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<DATE>2013-11-26</DATE>
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<NAME>Olivia Bottum</NAME>
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<P>AN ABRIDGEMENT <HI>Or rather,</HI> A Bridge of Roman Hi&s;tories, to pa&s;&s;e the neere&s;t way from TITVS LIVIVS to CORNELIVS TACITVS.</P>
<P><HI>&V;nder which</HI> (IN THREE BOOKES) AS IT WERE THROVGH THREE ARCHES, for the &s;pace of Sixe &s;core yeeres, the Fame and Fortune of the Romans ebbs and flowes.</P>
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<P><HI>LONDON,</HI> Printed for MATHEVV LOVVNES. 1608.</P>
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<PB N="1" REF="2">
<HEAD><HI>CLOTHO,</HI> Or the fir&s;t booke.</HEAD>
<P>_WHen vainglorious Tarquine <NOTE PLACE="marg">Tarquin ba|ni&s;hed.</NOTE> the la&s;t of the Romaine kings for the &s;hamefull rape of Lucrece committed by one of his &s;onnes, was bani|&s;hed from Rome &amp; Con&s;uls &s;ucceeded, which as the name declares, had charge of prouiding for the co~mon &s;afetie &amp; &s;ecuritie, the Romaines changed gold for bra&s;&s;e, and loathing one king &s;uffered manie tyrants, &s;courging their follie with their fall, and curing a fe&s;tred &s;ore with a poi&s;oned plai|&s;ter: for what could be more vniu&s;t, or more contrarie to the free e&s;tate of a citie, then to &s;ubiect the whole common weale to the rule of manie potentates, and to exclude the peo|ple from all right and intere&s;t in publique af|faires? VVhat could be more ab&s;urd then the
<PB N="2" REF="3"> Senators onely to be&s;tow the Con&s;ul&s;hip, the &s;oueraigntie in warres, the &s;upremacie in &s;u|per&s;titious offices, according to their fancie and affection, to call Senates at their plea&s;ure, to conuocate a&s;&s;emblies when it &s;eemed be&s;t for their owne profite, and to haue power of life and death vpon the bodies of their fellow citizens, &amp; the people to liue like their &s;laues, being barred and re&s;trained from marrying with the daughter of anie Senatour, as if that pray had bene too high for &s;o low a wing, and being held in &s;uch di&s;daine and di&s;reputation that common fellow&s;hip and mutuall &s;ocietie was denied them, which was indeede not to liue like free men in a citie, but like villaines and bondmen in a wain&s;cot pri&s;on, and like &s;illie birds in a golden cage: but when after long experience they had found, that winter &s;ucceeded &s;ommer, &amp; that the withered wel|fare of their citie could not be reuiued with|out &s;ome fortunate &s;pring: to the intent that moderation might be induced, and that the meaner &s;ort might beare &s;ome &s;troke with the mightier, that the people might enioy the &s;weete of the citie as well as the fathers, they
<PB N="3" REF="3"> procured a new office entituled the Tribune|&s;hip, whereby they might protect them&s;elues as with a &s;hield again&s;t the arrogant endeuors and outragious decrees of the Senatours, and the~ the fellow&s;hip of mariage was brought in with the Senate, which before was prohibited the people, as if they had bene &s;tained with &s;ome co~tagious iandi&s;e, or infected with &s;ome dangerous lepro&s;ie, and their &s;uffrage was the~ made nece&s;&s;arie to the election of officers, which before was as rare in that co~mon-weale as a white skin in Aethiopia. The people ha|uing thus erected their power, did by degrees more and more enhaunce it, till by many al|terations it was turned from an Ari&s;tocracie, from the rule of them that were manie and mightie, to a plaine and vi&s;ible Democracie or e&s;tate popular, admini&s;tred by the voyces of the multitude and magi&s;trates, and by the vnited con&s;ent of the whole corporatio~. Now when the people had by continuall incroch|ments a&s;&s;umed and &s;ea&s;ed into their handes the giuing and be&s;towing of the greater offi|ces, as the Con&s;ul&s;hip, that &s;trong tower of the Senatous authoritie, and be&s;ides that the
<PB N="4" REF="4"> Dictator&s;hip, the Cen&s;or&s;hip, the warlike Empire, the prie&s;tly dignitie, and many other mo&s;t excellent honors, which before did &s;ole|ly belong to the Peeres of Rome, and now there wanted nothing to make their power e|quall, but onely that Plebi&s;cites, that is, de|crees made by the people, &s;hould binde the greater powers, as well as the people them|&s;elues, fro~ which at that time the whole com|panie of the Nobles were exempted. There|fore to make them generall, and of like force again&s;t all, they wre&s;ted from the fathers after much bu&s;ine&s;&s;e, the law Horten&s;ia, by which it was enacted that in euery important matter the people &s;hould be equally intere&s;ted with the Senate, and that the lawes &s;o made and ratified by them, &s;hould &s;tretch as well to the Senators, as to the people them&s;elues. After that the common-weale was brought to this good and temperate con&s;titution, many pro|fitable lawes were e&s;tabli&s;hed, many victories followed, many cities bowed vnto them, ma|nie monarchies &s;ued for their fauour, manie tyrants feared their pui&s;&s;ance, &amp; manie coun|treys dreaded their inua&s;ion. Then there flou|ri&s;hed
<PB N="5" REF="4"> in Rome mo&s;t admirable examples of ab&s;tinencie, mode&s;tie, iu&s;tice, fortitude, and which was the &s;eale of their &s;ecuritie, an vni|uer&s;all vnitie and agreement. Then the fame of their Curij, their Coruncani, their Fabritij, their Metelli, their Fabij, their Marcelli, their Scipioes, their Pauli, their Lepidi, did ring in the world, who&s;e great magnanimitie &amp; wi&s;e|dome in the tumult of warres, together with their &s;ingular temperance, and loyaltie in the calme of peace, is to be wondred at of all, and of all to be reuerenced. But when either the Senate or people did pa&s;&s;e the li&s;ts and limits of aequall regiment, the ancient and vertuous orders of the citie were immediatly troden vnder foote, and their good and laudable cu|&s;tomes were encountred and put to flight by di&s;&s;olute and vnbridled enormities: then the A&s;iaticall triumphs did incorporate into the citie a womani&s;h wantonne&s;&s;e, then proude ambition mounted her plume of di&s;daine vp|pon the top of the Capitolle, then their exce&s;|&s;iue pride and ioui&s;&s;ance for their victories had again&s;t Pyrrhus, for their co~que&s;t of Car|thage, for the ouerthrow of Philip, Per&s;eus,
<PB N="6" REF="5"> Antiochus, mightie kings, for the winning of Spaine, Sicilie, Sardinia, Illyria, Macedonia and Greece, being as yet fre&s;h in their memo|ries, were as bellowes to puffe vp their &s;wel|ling humours. The~ there &s;ucceeded a di&s;mall di&s;cord, which beginning when the e&s;tate was at the highe&s;t, did not end or expire, till it fell to the lowe&s;t ebbe, &s;ticking fa&s;t in the &s;ands of a grieuous de&s;olation. If a man will retro&s;pe|ctiuely mea&s;ure the &s;pace of former times, &amp; the whole compa&s;&s;e of yeares, wherein the fortunes of the Romanes were by God his hand turned about, he &s;hall finde that all the weight of their affaires, before the incohation of the Empire of Augu&s;tus, may be di&s;per&s;ed into &s;ixe ages; wherof the fir&s;t containing the number of fi&s;tie yeares, was &s;pent in the ma|king of a towne; for that gorgeous &s;eate which nowe we call Rome, was then but a plot of <NOTE PLACE="marg">Rome built.</NOTE> ground, to which hou&s;es were wanting, but afterward a great multitude of Latine &amp; Tu&s;|cane &s;hepheards, together with Phrygians &amp; Arcadians, flowing to that place, as to a tem|ple reuerenced by pilgrims and trauellers, the common-weale was compacted of the&s;e &s;e|uerall
<PB N="7" REF="5"> people, as a bodie of diuer&s;e elements. Romulus the founder of their citie &amp; empire, did delight wholly in mountaines, riuers, woods, mari&s;hes and wa&s;tes, playing perhaps the e&s;piall, to di&s;couer and find out in what place it were be&s;t to erect a citie, and how to conuey things nece&s;&s;arie vnto it, and how to adorne it with continual increment and addi|tion of demei&s;nes; to &s;uch imaginations the fields and places de&s;olate were mo&s;t accor|dant, and to his &s;auage &s;ocietie this practi&s;e of life was mo&s;t acceptable.</P>
<P>The &s;econd age which chalengeth other fiftie yeares, did ingender in them working &s;pirits and loftie cogitations, which eneagred and inflamed their mindes, again&s;t the confi|ners &amp; borderers: then it fir&s;t began to beare the countenance and &s;hape of a kingdome, which was after enlarged to the &s;hore of the Midland and Adriaticke &s;eas, which they ra|ther v&s;ed as bridges to other nations, then as bounders to their owne.</P>
<P>The third age who&s;e &s;teps were an hundred and fiftie yeares, was the crowne and con&s;um|mation of their kingdome, in which what&s;oe|uer
