, and at that time, and what intentions they had in &s;o doing, none of the&s;e que&s;tions reach us, becau&s;e there is not the lea&s;t hint of them in the Engagement.</P>
<P><MILESTONE N="5" UNIT="Que&s;t."> Is there any probability of the reformation of Church, by this Engagement, which we have covenant|ed for?</P>
<PB N="9" REF="6">
<P><MILESTONE N="1" UNIT="An&s;w."> The Parliament has taken the Covenant al&s;o; and if they fail in their tru&s;t, it will be their &s;in; for our parts we can do no more in our places, but endeavour it, and pray for it.</P>
<P N="2">2. No man is further bound to any per&s;on,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Omnes tyranni conflati &s;unt per|fidia &amp; crudeli|tate.</HI> Lopez. p. 3. <HI>Fulcrum imperio|rum e&s;t &s;ervare religionem.</HI> Lip&s;. <HI>Turbata religio politiam turbat.</HI> ibid.</NOTE> or per|&s;ons inve&s;ted with power, then they are true to their tru&s;t: and if they prove otherwi&s;e, then they may be as ju&s;tly depo&s;ed, as the late King was.</P>
<P N="3">3. They that are true to a Chri&s;tian Common-wealth, as &s;uch, tho&s;e cannot but be true and faithful to the Church; for the ruine of States begins at the Church; and if the Church be oppo&s;ed, God will not ble&s;s that State: the rea&s;on is, becau&s;e a well-reformed Church, is the greate&s;t pre&s;ervative of a Common-wealth.</P>
<P><MILESTONE N="6" UNIT="Que&s;t."> Was it the intention, in the lea&s;t, either of the <HI>Scots,</HI> or <HI>Engli&s;h,</HI> when they entred into this &s;olemn Cove|nant to alter the Government?</P>
<P><MILESTONE N="1" UNIT="An&s;w."> It &s;eems to me, that that limitation which is made of the pre&s;ervation of the Kings per&s;on upon &s;uch terms, as was before mentioned, was put in by way of caution, &s;uppo&s;ing that there might &s;uch emergencies come to pa&s;s, as might occa&s;ion &s;uch a thing; otherwi&s;e why would they have put in that limitation of pre&s;er|vation of ju&s;t Laws, but that it limits out, that in ca&s;e the King &s;hould &s;eek the de&s;truction of ju&s;t Laws, that our Covenant did not then oblige us.</P>
<P N="2">2. For our intentions, they are to be con&s;idered either as general, or &s;pecial; now in any humane thing it is not po&s;&s;ible for men to fore&s;ee all the &s;pecial con&s;e|quences which may fall out upon any engagement which &s;hall be made; it is &s;ufficient that the general ends of it be kept firm; at the entrance into the Covenant, no man would have imagined &s;o much blood &s;hould have been &s;hed, or that the Kings heart would have been &s;o hard|ned as it was; and therefore in &s;pecial, I believe a change of Government was not intended by any, &s;aving as I have &s;aid, in general terms.</P>
<PB N="10" REF="7">
<P N="3">3. I do not &s;ee but the Covenant we have taken, and the Engagement now required, may well &s;tand toge|ther; our Covenant as has been &s;aid, binds with a limi|tation to pre&s;erve the Kings per&s;on, but it binds without any limitation, to bring Delinquents to puni&s;hment; and therefore, in ca&s;e it may appear, that the King was the greate&s;t Delinquent; then the latter Article, which is without any limitation, ought either to be expunged, or of nece&s;&s;ity to take place: perhaps &s;ome would &s;eek to blind our eyes, with that old maxim of &s;lavery, <HI>viz.</HI> That the Kings of <HI>Engl.</HI> can do no wrong; whereas indeed &s;uch a Principle puts them in a capacity of doing wrong, and the greate&s;t Tyranny without controule, which were to make the King an ab&s;olute Tyrant, and the people ab&s;olute &s;laves: again, if the King can do no wrong that commands, why then &s;hould his Officers that are put up|on unju&s;t actings, by his in&s;tigation, and Authority, be accounted guilty, and to &s;uffer for their obedience? and why &s;hould the Capital Offender e&s;cape the &s;word of Ju&s;tice as guiltle&s;s, and poor underlings, &s;uffer at the Bar of Ju&s;tice, as guilty? It is &s;aid of <HI>David,</HI> that he had &s;lain <HI>&V;riah</HI> by the &s;word of the children of <HI>Ammon:</HI> and in another place <HI>David</HI> confe&s;&s;ed, <HI>I have &s;inned, but what have the&s;e &s;heep done?</HI> therefore a King may do wrong as well as others.</P>
<P><MILESTONE N="7" UNIT="Que&s;t."> But will not this Engagement divide between the two Nations?</P>