<PB N="8" REF="6"> was done was done by the~ for the pompe, glorie and magnificence of that e&s;tate: as yet the Romane pride was in her blade, and in the tenderne&s;&s;e of her minoritie, this threefold age was &s;pent vnder &s;euen kings, differing by fatall prouidence in the di&s;po&s;ition of their nature, as the frame and condition of that common-weale did e&s;pecially require: for who was euer more fierce and ardent then Romulus? Such a one they needed to inuade <NOTE PLACE="marg">Romulus ea|gre&s;t in fight.</NOTE> the kingdomes of others. VVho more reli|gious then Numa? Such the time did aske, that the furie of the people might be mitiga|ted <NOTE PLACE="marg">Numa reli|gious.</NOTE> by the feare of God: VVherefore was Tullus that artificiall champion giuen vnto <NOTE PLACE="marg">Tullus an ar|tificiall Cap|taine.</NOTE> them? That he might &s;harpen their valour by his wit. VVherefore Aucus the great builder? That he might extend their citie with colo|nies, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Aucus a great builder</NOTE> ioyne it together with bridges, enuiron it with walles. The ornaments, en&s;ignes and braueries of Tarquinius, did with rayes of <NOTE PLACE="marg">Tarquinius his orname~ts</NOTE> dignitie illu&s;trate and decore that e&s;tate. Ser|uius taxing them by polles, brought to pa&s;&s;e <NOTE PLACE="marg">Seruius tax|eth the Ro|manes by polles.</NOTE> that the Romane commo~-weale might know her riches. And the importune domination of
<PB N="9" REF="6"> proud Tarquine did verie much profite, for <NOTE PLACE="marg">Proud Tar|quine occa|&s;ioner of li|bertie.</NOTE> the people afflicted by iniuries, did force a pa&s;&s;age to their libertie.</P>
<P>The fourth age was as it were the youth of the Romane monarchie, when the flower of their prowe&s;&s;e being greene, and the bloud of their mindes blo&s;&s;oming in their faces and armes, the &s;hepheardly &s;auagene&s;&s;e did as yet breathe foorth the reliques of an vndaunted &s;tomacke. Then flouri&s;hed the&s;e Romane ha|zards, and miracles Cocles, Sceuola, Cloaetia, which chronicles do therefore witne&s;&s;e, that po&s;teritie may wonder. Then were the Tu&s;|canes repul&s;ed and the Latines and Vol&s;cia~s daily and deadly enemies, vanqui&s;hed by the triumphant husbandman L. Quintius Cin|cinnatus, which war he ended within fifteene <NOTE PLACE="marg">The &s;peedie war of Cin|cinnatns.</NOTE> dayes, as if he had made ha&s;t to returne to his tillage. Then were ouercome the Vientines, the Fali&s;cians, and the Fidenates: then the Galles a couragious nation, v&s;ing their bo|dies for armour, in all re&s;pects &s;o terrible, that they might &s;eeme to be borne for the death of men, and de&s;truction of cities, were vt|terly vanqui&s;hed: then were ouercome the
<PB N="10" REF="7"> Sabines and Samnites wa&s;ting and di&s;poiling the fields of Campania, being the goodlie&s;t <NOTE PLACE="marg">The prai&s;e of Ca~pania.</NOTE> plot, the Diamond-&s;parke and the hony-&s;pot of all Italie: there is no land more temperate for aire, for it hath a double &s;pring-tide: no &s;oile more fertile, and therfore it is called the combat of Bacchus &amp; Ceres, no region more ho&s;pitable in regard of the &s;ea, here be the noble hauens Caieta, Mi&s;enus, &amp; the health|full bathes Lucrine and Auerne, the re&s;ting places of the &s;ea. Here the mountaines clad with vines Gaurus, Falernus, Ma&s;&s;itus, and the firie hill Ve&s;urius: here the famous citie Ca|pua third &s;i&s;ter to Rome and Carthage doth imperiou&s;ly &s;tand. They begirt Samniu~ with warre and bloud on all &s;ides, till they had rui|nated her verie ruines, and reuilled in her bowels, and twelue &s;euerall nations of Tu&s;|cana waging hote and furious battell again&s;t them, in &s;uch &s;ort and terrible maner, as if darts had bene throwne at the Romans from the coulds, were likewi&s;e &s;uppre&s;&s;ed. In this age happened the Tarentine warre, in which <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pyrrhus figh|ting again&s;t the Romans.</NOTE> the armie of Pyrrhus continually &s;laying was continually &s;laine, and reuenge did liue in the
<PB N="11" REF="7"> death of the Romanes: &s;o that Pyrrhus did thinke him &s;elfe to be borne vnder Hercules his &s;tarre, who hauing cut off the &s;euen heads of Hydra, &s;euen other did &s;pring vp. But from this Captaine the Romanes plucked &s;uch &s;poiles, that neuer fairer were caried in tri|umph. For before this day nothing pa&s;&s;ed in triumph, but the heards of the Vol&s;cian cat|tell, and the flocks of the Sabine &s;heepe, the broken wagons of the Gaules, &amp; the cru&s;hed harne&s;&s;e of the Samnites: but in this triumph, if you re&s;pect the pri&s;oners, they were Molo&s;|&s;ians, The&s;&s;alians, Macedonians, Brutians, Apulians, Lucans: if you regard the pompe, it was gold, purple, curious pictures, tablets, and the delights of Tarentum. Next to this was the victorie of the Pi&s;ani and Salentini: this age &s;hewed her force the &s;pace of two hundred and fiftie yeares.</P>
<P>Then followed the fifth age, in which the bodie of the common-weale grew to great &s;trength, the ioints and &s;inewes being by ma|ture &s;oliditie &s;etled in firme e&s;tate. Therefore the conquering nation hauing now attained to the verie manhood of manline&s;&s;e, and di&s;|played
<PB N="12" REF="8"> her &s;tanderd round about the &s;ides of Italie, to the skirts of the &s;ea, paw&s;ed a litle, as a great &s;calefire, which con&s;uming all the woods and groues in the way that it goeth, is abrupted and put out of cour&s;e by a floud co~|ming betweene. But &s;oone after &s;eeing a rich pray on the other &s;ide of the &s;ea, &s;uppo&s;ing it to be a peece of gold pulled from her ma&s;&s;e, they did &s;o vehemently de&s;ire the &s;ame, that becau&s;e it could not be ioyned vnto their do|minion by bridges for the interruption of the &s;ea, therefore they re&s;olued to ioyne it by &s;word and battell: and &s;o was Sicilia &s;ubdued by the Romanes, which was the cau&s;e and o|riginall of the fir&s;t Carthaginian warre, which the warres of the Ligurians, In&s;ubrians and Illyrians did follow: and after the &s;econd Car|thaginian <NOTE PLACE="marg">The begin|ning of the &s;econd Car|thagima~ war.</NOTE> warre, &s;o dangerous and bloudie to the Romanes, that if a man compare the lo&s;&s;e of both nations, they which did conquer, were more like to per&s;ons conquered. For it grie|ued that noble brood, and valiant people of Carthage to be abridged of the &s;ea, depriued of the Ilands, to pay tribute, and to vndergo not onely the bridle, but the yoke: to this age
<PB N="13" REF="8"> mu&s;t be a&s;cribed the circuit of one hundred yeares, which may be termed the golden age of the Romanes, &amp; the fir&s;t age in which they &s;hewing their &s;treamers on each &s;ide of the Ocean, did tran&s;port their warres into all na|tions of the world, in who&s;e yeares the Ro|manes were hone&s;t, religious, iu&s;t, &s;incere, ver|tuous, and dutifull.</P>
<P>The &s;ixt age containing 120. yeares was trouble&s;ome and vgly, bloudie &amp; dete&s;table, vices growing with their Empire. For with the wars valiantly fought again&s;t lugurtha, &amp; Mi|thridates, again&s;t the Carthaginians, Cimbri|ans, Parthians, Galles &amp; Germanes, by which the Romane glorie a&s;cended and pierced the skie, the ciuill &s;laughters of the Gracchi, and of Dru&s;us, of Marius, Sylla and others were mingled and enterlarded: how mournefull a &s;pectacle was it, that they fought the &s;ame time with fellowes in league, with fellowes in the citie, with bondmen, with fencers, all the Senate afterward contending and being in hurliburly with it &s;elfe? The&s;e times receiued of the other ages an exqui&s;ite commo~ weale, as it were a curious picture, which after mil|dring
<PB N="14" REF="9"> and decaying by age, they did not only neglect to renew, with the &s;ame colours, but they al&s;o forgot to pre&s;erue the outwarde forme and lineaments thereof, for what re|mained of the auncient maners, which were both vnu&s;ed and vnknowne: for by their re|cent vices they lo&s;t the common-weale in fact, and in name retained it. How lamenta|ble was the face of things at that in&s;tant? when euerie man confu&s;edly being found in the field, in the &s;treetes, in townes, in hou&s;es, in highwaies, in markets, in temples, in beds, &s;it|ting at the table or in the porch, was &s;uddenly and &s;auagely murdered? what howlings were there of them that died? what teares of them that liued, and beheld this? The cau&s;e of the&s;e mi&s;eries was too great pro&s;peritie. VVhat made the people &s;o earne&s;t to extort the lawes of fields and corne, but verie famine procured by riot on the one part, and coue|tou&s;ne&s;&s;e on the other? for &s;uch was the laui&s;h mi&s;-&s;pending, &amp; exce&s;&s;iue vianding of &s;ome, that it can hardly be defined, whether more did peri&s;h by the blade or by the banquet, and &s;uch againe was the couetou&s;ne&s;&s;e, &amp; greedie
<PB N="15" REF="9"> exacting of others, that none can iudicially decide, whether the Romanes were more en|damaged by the enemie in time of warre, or by the v&s;urer in peaceable &s;ea&s;ons. Hence grew the two ciuil broiles of the Gracchi, and that of Saturninus being the third, and that of Dru&s;us being the fourth, who maintained the Senate again&s;t the Knights: and for the further abetting and anow of this quarell, he promi|&s;ed the freedome of the Citie to diuer&s;e Ita|lians animated to this attempt, &s;o that in one Citie there was as much di&s;cord as in two &s;e|uerall campes. This bred the Italian warre, <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Italian warre.</NOTE> becau&s;e promi&s;e was not perfourmed. And next en&s;ued the warre of Mithridates, &s;eeing <NOTE PLACE="marg">Mithridates an enemy to the Romans.</NOTE> the Romans on each &s;ide intangled with gar|boiles, which pre&s;ently bred the enmitie be|twixt Marius and Sylla, when Marius would haue deue&s;ted Sylla of his General&s;hip giuen <NOTE PLACE="marg">The conten|tion betwixt Marius and Sylla.</NOTE> him by the Senat for the oppugnation of Mi|thridates. The&s;e two gaue Mithridates enco|ragement, by leauing the ribbes of the com|weale naked and open vnto him, Marius led an armie, ambition led Marius: ambition I &s;ay ingendred by riches, did rai&s;e contention
<PB N="16" REF="10"> betwixt them: from this the warre of Serto|rius and Pompey had his originall, whereof the one was pro&s;cribed by Sylla, the other protected. For Pompey was accompted Syl|laes minion or fauorite, whom he therefore called Magnus, that him &s;elfe might &s;eeme greater, being the Saint whom Pompey &s;er|ued. Sylla was cruell in reuenging crueltie, and his medicine was wor&s;e then the maladie it &s;elfe. This &s;tirred the di&s;&s;ention of Lepidus <NOTE PLACE="marg">The di&s;&s;en|tion of Lepi|dus and Ca|tulus.</NOTE> and Catulus, whereof the one would haue ra|tified, the other reuer&s;ed, all the acts of Sylla. Then Catiline whom his lu&s;t occa&s;ioned by <NOTE PLACE="marg">Catilines re|bellion.</NOTE> Syllaes indulgence brought to beggerie, op|po&s;ed him &s;elfe to the Con&s;uls. Then Pompey <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompeyes great dignity in Rome.</NOTE> entred the li&s;ts, as a follower of Sylla, who ob|tained excellent dignitie in the&s;e times, but ciuill, and &s;uch as the regular cour&s;e of that common-weale did affoord, who&s;e power &amp; authoritie Cae&s;ar could not tollerate, becau&s;e he could not match it: which notwith&s;tanding <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar ca~not brooke it.</NOTE> he being ouercome and &s;laine, Cae&s;ar pa&s;&s;ed and tran&s;cended. But when this v&s;urper had bleached the floore of the Senate hou&s;e with his owne bloud, who before had ouerflowed
<PB N="17" REF="10"> and deluged the whole world, with the crim|&s;on goare of mo&s;t admirable men, the com|mon-weale did &s;eeme to haue rolled her &s;elfe into the &s;tate of her pri&s;tinate libertie, and it had returned vnto the &s;ame, if either Pompey had not left &s;onnes, or Cae&s;ar had not made an heire, or, which was wor&s;e, if Antonius the thunder-dart of furie had not &s;uruiued, being once colleague with Cae&s;ar in the Con&s;ul&s;hip, now &s;ucce&s;&s;or of his v&s;urpation. But while Pompeys &s;onne &s;triueth for the honor of the name, the &s;ea ratleth with armour: while&s;t Octauius reue~geth the death of his adoptiue father, The&s;&s;alie is againe made the ba&s;is of tents and pauillions, and all Europe and Af|fricke groneth vnder the weight of iron, whi|le&s;t Antonius in the habit of his mind diuer&s;e and di&s;coloured, doth either di&s;daine Octa|uius or doate vpon Cleopatra, who&s;e beautie if he could haue exceeded by his cha&s;titie, his &s;hame &s;hould not haue blazed like a beacon at this day in the eyes of po&s;teritie, but he had won the garla~d of co~que&s;t, not meriting more then triumph. The armie of Octauius hauing &s;laine Pompeis &s;onne, did in him &s;lay enmity,
<PB N="18" REF="11"> and Ca&s;&s;ius being ouercome by fight, Brutus by de&s;paire, they did extirpate faction. Yet Antonius not chalenging part with anie, but principalitie ouer all, imagining that he wan|ted no kingly thing &s;aue onely a kingdome, remained as a rocke or gulfe in the mouth of the haue~, whom he with &s;ome labor &s;ubdued. And, as in the yearely conuer&s;ion of the hea|uens, it commeth to pa&s;&s;e, that the &s;tarres iog|ged together do murmure and threaten tem|pe&s;t, &s;o with the alteration of the Romane &s;tate, before Octauius founded his Monar|chie, the whole globe of the earth with ciuill and forraine warre, with fight on &s;ea and land was terribly &s;haken. But the accidents and oc|currences of the&s;e la&s;t hundred and twentie yeares, in the &s;equele of this hi&s;torie &s;hall be, if God fauour the&s;e lines, more particularly &amp; di&s;tinctly reported. The fir&s;t that made the Romanes mightie was the former Scipio that <NOTE PLACE="marg">The valor of the former Scipio.</NOTE> &s;courged Affrica with continuall warres and vexations, and in the end &s;ubdued it: the fir&s;t that made them wanton and effeminate, was the later Scipio, by whom Carthage was &s;ub|uerted, <NOTE PLACE="marg">The prowe&s;&s;e of the later Scipio.</NOTE> yet not by his fault, but by the ca&s;ualty
<PB N="19" REF="11"> of the time. For when the riuall and enuious ielou&s;ie of the Carthaginian glory, was by his matchle&s;&s;e victorie finally determined, the <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Romans made wa~ton by pro&s;perity</NOTE> Romanes did &s;odainly degenerate, and with an hungrie gorge fed on the poi&s;onfull baites of bitter &s;weete ambition, following wantons like wilde hor&s;es, and addicted to plea&s;ure as their onely paragon, the auncient gouerne|ment of the Citie was vtterly for&s;aken, the watchings of the campe were ended vpon beds of downe, their heauie armour was tur|ned to light and fa&s;hionable attire, and the wonted bu&s;ine&s;&s;e of the Citie was chaunged into idlene&s;&s;e. Then did Scipio Na&s;ica build porches in the Capitolle, then did Metellus threaten the heaue~s with haughtie buildings, the~ did Cn. Octauius erect a mo&s;t &s;umptuous forefront, &amp; then did the riot of the Co~mons imitate the magnificence of the nobles. In the midde&s;t of this delicate iolitie, when the Ro|manes were now in the ruffe of their pride, a grieuous and de&s;pitefull warre was rai&s;ed in Spaine by Viriathus of Lu&s;itania, a notable <NOTE PLACE="marg">Viriathus an enemy to the Romanes.</NOTE> theefe &amp; ringleader to a multitude of rogues, which hong a long time in &s;u&s;pence: but in the
<PB N="20" REF="12"> end when Viriathus was &s;laine, rather by the couine then courage of Seruilius Caepio, a greater danger en&s;ued, namely the warre of the Numantines. The citie of Numantia did <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Numan tine warre.</NOTE> neuer affoord armour to any more, then ten thou&s;and citizens at one battell; but either through the fiercene&s;&s;e of their nature, or the default of the Romane captaines, or the in|dulgence of fortune, they brought Pompey <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompey en|forced to &s;trange lea|gues by the Numantines.</NOTE> the fir&s;t of the Pompeys that was Con&s;ull, a ma~ of note &amp; fame to mo&s;t &s;hameful leagues, &amp; Mancinus Ho&s;tilius, to a dete&s;table truce, which vpon a remorce of minde, and change of opinion, again&s;t the law of Armes, and to the great di&s;credit of the Romanes, he after|ward broke: but Pompey e&s;caped vnpuni&s;hed by fauour, Mancinus was puni&s;hed by &s;hame. <NOTE PLACE="marg">The puni&s;h|ment of Ma~|cinus for breaking truce.</NOTE> For he was caried and tran&s;ported by the Ro|mane Heraulds vnto the Numantines, his hands being manacled, and &s;o was deliuered vp into the enemies power, whom they refu|&s;ed to receiue, &s;aying that a publique breach of promi&s;e was not to be puni&s;hed by the bloud of one man. This yeelding vp of Man|cinus into the enemies hands, did cau&s;e in the
<PB N="21" REF="12"> citie a perillous and pernitious di&s;&s;en&s;ion. For Ti. Gracchus the &s;onne of the right noble <NOTE PLACE="marg">The parents of Ti. Grac|chus.</NOTE> man Ti. Gracchus, who&s;e mother was the daughter of Scipio Affricanus, by who&s;e meanes and authority that reprochful league was made, taking it gricuou&s;ly that any thing which he did &s;hould be di&s;countenanced, and fearing him&s;elfe the danger either of the like puni&s;hment or of the like iudgement, being at that time Tribune of the people, in life in|nocent, <NOTE PLACE="marg">The prai&s;e of Ti. Gracchus</NOTE> in wit pregnant, and in purpo&s;e guilt|le&s;&s;e: and furthermore adorned with &s;o great vertues, as either nature could affoord, or in|du&s;trie could perfect, or mans frailtie could containe. P. Mutius Scaeuola, and L. Calphur|nius being Con&s;uls fell from vertue to vice, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Gracchus &s;warueth fro~ vertue.</NOTE> and extreme villanie: and hauing promi&s;ed vpon a di&s;&s;olute fancie, that he would enfran|chi&s;e and receiue into the Citie anie Italian who&s;oeuer, turned all things into a contrarie &s;tate, mingled vertues with vice, lawes with lu&s;t, and brought the common-weale into an headlong and hideous danger. Octauius his fellow in office, who &s;tood again&s;t him for the co~mon good, he put from his place, &amp; created <NOTE PLACE="marg">A Treuirate fir&s;t made in Rome.</NOTE>