<P><MILESTONE N="1" UNIT="An&s;w."> They have no rea&s;on that it &s;hould; for what has any Nation to do with tho&s;e affairs that are proper and intrin&s;ecal to them&s;elves,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Multi &s;ibi &amp; aliis calamitates accer|&s;unt, qui primas occa&s;iones lap&s;u|um non vitant.</HI> Lop. pag. 377. Vide Ruther. Lexet Rex. que&s;t 31.</NOTE> and peculiarly concern its own pre&s;ervation? we were not only le&s;s then men, but wor&s;e then Bea&s;ts, if we &s;hould not do it; for what of|fence can this be to them, to hear that we engage our &s;elves to pre&s;erve our own Common-wealth, &s;o long as our Engagement binds us not to act any thing prejudi|cial to them, unle&s;s they have &s;ome envious affection to
<PB N="11" REF="7">us, hoping by our divi&s;ions to make us a prey unto them? otherwi&s;e it may be an offence taken, but not given.</P>
<P N="2">2. There is no &s;uch great difference between the tran&s;actions of the <HI>Scotti&s;h</HI> affairs and ours, that &s;hould make &s;uch a divi&s;ion; for what great difference is there between binding a King hand and foot, whom they dare not otherwi&s;e tru&s;t, or el&s;e by force and Arms to keep him out, and between his total ejection as a man perilous to &s;it in &s;o high a place of Tru&s;t? Surely to me there doth appear no great difference between their change of Government and our Government changed, unle&s;s it be in this, that in the one, the Tyrant is un|hor&s;t, and in the other, he is bound legs and arms in the Saddle.</P>
<P N="3">3. <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Fal&s;us amor plus nocet quam pro|fe&s;&s;um odium.</HI> Lip. <HI>&V;t malum cibum nec retinere po&s;&s;is &s;ine noxa, nec re|jicere &s;ine mole&s;tia, ita nec malum Principem.</HI> Plut.</NOTE> That which is pretended to bring divi&s;ion be|tween the two Nations, may happily prove the cau&s;e of divi&s;ions among&s;t the <HI>Scots,</HI> that de&s;ire &s;o much a King, and &s;ay, as they in <HI>Sauls,</HI> nay, but we will have a King to raign over us; for if he get into the Saddle, he may po&s;&s;ibly get &s;ome to loo&s;e him, and then he will play the <HI>Rex,</HI> and as <HI>Samp&s;on</HI> did, lay about him; I &s;ay no more; I wi&s;h for the &s;akes of many hone&s;t <HI>Pre&s;|byterians</HI> among&s;t them, my words may not prove a true prophe&s;ie; for if it do, our brethren perhaps may repent when it is too late.</P>
<P><MILESTONE UNIT="Que&s;t."> Whether this la&s;t Expedition of our <HI>Engli&s;h</HI> Army into <HI>Scotland</HI> be lawful?</P>
<P><MILESTONE UNIT="An&s;w."> To which I An&s;wer. </P>
<P>Fir&s;t,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Aug. cont. Fau&s;t. <HI>Bella &s;u&s;cepta cae|ca cupiditate &amp; ira, plerum&abque; pro|cedunt &amp; de&s;inunt infaeliciter.</HI> Petr. ad Can.</NOTE> There are &s;ome cau&s;es which render a War to be unlawful.</P>
<P N="1">1. If it be undertaken from height of pride, and a de&s;ire of Rule and tyrannizing over a Nation; and therefore if a War be taken <HI>ex libidine dominandi,</HI> it cannot be good; the rea&s;on is, becau&s;e every people &s;hould be content with their pre&s;ent lot; this hath not been the ground
<PB N="12" REF="8">of our motion, which may appear by our often tenders of terms of peace, which they have as often rejected.</P>
<P N="2">2. <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>John Stow</HI> Chron. of <HI>Eng|land.</HI></NOTE> If it be undertaken for hopes of gain; the <HI>Spaniards</HI> encouraged their Souldiers to come to the Conque&s;t of <HI>England,</HI> from the plentiful things in this Land; but this was confuted by Gods immediate hand again&s;t them; this could not be our ground of marching into <HI>Scotland;</HI> for it is a poor Countrey, and the charge to Conquer and keep it, would in no wi&s;e prove advan|tagious.</P>
<P N="3">3. <NOTE PLACE="marg">Tunc &s;olum utile e&s;t concurrere ad arma, cum ju&s;titia apud ho&s;tem non pote&s;t invenire locum.</NOTE> If it be undertaken to revenge a private quarrel; a publike State &s;tands not engaged to revenge private quarrels; but there are other private Courts appointed for the ending of &s;uch, as the Court of Admiralty, which is common to &s;everal Nations; Notwith&s;tanding in ca&s;e &s;uch Courts &s;hould be patronized by the Supream Au|thority thereof,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Ca&s;iad. l. 3. Ep. 1.</NOTE> either not to act, or to do inju&s;tice, then the quarrel may become National; this is not our ca&s;e, as &s;hall appear, becau&s;e the &s;ame Courts are continued, and &s;trict ju&s;tice executed on offenders, unle&s;s in the ca&s;e named.</P>
<P>Secondly,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>&V;bi ju&s;tus exerci|tus dee&s;t qui ho|&s;tibus opponi &amp; &s;atis no&s;tra curare po&s;&s;it, tunc injuriis ho&s;tium patemus; dein&abque; bellum latrocinium potius quam bellum.</HI> Polyb. lib. 5.</NOTE> There are &s;ome ju&s;t cau&s;es why a War way be undertaken.</P>