<PB N="22" REF="13"> a new &s;tate in Rome entitled a Treuirate or Triarchie, that is the rule of three men, who were called Treuiri, him &s;elf for one, his father in law Appius who had bin Co~&s;ul for another <NOTE PLACE="marg">The familie of Scipio Na|&s;ica.</NOTE> and C. Gracchus his brother for the third. At that time flouri&s;hed P. Scipio Na&s;ica, nephew to him, who was iudged of the Senate in his life time to be the be&s;t of the Romanes, &s;onne to that Scipio who purcha&s;ed great prai&s;e for his good demeanor in the Cen&s;or&s;hip, ne|phew two degrees remoued to Cn. Scipio a man highly commended, vncle to Scipio Ae|milianus who&s;e commendation lieth in his name: this Scipio Na&s;ica thogh he were near|ly linked in kindred to Tiberius Gracchus, yet preferring his countrey before his kin|dred, thinking nothing priuately co~modious <NOTE PLACE="marg">Scipio Na&s;i|ca oppo&s;eth him&s;elfe to Gracchus.</NOTE> which was not publikly conuenient, &s;tanding in the higher part of the Capitolle, exhorted all the Romanes, which de&s;ired the &s;afetie of the common-weale, to follow him, vpo~ which words the Nobles, the Senate, and the grea|ter and better part of the Romane knights did runne &s;uddenly vpon Gracchus, &s;tanding in the floore of the Capitolle with his adhere~ts,
<PB N="23" REF="13"> and euen then con&s;piring with a frequent a&s;|&s;emblie of new-come Italians, he thereupon flying and running downe the hil whereupon the Capitolle was founded, his head being cru&s;hed as he was running downe, with a frag|ment of one of the boordes which was in the Senate hou&s;e, did &s;odainly end his life, which <NOTE PLACE="marg">Ti. Gracchus &s;laine.</NOTE> he might haue enioyed with great honor and quietne&s;&s;e.</P>
<P>This broile and haple&s;&s;e di&s;&s;ention was the fir&s;t con&s;piracy in which ciuil bloud was &s;hed, and the fir&s;t di&s;pen&s;ation of drawing &s;wordes within the walles: after that time right was oppre&s;&s;ed by violence, and the mightier man was accompted the better, the quarels of citizens that were wont to be cured by com|promi&s;e and agreement, were now decided by &s;word and bloud&s;hed, and warres were not followed according to the goodne&s;&s;e of the cau&s;e, but according to the greatne&s;&s;e of the pray. But it was no maruell, though this &s;mall beginning had &s;o great effect, and this odious faction &s;o vnfortunate con&s;equence, for ex|amples do not paw&s;e there where they begin, but being once receiued into a narrow &s;trait,
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<PB N="24" REF="15"> they make way to them&s;elues, raunging and &s;preading them&s;elues ouer the bodie of the world, and when men go once a&s;tray, they mind not how farre they go, thinking that no|thing can procure di&s;hone&s;tie to them, which hath brought profite to others.</P>
<P>VVhile&s;t the&s;e things were done in Italie, Scipio Affricanus of the hou&s;e of Aemilius, who de&s;troyed Carthage, after many &s;laugh|ters of his enemies in the Numantine warre, being nowe againe made Con&s;ull, was &s;ent backe into Spaine, where his courage and <NOTE PLACE="marg">Scipio is &s;ent into Spaine.</NOTE> &s;ucce&s;&s;e did match and aequall his valure and fortune in Affricke, and within a yeare and three moneths after his comming thither, he tooke Numantia, and cau&s;ed euerie &s;tone to <NOTE PLACE="marg">Scipiotaketh Numantia.</NOTE> be throwne to the ground, as a notable mo|nument of a Romane victorie. There was ne|uer anie man of anie name or nation, that by the &s;acking of cities did more aeterni&s;e his hou&s;e or enlarge his glorie: for hauing roo|ted vp Carthage, he deliuered the Romanes from feare, and hauing razed Numantia, he deliuered them from reproch. Being retur|ned into the Citie within a &s;hort time, after
<PB N="25" REF="15"> two Con&s;ul&s;hips, two victories, and two no|table triumphs, he was found dead in his bed, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Scipio found dead in his bed.</NOTE> his iaw bone being di&s;&s;olued and di&s;located. There was no inqui&s;ition made afterward of the death of this inuincible Captaine: the bo|die of Scipio was brought out into the &s;treete <NOTE PLACE="marg">Scipios body is brought out into the &s;treetes.</NOTE> his head couered, by who&s;e great labours and warlike exploits, Rome lifted vp her head o|uer all the world, to the terrour and di&s;may of other cities and countreys. His death was, as the mo&s;t &s;ay fatall, as &s;ome &s;ay con&s;pired: his life doubtle&s;&s;e was of that &s;ingularitie, that it was ouercome of no mans glorie, but onely his grandfathers.</P>
<P>After the death of Ti. Gracchus, the &s;ame fury and rage of mind that po&s;&s;e&s;t him, entred <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Gracchus a rebell to the &s;tate.</NOTE> as it were by a kind of tran&s;mutation into his brother C. Gracchus, a man as like to Tibe|rius in his vertues as in his errour, who when with great facilitie and ea&s;e of mind he might haue bene the Prince of the Citie and the ru|ler of the Senate, tooke the Tribune&s;hip vpon him to rai&s;e tumults, to licence &s;words, and to reuiue di&s;cord, to no other intent or purpo&s;e but either to reuenge his brothers death, or
<PB N="26" REF="16"> purcha&s;e to him&s;elfe a &s;oueraigntie, and for the more ha&s;tie pur&s;uing of his drift, he be|&s;towed the freedome of the Citie vpon euery inhabitant of Italy: he interdicted and forbad by Tribunitial law, that no citizen &s;hould po&s;|&s;e&s;&s;e more then fiue hundred akers of land, he erected new hauens, he filled the prouinces <NOTE PLACE="marg">The &s;editi|ous acts of C. Gracchus.</NOTE> with new colonies, he transferred the autho|ritie of iudgement fro~ the Senate to the No|bles, he determined to di&s;tribute and deuide corne among&s;t the people: to be briefe, he left almo&s;t nothing vnaltered or vndi&s;turbed. This man was &s;laine by the &s;harpe and ha&s;tie pur&s;uite of L. Opimius Con&s;ull who was in armes again&s;t him, and Fuluius Flaccus was <NOTE PLACE="marg">Ful. Flaccus a rebellious Senatour &s;laine.</NOTE> likewi&s;e &s;laine, one that had enioyed both the Con&s;ul&s;hip and the honor of Triumph, a man of a dete&s;table meaning, whom C. Gracchus had denominated and de&s;igned to be one of the Treuiri in the place of Tiberius his bro|ther, being his a&s;&s;ociate in all his enterpri&s;es, and defiled with the like di&s;hone&s;t intend|ment. Opimius cau&s;ed proclamation to be <NOTE PLACE="marg">Opimius his proclamatio~</NOTE> made, that who&s;oeuer could bring vnto him the head of Gracchus, &s;hould haue the weight
<PB N="27" REF="16"> of the head in gold. Flaccus inciting his &s;oldi|ers on the hill Auentine, was there &s;laine, to|gether with his elde&s;t &s;onne. C. Gracchus co~|mitting him&s;elfe to flight le&s;t he might fall in|to the hands of them who~ Opimius had &s;ent to take him, putting his bare necke vnder the naked &s;word of his &s;eruant Euporus, was of <NOTE PLACE="marg">C Gracchus beheaded.</NOTE> him beheaded: and the &s;ame Euporus was &s;uddenly a &s;laughter-man to him&s;elfe. Thus the two Gracchi fini&s;hed the cour&s;e of their life, men that had a fortunate beginning, &s;ini|&s;ter proceedings, &amp; a cur&s;ed ending, to whom if they had embraced quietne&s;&s;e, the commo~-weale wold haue offered the&s;e honors, which by tumult and di&s;quietne&s;&s;e they &s;ought, their mother Cornelia as yet liuing, a vertuous and learned Ladie; who hauing nurtured and trai|ned <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cornelia la|menteth her children.</NOTE> them vp in the &s;tudie of learning and ver|tuous demeanour, did greatly bewaile, that her good endeuors had &s;o bad &s;ucce&s;&s;e, and that her two &s;onnes, whom nature praetended to be the &s;olace of her age, were &s;o &s;odainely and &s;hamefully di&s;graced, that &s;he could not &s;ee their bodies couered with earth, they be|ing in mo&s;t de&s;pitefull maner throwne into
<PB N="28" REF="17"> Tiber, who&s;e mindes &s;he had furni&s;hed and beautified with &s;uch excelle~t learning, &s;o was her ioy ouercome and &s;urpri&s;ed with griefe, that &s;he mu&s;t either loath her children, or el&s;e lament for them, but how&s;oeuer, for euer lacke them.</P>
<P>In that tract of time C. Marius waging bat|taile in Numidia again&s;t lugurtha, who were both fellow &s;ouldiers and managed armes to|gether vnder Scipio Affricanus, &s;ent L. Sylla his Quae&s;tor to Bocchus the King of the <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Marius taketh lu|guitha by Sylla his meanes.</NOTE> Mores, to treate and capitulate with him a|bout the taking of Iugurth, whom by that meane he enioyed, and being made the &s;e|cond time Con&s;ull, in the beginning of his Con&s;ul&s;hip and in the Calends of Ianuary, he brought Iugurth in triumph to Rome. The Cimbrians &amp; Teutons at that time did cau&s;e great &s;laughter and manie ma&s;&s;acres of the Romanes in France, and hauing put to flight and di&s;comfited Caepio, Manlius, Carbo, and Silanus, they killed in fight Scaurus Aurelius one of the Con&s;uls, and other excellent men of memorable qualities. The people of Rome did not thinke anie Generall &s;o fit to encoun|ter
<PB N="29" REF="17"> the&s;e foes as C. Marius: &amp; while&s;t he was in the&s;e warres, he was continually Con&s;ull, his third Con&s;ul&s;hip he &s;pent in warlike pre|paration, <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Marius his third Con|&s;ul&s;hip.</NOTE> thinking it not &s;ufficient to haue &s;ouldiers, but to haue practi&s;ed and skilfull &s;ouldiers, training them by pettie skirmi&s;hes, and encouraging the~ by the conque&s;t of ba&s;e townes, to more haughtie and valorous at|tempts: his fourth Con&s;ul&s;hip was &s;pent a|bout <NOTE PLACE="marg">His fourth Con&s;ul&s;hip.</NOTE> the warres of Sextus, where he fought with the Teutons: and before that warre fini|&s;hed, he razed out of the world the whole pro|genie of the Teutons. In his fifth Con&s;ul&s;hip <NOTE PLACE="marg">His fifth Co~|&s;ul&s;hip.</NOTE> he planted his fight betwixt the Alpes and Rome, and in that battell Marius him &s;elf be|ing Con&s;ull, and Q. Catulus Procon&s;ul, a for|tunate victorie en&s;ued, farre beyond the ex|pectation <NOTE PLACE="marg">Marius his great victo|rie which he had again&s;t the Cimbri|ans.</NOTE> of the Romanes, and the admira|tion of &s;trangers, an hundred thou&s;and men being brought into the power of the Romans wherof &s;ome were &s;laine &amp; &s;ome were &s;laues. By this victorie Marius de&s;erued, that Rome &s;hould not repent her &s;elfe of his birth, nor re|quite his acts with reproch. His &s;ixth Con&s;ul|&s;hip <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Marius his &s;ixth Con|&s;ul&s;hip.</NOTE> was giue~ him as the crowne of his merits,
<PB N="30" REF="18"> yet he is not to be defrauded of the glorie, which during this Con&s;ul&s;hip did of right be|long vnto him, euen by the confe&s;&s;ion of the enuious. Marius being the &s;ixt time Con&s;ul, Saturninus one of the Tribunes of the peo|ple, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Saturninus a broacher of &s;edition.</NOTE> did promulgate a lawe, that what lands or deme&s;nes Marius had gained in France by his expul&s;ion of the Cimbrians from thence, &s;hould be equally parted &amp; deuided among&s;t the people of Rome, and that euery Senator &s;hould &s;weare to this, thinking to bind them by their oath from di&s;po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ing and di&s;&s;ei&s;ing the people of the&s;e alotme~ts and purparties. Q. Metellus a Senator, again&s;t whom Satur|ninus <NOTE PLACE="marg">Q. Metellus oppo&s;eth him&s;elfe a|gain&s;t Satur|ninus.</NOTE> had a burning &s;tomacke, denied to ra|tifie that lawe by oath, wherupon he had day giuen him to appeare before the Senate. For Marius being wholly addicted to plea&s;e the <NOTE PLACE="marg">Marius fa|uoureth the lawe of Sa|turninus.</NOTE> people in all things, which did not oppugne his owne profite, did greatly &s;auour the law. Metellus though he were &s;upported in this a|ction by many good and vertuous citizens, yet fearing &s;ome bloud&s;hed in the citie by <NOTE PLACE="marg">Metellus co~|mitteth him &s;elfe to vo|luntarie ba|ni&s;hment.</NOTE> maintaining that cau&s;e, committed him&s;elfe to voluntarie exile, and &s;hortly after water &amp;
<PB N="31" REF="18"> fire was forbidden him, which was the title &amp; &s;tile of the bani&s;hment v&s;ed in Rome. This Saturninus was afterward made the third time Tribune, and becau&s;e he feared that C. Memmius, who at that time &s;ued for the Co~|&s;ul&s;hip, would with maine force oppo&s;e him|&s;elfe to his actions and enterpri&s;es, he gathe|red <NOTE PLACE="marg">Saturninus cau&s;eth C. Memmius to be &s;laine.</NOTE> a garri&s;on of &s;ouldiers, and cau&s;ed him to be &s;laine. Marius pre&s;ently rowzing him&s;elfe for the puni&s;hme~t and reuenge of this proud Tribune, and by Senate-councell authori&s;ed, charged his bodie with harne&s;&s;e, and with a troupe of warlike citizens be&s;ieged the Capi|toll, <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Marius be&s;iegeth the Capitol.</NOTE> which Saturninus and the Praetor Glan|cias, together with Saufeius the Quae&s;tor his adherents did hold as the ca&s;tle of their de|fence. But Marius cutting in peeces the con|duit pipes, enforced them to yeeld, and to &s;ubmit them&s;elues promi&s;ing the~ life, liuing, <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Marius putteth the con&s;pirators to death.</NOTE> and libertie; but when he had them in his po|wer, he made hauocke of them all leauing not one aliue; the hou&s;e of Saturninus he razed <NOTE PLACE="marg">Saturninus his hou&s;e de|&s;troyed by Marius.</NOTE> from the lowe&s;t foundation. VVhen the con|&s;piracie of Saturninus was appea&s;ed, there began of fre&s;h a new quarell betwixt the Se|nators
<PB N="32" REF="19"> and M. Liuius Dru&s;us a noble Gentle|man, eloquent and mode&s;t, nature being as bountifull vnto him, as fortune was iniurious; he had alwayes a great de&s;ire to re&s;tore the former honor to the Senate, and to transferre the iudiciall power from the Nobles: for they being po&s;&s;e&s;t of that authoritie by the law of C. Gracchus, which is aboue mentioned, did practi&s;e extreme and bruti&s;h crueltie vppon manie excellent Senators and guiltle&s;&s;e Citi|zens, and among&s;t the re&s;t was &s;laine P. Ruti|lius, a man in that age incomparable: yet the fortune of Dru&s;us was &s;uch, that he was cro&s;|&s;ed <NOTE PLACE="marg">The hard fortune of Dru&s;us.</NOTE> and confronted by the Senate, in tho&s;e matters which he moued for the good &amp; be|hoofe of the Senate, they either not percei|uing, or not willing to perceiue, that though the petitions which Dru&s;us made as Tribune, and as of dutie he ought, &s;ounded and indeed tended to the profite of the people, yet his drift to be this, that the people hauing le&s;&s;er things graunted them, might permit greater to the Senate, that &s;o giuing them a litle the reyne, they might enioy the fruite of libertie, but yet might ea&s;ily be plucked in if there
<PB N="33" REF="19"> were anie feare of di&s;order: which was the onely meane to pre&s;erue the dignitie of the Senate, and to re&s;traine the humours of the people, but the eyes of the Senators were &s;o dazeled with enuie toward Dru&s;us, with en|mitie toward the people, and &s;elfe-loue to|ward their owne per&s;ons, that they did more allow the pernitious practi&s;es of the other Tribunes, then the dutifull meaning of Dru|&s;us: de&s;pi&s;ing the reuerence wherwith Dru&s;us did alwayes honour them, and yet dige&s;ting the iniuries wherwith his fellow Tribunes did mole&s;t them: which vniu&s;t and ab&s;urd dealing did euidently proceed from the gall of their enuie. Then this good Tribune hauing his mind &s;urcharged with malcontentment, &s;ee|ing that his hone&s;t purpo&s;e was maliciou&s;ly peruerted, lacking patie~ce to beare his griefe, and con&s;tancie to per&s;euere in his commen|dable intents, re&s;olued &s;odainly in a de&s;perat pa&s;&s;ion to maintaine the faction of the Grac|chi, to entertaine into his heart rebellion, to &s;warue from vertue, to pro&s;trate him&s;elfe to the violence of fortune, and being garded with a great multitude of vnknowne &s;oldiers,
<PB N="34" REF="20"> who were &s;editious Italians, whom Dru&s;us la|boured to make free-men of the E&s;tate, he thought to terrifie the citie, but within a &s;hort time he was &s;laine in his owne porch, his &s;ide <NOTE PLACE="marg">Dru&s;us is &s;laine.</NOTE> being pierced with a knife, which &s;heathed in his entrailes, and was left there &s;ticking and filling the mouth of the wound, but when he yeelded vp to the heauens his vitall &s;pirit, ca|&s;ting his eyes vpon the companie that &s;toode about him, &amp; lamenting that di&s;mall chance, he breathed out the&s;e words at the la&s;t in&s;tant and with the &s;urrender of his &s;oule: <Q>Tell me my friends and kinsfolke, may the common|weale at any time enioy a more faithfull citi|zen, then I haue heretofore bene?</Q> This ende of life had that noble Gentleman, who if he had bene armed with patience, might haue triumphed ouer enuy. Caius Marius was now <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Marius in high reputa|tion.</NOTE> become the refuge and defender both of Se|nate and people: he was of bodie hardfauo|red, in maners rigorous, famous for warre, &amp; odious in peace, vn&s;atiable in ambitious de|&s;ires, impatient in his wrath, and alwayes at|tempting &s;ome &s;trange noueltie: he did not long after valiantly endeuor to &s;uppre&s;&s;e the
<PB N="35" REF="20"> flames and perillous &s;calefire of the Italian warre, which becau&s;e it was mo&s;t dangerou&s;ly begun and continued; &amp; with great difficultie quenched and ended, I thinke it not ami&s;&s;e to make full de&s;cription thereof, laying for my foundation the cau&s;e which moued the I|talians or Latines to reuolt from the Romans, and to breake their faith before con&s;tantly kept. But the cau&s;es of things are &s;o &s;ecret &amp; mi&s;ticall, being the mo&s;t remote obiects, to which our vnder&s;tanding may a&s;pire, that we may ea&s;ily be deceiued by di&s;gui&s;ed and pre|tenced rea&s;ons, while&s;t we &s;eeke for the true and e&s;&s;ential cau&s;es. For to report things that be done it is ea&s;ie, becau&s;e the eye and the tongue may di&s;patch it, but to di&s;couer and vnfold the cau&s;es of things, requireth braine, &s;oule, and the be&s;t prowe&s;&s;e of mans nature, wherefore to find out the cau&s;es of this warre, diligence mu&s;t be v&s;ed. This warre is of di|uer&s;e men diuer&s;ly named, &s;ome terme it the Italian, &s;ome the Mar&s;ian, &s;ome the Sociall war: all which haue &s;ufficient rea&s;on to make good their &s;euerall appellations. The Italian warre it was tearmed, becau&s;e it was rai&s;ed by
<PB N="36" REF="21"> &s;uch Italians, as were in league with the Ro|manes, which was the occa&s;ion of the enter|cour&s;e of manie good turnes and benefits be|twixt them and the Romanes: for though they did not inioy the liberties of the city of Rome in &s;uch large and ample maner, as the citizens or free men of that Citie, yet they po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ed them in farre greater mea&s;ure, then others which were meere &s;traungers to that E&s;tate, and that by the law of &s;ocietie, which to the Romanes was alwayes &s;acred and inuiolate: this warre therfore vpon their reuolt was ter|med Sociale, as maintained by them who had contracted &amp; e&s;tabli&s;hed a league of &s;ocietie. The Mar&s;ian war it was called, becau&s;e the fir&s;t <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Italian warre fir&s;t at|tempted by the Mar&s;ians</NOTE> commotion was attempted by the Mar&s;ians, a free people of Italie. The cau&s;e &amp; the begin|ning of this war do in time greatly differ, for the cau&s;e hath a retro&s;pect to the fir&s;t times of the Romane monarchie, when the people of Italie being greatly infe&s;ted and endamaged by the continuall inua&s;ions of the Romanes, did watch oportunitie, and with &s;erious expe|ctation attended, if by anie po&s;&s;ible meanes they might requite the Romanes with the
<PB N="37" REF="21"> like, and recouer their auncient rights and iu|ri&s;dictions, and at one in&s;tant breake both the league and &s;hake off the feare which they then had of the Romanes, and which was the la&s;t marke of their enterpri&s;e, rather co~maund then condition with the Romanes. But as there is no euill without excu&s;e, and no prae|tence without &s;ome colour of rea&s;on, and no wiles can be wanting to malicious &amp; wrang|ling wits, therefore an occa&s;ion was &s;ought for, whereby peace might be di&s;&s;olued, and di&s;cord warranted. Here now appeareth the error wherein Dru&s;us was intangled. For they made him an in&s;trument or lure to draw vnto them the free v&s;e of the Romane liberties, which in truth they did neither greatly de&s;ire, nor &s;trongly hope for, but they looked for a repul&s;e, and thought that would be a good occa&s;ion to ground their tumults vpon, and as it were a vaile for their leud endeuours: whereby it is euident that as the cau&s;e of this warre is ancient, &s;o the beginning there of is to be referred to the repul&s;e of Dru&s;us, which <NOTE PLACE="marg">The repul&s;e of Dru&s;us the beginning of the Italian warre.</NOTE> happened &s;ixe hundred &s;ixtie and two yeares after the building of Rome. The&s;e commo|tioners
<PB N="38" REF="22"> of Italie had this purpo&s;e and intent, at their fe&s;tiual meetings to ioyne their heads and hands together, and &s;o to proceed to the Citie, there to worke the death of the two Con&s;uls Sex. Iulius Cae&s;ar, and Martius Phi|lippus: but this matter being di&s;couered, they did pre&s;ently put to death Seruilius Procon|&s;ull, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Seruilius Procon&s;ull &s;laine by the co~motioners of Italie.</NOTE> who was &s;ent vnto them at the fir&s;t begin|ning of their &s;tirres, by peaceable &amp; rea&s;ona|ble meanes to appea&s;e and determine them, and all the other Romanes which were at A&s;|culum, were &s;laine. This bloudie deed being reported at Rome, did greatly plunge the minds of the Romanes in doubt and &s;orrow. For this &s;laughter was as it were an Adamant to draw the other Italians, who did not con|&s;pire in this murther to their part, and as a firy beacon to the Romanes, to giue them war|ning not to pre&s;cribe too much in their pro|&s;peritie, but to be circum&s;pect, &amp; by all warie preuention to anticipate the&s;e euils, which if it &s;hould haue bene neglected of them, would pre&s;ently haue turned to &s;uch a cloud of in|conueniences, that the fire which did before &s;erue to giue light, would after haue bent his
<PB N="39" REF="22"> force to burne and con&s;ume: for the next neighbour to admonition is correction, and it is ea&s;ier to auoide then to e&s;cape a danger. But the Romanes with prouident care fore|&s;eeing that the defection and reuolt of them who were linked in &s;ocietie with them, might be a great maime to their E&s;tate, &amp; as it were a ladder for forreine and profe&s;&s;ed enemies to &s;cale the walles of their Citie, did therefore in this war make &s;peciall choi&s;e, both of Cap|taines and &s;ouldiers: for meane men were not to be employed in a warre of &s;o great impor|tance, and they that were vnskilfull, were not in the mid&s;t of the&s;e eminent dangers, to be trained and taught. And becau&s;e they &s;aw that the commodious ending and compo&s;ing of this war, was the hinge whereupon the whole e&s;tate of the Common-weale did depende; therefore it was decreed by Senate, that both the Con&s;uls (a rare thing in that Common|weale, and neuer done but when exceeding daunger was feared) &s;hould go in per&s;on to the managing of this warre. Neither were the Italia~s vnprouided or vnadui&s;ed: for they knew, that if they were co~quered, they &s;hould
<PB N="40" REF="23"> fall from the e&s;tate of fellowes to be &s;laues, &amp; their league &s;hould neuer more be tru&s;ted, which them &s;elues had broken: and if they &s;hould enioy the victorie, that they &s;hould then haue all the wealth of the world at com|maund. This golden bootie being enameld with a &s;weete de&s;ire of reuenging old iniuries (for they had written them in marble with a pen of yron) did greatly incen&s;e their minds, and raui&s;h their &s;pirits with a burning affectio~ to fight. The Mar&s;ians who brought the fir&s;t &s;tubble to kindle this flame, were gouerned by Silo Popedius, a man as it &s;eemed by de|&s;tiny <NOTE PLACE="marg">Silo Pope|dius a natu|rall enemy to the Romans.</NOTE> oppo&s;ed again&s;t the Romanes, to who&s;e eares nothing was &s;o delightfull as the report of a Romanes death, hating that hower in which he did not impeach their good e&s;tate. He in this re&s;pect was diuer&s;e from manie of his countrimen, in that he dete&s;ted a Romane becau&s;e he was a Romane. VVherefore ha|uing &s;ingled out &s;ome of his factio~, who were partly by the in&s;tinct of their nature, partly by his in&s;tigation, obdurate and eager in ha|tred again&s;t the Romanes, hauing propo&s;ed and &s;hewed vnto them the &s;cope and drifte
<PB N="41" REF="23"> whereunto his purpo&s;e did aime, and hauing di&s;clo&s;ed the meanes, whereby he hoped to compa&s;&s;e and effect his de&s;ignements, and la&s;tly hauing declared vnto them the rewards which they might gaine by their valor, he did labour by this &s;peech to inflame their furie, <Q>I am moued and enforced to this new enter|pri&s;e, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Silo Pope|dius his o|ration to the Mar&s;i|ans.</NOTE> not by anie ambitious de&s;ire of enhaun|cing my e&s;tate, but becau&s;e I &s;ee a poi&s;on|ful baite of deceit hidden vnder the pretence of Societie, becau&s;e I &s;ee too great charges &amp; burdens to be impo&s;ed vpon vs, becau&s;e I &s;ee leud forreiners to be our commaunders, and originarie Italians, though men of good de|&s;ert, kept vnder the &s;naffle, and placed in the &s;inke hole. I &s;ee the credite of our nation de|faced, the libertie de&s;troyed, and the &s;tate o|uerthrowne, and for our great labours vnder|taken, and dangers &s;u&s;tained for the Romans, we haue this reward, that we are de&s;pi&s;ed by them, and they haue not thought it &s;ufficient to be aided by vs, vnle&s;&s;e in the pride of their &s;pirits they may in&s;ult vpon our neckes, men of in&s;olent mindes, by nature iniurious to all other men and by fortune &s;uperiour. If a man
<PB N="42" REF="24"> &s;hould examine from the beginning, and as they &s;ay from the roote, the degrees of their e&s;tate, what iu&s;tice &s;hall he find? nay what in|iu&s;tice &s;hal he not find? The two twinnes who were the founders of their city, were ba&s;tards, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Romulus &amp; Remus ba&s;tards.</NOTE> begotten by the rape of a holy virgin, and by de&s;tinie were ca&s;t foorth as of no regard, vn|till a &s;he-wolfe feeling perhaps &s;ome &s;auour of her owne nature in them, did with her dugs <NOTE PLACE="marg">Nouri&s;hed by a wolfe.</NOTE> nouri&s;h them. After, when from milke they were growne to meate, they were fedde by a chough, and when they had attained to mans e&s;tate, nothing would plea&s;e then but a king|dome, &amp; a regall citie, the foundation wherof was &s;olemnized by an augurie deriued from the flight of Eagles. Thus a mo&s;t rauenous bird did ominate vnto them a monarchy, thus a mo&s;t greedie bea&s;t who&s;e hungry teeth, and vn&s;atiable appetite no pray could content, did giue them milke, thus a mo&s;t the eui&s;h and bu&s;ie brained birde was their fo&s;ter-father. The&s;e were the portents and &s;ignes of their Citie, that it &s;hould be a daughter verie like to the parents: the&s;e did progno&s;ticate vnto vs the &s;poiles, rapines, inua&s;ions and violent
<PB N="43" REF="24"> incrochments that &s;hould afterward be made by the Romanes. And for that cau&s;e Romulus wold not make or appoint limits and bounds for his kingdome, that he might by force en|ter into euery &s;oile as his own. But what wold not Romulus do, which had the heart to &s;hed <NOTE PLACE="marg">Remus is &s;laine by Romulus.</NOTE> the bloud of his owne and onely brother? And thus was their citie co~&s;ecrated by bloud: but &s;ome of the Romanes do with impuden|cie denie this fact, &s;ome with mode&s;tie do doubt of it, &s;ome with griefe do conceale it, and they which by cleare proofe are enforced to confe&s;&s;e it, do with this imagination molli|fie the fault, that it was done by the con&s;ent but not by the hand of Romulus. But whether he commaunded it, or committed it, he was a murtherer. After this hainous crime en&s;ued the rape of the Sabine virgins, the raui&s;hment <NOTE PLACE="marg">The rape of the Sa|bine vir|gins.</NOTE> of whom they excu&s;e, becau&s;e they would not yeeld their franke con&s;ent to mariage: &s;urely they cannot iu&s;tly be reproued, if they, being a noble people, did denie mariage to &s;uch a ba&s;e a&s;&s;emblie of &s;hepheards, heard&s;men and hoggards, newly crept out of the &s;traw: for in that great a&s;&s;emblie of newe vp&s;tartes there
<PB N="44" REF="25"> were but an hundred men, who were lawfully begotten, and the&s;e for&s;ooth were at the fir&s;t made Senators. But nothing doth more be|wray the vniu&s;t dealing and lacke of con&s;ci|ence in the Romanes, then the lamentable e|&s;tate of the Saguntines, who had bin alwayes verie con&s;tant in fellow&s;hip and friend&s;hip toward them, and while&s;t they did keep their faith to them, they lo&s;t their Citie. Saguntus was fiercely be&s;ieged by Hanniball, which when the Romanes heard, they &s;pent pre&s;ently <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Ro|mane em|ba&s;&s;adors are de&s;pi|&s;ed of Ha~+nibal.</NOTE> Emba&s;&s;adours to Hannibal to dehort him fro~ the &s;iege, but being de&s;pi&s;ed they went to Carthage, and there framed a complaint a|gain&s;t Hannibal, pretending that he had bro|ken the league, but failing of their purpo&s;e, they returned to Rome. Amids the&s;e delaies, that poore citie within eight or nine moneths after the laying of &s;iege was de&s;troied of the Carthaginians, when the inhabita~ts were be|fore con&s;umed with famine, and one of them <NOTE PLACE="marg">The mi&s;e|rable fa|min of the Sagu~tines.</NOTE> did eate anothers carka&s;&s;e, and being wearie of the world, becau&s;e they &s;hould not come as captiues into the enemies power, they made a common fire, into which, when one of
<PB N="45" REF="25"> them had &s;laine another with the &s;word, they were throwne. How manife&s;t and manifold is the abu&s;e which they offred to the Carthagi|nians? They did incite Ma&s;ini&s;&s;a the neigh|bour of the Carthaginians to quarrell with <NOTE PLACE="marg">Ma&s;ini&s;&s;a quarelleth with the Carthagi|nians.</NOTE> them, who praetended that the Carthaginia~s ought to haue no more land then Dido the Tyrian queene did enioy, which was as much as could be mea&s;ured by the hide of an Oxe being cut into thongs. But could their pre&s;cri|ption &amp; po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ion during the &s;pace of &s;eauen hundred yeares be &s;o ea&s;ily di&s;&s;ipated? by the &s;ame rea&s;on the Romanes &s;hould content the~ &s;elues with the cottages and cabbins, which fir&s;t they inhabited. But the Carthaginians being greatly vexed by Ma&s;ini&s;&s;a and the Ro|manes a&s;&s;i&s;ting him, did fall pro&s;trate at the feete of the Romanes, and did grieuou&s;ly co~|plaine of the intollerable couetou&s;ne&s;&s;e and pride of Ma&s;ini&s;&s;a, and reque&s;ted with teares, that of three things they might obtaine one: namely, that either they might equally de|bate the whole cau&s;e and conrrouer&s;ie before the regents of &s;ome common-weale leagued in &s;ocietie with them both, and indifferently
<PB N="46" REF="26"> affected toward them, or that they would &s;uffer them to defend the~&s;elues by iu&s;t warre again&s;t the vniu&s;t armes of Ma&s;ini&s;&s;a, or la&s;tly, if fauour did more preuaile with them then truth, that they would once determine and certainly &s;et downe, what and how much they &s;hould yeeld to Ma&s;ini&s;&s;a. But the Romanes did not one with helpe the&s;e afflicted per&s;ons, and that good Affricanus, whom they &s;o <NOTE PLACE="marg">Scipio &s;ent as vmpier betwixt Ma&s;ini&s;&s;a &amp; the Car|thaginia~s.</NOTE> much commended, being &s;ent as an indif|ferent vmpire betwixt them and their ene|mie, did make their di&s;cord a great deale more: and the de&s;olate Carthaginians, when they were enforced to prouide for the~ &s;elues, were accu&s;ed at Rome for the breach of league, and hereupon they were declared to be enemies. They had &s;traite commandeme~t from the Romans to re&s;tore the Romane ho|&s;tages, to deliuer their money and trea&s;ure into the hands of the Romanes, and by that meane to purcha&s;e the &s;afetie of their Citie: all this was done. VVell this was not enough: the Romanes mu&s;t haue their&s;hips, their mu|nition and weapons: they deliuered the&s;e likewi&s;e: yet this &s;uffi&s;ed not: the Romanes
<PB N="47" REF="26"> mu&s;t haue their Citie, and the Carthaginians mu&s;t build &s;ome other Citie farre from this: this was graunted vnto them, and Carthage the faire&s;t Citie of all Affricke was by them <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Citie of Cartha|ge burnt.</NOTE> pre&s;ently burnt, and turned euen with the ground. Here when the Romanes were pre&s;|&s;ed and vrged with their promi&s;e, their an&s;wer was, that in &s;peaking of the &s;afetie of the Ci|tie, they did meane the &s;afetie of the citizens and inhabitants, not of the Citie which did con&s;i&s;t of &s;tone and timber: O &s;nares! &ocirc; im|po&s;tures! &ocirc; &s;ophi&s;trie! can the Romans with|out blu&s;hing obiect perfidiou&s;ne&s;&s;e and tre|cherie to the Carthaginians? Surely as they dealt with them being leagued in ancient &s;o|cietie with them, &s;o I am afraid they wil deale with vs. And I do the rather &s;u&s;pect it, becau&s;e I &s;ee they will &s;til haue a difference betweene them &s;elues and vs. Herein lieth a my&s;terie, I will not &s;ay of the Punicke fraude, but of the Romane arte. And when it plea&s;eth them to drawe the curtaine, we &s;hall be made their &s;laues, and our goods their dearling. VVher|fore I reque&s;t you all with all the vehemencie and force of my minde, that you would with
<PB N="48" REF="27"> one heart contend for the recouerie &amp; de|fence of liberty, and that you would at length aime at &s;uch a common-weale, wherein right and law, not the priuate will of powerful men may beare &s;way. To the which purpo&s;e I know all the other people of Italie ioyned in league and fellow&s;hip with vs, will affoord the dili|gent a&s;&s;i&s;tance of their per&s;ons, and the be&s;t wealth of their trea&s;uries. As for me, &s;uch hath my birth, &s;uch hath my education bene, that I preferre the dignitie of my countrey, and the libertie of this common-weale before all things in the world. VVhich if you do &s;o de&s;i|rou&s;ly embrace, I am fully re&s;olued to lay my life open to all dangers, without anie regard of e&s;tate or priuate re&s;pect: if not, I will lay downe weapons, and leaue the e&s;tate of the common-wealth as it now &s;tandeth, to your owne di&s;cretion.</Q></P>
<P>The Mar&s;ians hearing the name of liberty, did greedily receiue it, and therefore applau|ding to Popedius, as informing them of that which was mo&s;t for their v&s;e, becau&s;e there appeared in his &s;peech no &s;ignes of coue|tou&s;ne&s;&s;e or ambition, but an earne&s;t and ve|hement
<PB N="49" REF="27"> de&s;ire of publique good, did re&s;olue to follow him as their generall.</P>
<P>They had no &s;ooner &s;et vp flagge of defi|ance again&s;t the Romanes, but there re&s;orted vnto them a huge multitude of all the prouin|ces of Italie: &s;o readie are di&s;loyall per&s;ons to ca&s;t off the yoke of obedience, or common &s;ocietie, when they haue gotten a head. The metamorpho&s;is truly was verie great, to &s;ee the Citie of Rome enuironed on all &s;ides by foes, which before was garded by friends, &amp; there was none almo&s;t left to defend the City but the citizens, and nothing to defend the citizens but the Citie. The people that reuol|ted were the Mar&s;ians, the Samnites, the Vm|brians, the Ve&s;tini, the Irpini, the Lucani, the Marru&s;ini, the A&s;culani, the Peligni, the Pi&s;a|ni: and they were led by great Captaines, men of valour and &s;eruice, hauing as great de&s;ire to fight with the Romanes, as the Romanes had to rule ouer them. The mo&s;t of them were of &s;o choi&s;e courage and conduction, that the Romanes had before in many warres relyed vpon their &s;eruice. But yet the name of a Ro|mane was &s;uch a &s;cepter to their &s;pirits, that
<PB N="50" REF="28"> they were &s;till kept in awe and order without anie thought of reuolting. The&s;e men were now quite altered, as if they had lately bene at &s;ome mart of &s;oules, and had exchaunged their mindes with &s;ome men by nature enra|ged again&s;t the Romanes: and it is greatly to be wondred how the mightie power of the diuine Maie&s;tie, doth &s;way the moments of things, and &s;orteth them in peremptorie ma|ner to &s;traunge and vnlooked for effects, ma|king rea&s;on blind, pollicie a&s;toni&s;hed, &s;tre~gth feeble, and valour da&s;tardly, turning loue into hatred, feare into furie, boldne&s;&s;e into trem|bling, and in the circuite of one minute ma|king the conquered per&s;on a conqueror. The Romanes did not in anie warre &s;hewe more wi&s;edome and courage, which two things are in common vnder&s;tanding repugnant, be|cau&s;e wi&s;edome for the mo&s;t part procureth feare in dangerous accidents, which is oppo|&s;ite to courage, and courage cau&s;eth ra&s;hne&s;&s;e which is contrarie to wi&s;edome. But &s;o were their fortunes cro&s;&s;ed, &amp; the lot of warre was &s;o variable, that this warre was re&s;olutely vn|dertaken of them, vnhappily continued, and
<PB N="51" REF="28"> victoriou&s;ly concluded. The Romane armie had two Generals: namely P. Rutilius one of the Con&s;uls, who&s;e Lieutenants were Cn. Po~|peius Strabo, Q. Caepio, C. Perperna, C. Ma|rius, Valerius Me&s;&s;alla: and L. Cae&s;ar the other Con&s;ul, who had the&s;e Lieutenants, P. Lentu|lus, T. Didius, P. Licinius Cra&s;&s;us, L. Corne|lius Sylla, M. Marcellus, all famous Captains, men of excellent de&s;ert and heroicall quali|ties, and the mo&s;t of them fit not onely to ma|nage a warre, but a kingdom, yea an Empire: yet of all the&s;e none did obtaine the victorie during the fir&s;t yeare of their fight, C. Marius and L. Cae&s;ar onely excepted, yet Cae&s;ar was not long before with his whole armie di&s;com|fited, and Marius did with great difficultie at|chieue one victorie, which was the beginning of a greater warre. The Con&s;uls did thus di&s;|po&s;e the encounters of them &s;elues and their Lieutenants, L. Cae&s;ar was oppo&s;ed to Vet|tius Cato, who led a wing of the Mar&s;ian ar|mie, but Cae&s;ar being ouer mated by a man of greater wi&s;edome and magnanimitie, was enforced to flie, and after the &s;laughter of two thou&s;and of his men, being hotely pur&s;ued &amp;
<PB N="52" REF="29"> encha&s;ed of the enemie, was con&s;trained (for nece&s;&s;itie will affoord no choi&s;e) to take Ae|&s;ernia for his refuge. C. Perperna did encoun|ter <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Perperna di&s;charged of his Lieu|tenancie.</NOTE> P. Prae&s;enteius, who put him likewi&s;e to flight, &amp; deue&s;ted him of his armie, for which cau&s;e he was di&s;charged of his Lieutenancie, and now was C. Marius &s;ought vnto by the Con&s;uls, to whom he yeelded &s;uch a&s;&s;i&s;tance, that he rather &s;eemed to be their protectour then their champion. P. Rutilius to reuenge the death of Q. Caepio, who was &s;laine by the <NOTE PLACE="marg">Q. Caepio &s;laine.</NOTE> ambu&s;h of Popedius, and the quarrell of his fellow Con&s;ul, vpon the Mar&s;ians, did a&s;&s;ay them by battell, but lo&s;t a great number of <NOTE PLACE="marg">P. Rutilius &s;laine.</NOTE> men, &amp; in the end lo&s;t him&s;elfe, being &s;laugh|tered in the mid&s;t of his enemies. C. Marius with a fre&s;h courage renewed the fight, &amp; put <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Marius putteth Vet|t<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">us Cato to flight.</NOTE> to flight with extreme labor Vettius Cato the fatall enemie to both the Con&s;uls. But the me&s;&s;enger who brought the newes of this vi|ctorie of Marius to the Romane campe, did meete there another me&s;&s;enger, who repor|ted vnto them, that Egualius one of the ene|mies campe had &s;urpri&s;ed Venafrum a towne of great &s;trength: that M. Lamponius another
<PB N="53" REF="29"> of their enemies had &s;laine eight hundred of the armie of P. Licinnius Cra&s;&s;us, and had put the re&s;idue to flight, that C. Papius Mutilus their enemie, had brought Nola a flouri&s;hing Colonie of the Romanes into his power, to|gether with Q. Po&s;thumius their Praetor, that he had al&s;o taken Stauia, Minturna and Saler|num, and did nowe be&s;iege Acerra a chiefe towne. The&s;e newes &s;ucceeding the other did make the Romanes to heare with ioy, and to remember with &s;orow. But no better fortune did en&s;ue: for M. Marcellus being a&s;&s;igned for the defence of Ae&s;ernia was taken pri&s;oner by the Samnites, who &s;urpri&s;ed that Colonie. Cn. Pompeius was by three Captaines of the aduer&s;e part, Iudacilius, Aefranius, and Venti|dius fiercely encountring, driuen to the vil|lage of Firmo, and there be&s;ieged. L. Cae&s;ar had a pro&s;perous victorie again&s;t the Sam|nites, but C. Marius fighting again&s;t the Mar|&s;ians <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Marius fought equal+ly again&s;t the Mar&s;ians.</NOTE> with doubtfull euent, did recompence the death of euerie enemie with the lo&s;&s;e of his owne &s;ouldiers: &s;o con&s;tant is the fortune of warre in incon&s;tancie. Now was come the &s;econd yeare of this daungerous warre, which
<PB N="54" REF="30"> continued old broiles, and made new Con|&s;uls Cn. Pompeius Strabo, L. Portius Cato, both which were by the decree of the Senate enioyned to take vpon them the charge of this warre. They brought &s;ome new Lieute|nants in the place of &s;ome that were dead, and &s;ome that were di&s;charged. The &s;ucceeding Lieutenants were A. Albinius, Con&s;conius, Lu|ceius, A. Gabinius, Sulpitius, L. Muraena, Cae|cilius Pius, Mamercus Aemilius. It &s;eemeth that Rome in the&s;e dayes was a verie &s;choole of warfare, which did yeeld the &s;upply of &s;uch excellent Captaines, after the departure of Captaines not much more excellent. C. Ma|rius <NOTE PLACE="marg">C Marius di&s;+liked by the Con&s;ul Por|tius.</NOTE> vpon a di&s;liking conceiued by the Con|&s;ul Portius (priuate humor is alwayes an ene|mie to publike good) was di&s;charged of his place. But &s;o it happened, that the Romanes changed their fortune with their Con&s;uls, but the Italians were more daunted and di&s;ani|mated by the continuance of the warre, then encouraged by the increa&s;e of their victories. For a ba&s;e &s;pirit cannot ioy in any honorable matter, &amp; nothing more deuoureth the heart of a rebellious or trecherous per&s;on, then the
<PB N="55" REF="30"> inward fire of a glowing con&s;cience. L. Sylla <NOTE PLACE="marg">Syllaes vi|ctor again&s;t the Sa~nites.</NOTE> had a notable victorie again&s;t the Samnites, and did ran&s;acke their tents. Cn. Pompeius did con&s;traine the Ve&s;tini, the Peliani, and the <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cn. Pomp. Strabo his victories.</NOTE> Ae&s;culani, and the Pi&s;ani to yeeld vnto him. Sylla did kil Cluentius a Captaine of the con|trarie <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sylla killeth Cluentius.</NOTE> part at Nola, and he brought vnder his power the Irpini. A. Gabinius did fight pro|&s;perou&s;ly <NOTE PLACE="marg">A. Gabinius after a pro&s;|perous fight is &s;laine.</NOTE> again&s;t the Lucani, and tooke many of their great townes, but when he wold haue &s;poiled their tents, he was &s;laine. Sulpitius ha|uing &s;laine all the &s;ouldiers of the Marrucini, did reduce that whole region into the &s;ubie|ction <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sulpitius bringeth the Marrucini to obedience.</NOTE> of the Romanes. L. Muraena and Caeci|lius Pius had manie encounters again&s;t the Mar&s;ians, and in the ende enforced them to yeeld, but Popedius their Captaine the au|thor of this warre was &s;laine in fight, in which <NOTE PLACE="marg">Popedius is &s;laine.</NOTE> war Portius Cato was al&s;o &s;laine, not through his owne default, nor by the valor of his ene|mies, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Portius Cato &s;laine.</NOTE> but through the malicious &s;tomacke of the &s;onne of C. Marius, who in reuenge of his fathers quarell, did throw his dart at him, and with a deadly wound did make him fall pro|&s;trate to the ground: but becau&s;e he could
<PB N="56" REF="31"> not be di&s;cerned in &s;uch confu&s;ion of fight, &amp; in the heate of the battell, he was not impea|ched for this trecherous murder. The Romans hauing enioyed and accompli&s;hed all things according to their de&s;ire, returned with the great ioy and gratulation of their fellow citi|zens. Cn. Pompeius, for his ample victories <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cu. Po~peius Strabo tri|umpheth.</NOTE> &amp; great de&s;ert was rewarded with a triumph. Thus was the