<P N="1">1. When publique injuries are done by one Nation again&s;t another; There were injuries done by <HI>Amaleck</HI> again&s;t <HI>I&s;rael,</HI> and thereupon <HI>I&s;rael</HI> had a command from God to &s;mite <HI>Amaleck,</HI> 1 <HI>Sam.</HI> 15.2. I &s;uppo&s;e no knowing man will excu&s;e <HI>Scotland</HI> of acting publique injuries again&s;t <HI>England;</HI> I &s;hall &s;ilently pa&s;s over what injuries were done us, while they pretended to be our friends, which were many and un&s;ufferable, and onely pitch upon their Inva&s;ion by Duke <HI>Hamilton,</HI> and that by Authority of their Parliament, who&s;e carriage was &s;o exceeding ba&s;e and cruel, that many in <HI>We&s;tmerland, Cumberland</HI> and <HI>Lanca&s;hire,</HI> were forced to leave their own homes, to live in Woods and Mountains, and &s;uch
<PB N="13" REF="8">as &s;tayed behind were beaten, and had their hou&s;es rifled, their hou&s;hold-&s;tuffe carryed away, and their Cattle driven away, and &s;old before their eyes; of which inju&s;tice no recompence hath been made unto this day; nay, though the recompence hath been demanded in a fait way at their hands; now whether this may not be a ju&s;t cau&s;e of this Expedition, let unprejudiced men judge: for my part it is clear to me it is.</P>
<P N="2">2. <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Bellum in ho&s;tile &s;olum trans&s;erre quantum po&s;&s;imus debemus; nam ea ratione terretur ho&s;tis &amp; ad &s;ua tutanda revoca|tur,</HI> Polib. ibid. <HI>Bellorum res bene di&s;ponuntur cum in pace tractan|tur.</HI> Ca&s;iad. Ep.</NOTE> Another ju&s;t cau&s;e of War may be by way of pre|vention, as in the former War again&s;t the King it was by way of prevention, lea&s;t when he had gathered thou&s;ands of armed men, Papi&s;ts and others, the Parlia|ment might have been &s;urpri&s;ed, which undoubtedly was their plot. It is evident that the <HI>Scots</HI> really in|tended to invade <HI>England,</HI> had they not been prevented by our Armies &s;ea&s;onable marching in among&s;t them, as may appear from Chancellor <HI>Londons</HI> Letter taken at <HI>Dunbar,</HI> wherein it plainly appears, that on their Kings &s;igning that Declaration for the maintenance of the Covenant, Religion, and &s;uppre&s;&s;ion of Malignants, &s;ent unto him (the which hath &s;ince been broken by them all,) he &s;hould have the whole body of that King|dom to a&s;&s;i&s;t him in his coming into <HI>England;</HI> they &s;ay the way to conquer <HI>Rome,</HI> is to fight in <HI>Italy;</HI> and we are &s;ure the way to keep <HI>Scotland</HI> quiet, is to March in among them.</P>
<P>To conclude,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Bella nihil aliud &s;unt quam &s;copae a&s;perrimae quibus mundus &s;ordido excrementoru~ cu|mulo liberatur.</HI> pet. Can. p. 94.</NOTE> for my part for the &s;akes of many god|ly people of that Nation, who in the &s;implicity of their hearts have e&s;pou&s;ed them&s;elves in this quarrel (as tho&s;e did that went with <HI>Ab&s;olon</HI>) not under&s;tanding the de&s;ign that is now driving on: I wi&s;h there might yet be a happy agreement; but truly I fear that party are &s;o over-powred, that the Sword mu&s;t end the controver&s;ie, which happily may be better for them that are godly, who peradventure may &s;ee &s;omething among them, which is the cau&s;e of this mi&s;ery; The Lord makes War
<PB N="14" REF="9">as a means to purge away dro&s;s and corruption out of a Nation. Two things I have ob&s;erved in that Nation, The one is the great oppre&s;&s;ion of Landlords grinding the faces of the poor, &s;o as they live more like Turki&s;h Slaves then Chri&s;tians: The other is their promi&s;cuous admi&s;&s;ion of all to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, unle&s;s it be per&s;ons extreamly &s;candalous; The&s;e two are &s;o notoriou&s;ly known and confe&s;&s;ed by them, as needs no further proof. Whether this War may not fall heavie on the godly for the&s;e things, I leave to them&s;elves in this their day of affliction to examine.
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Saepe fit in bellis ut victor fleat &amp; victus intereat; id e&s;t, ut bella &s;int penae tam victori quam victo.</HI> Ibid. pag. 93.</NOTE> Now in the behalf of &s;o many as are godly in <HI>England,</HI> I dare &s;ay, they have no joy in that any harm doth befall the Lords people, if it could with their own &s;afety be otherwi&s;e: It is &s;ad in War when the Conqueror weeps, and the conquered are undone.</P>
<TRAILER>FINIS.</TRAILER>
</DIV1>
</BODY>
</TEXT>
</EEBO>
</ETS>
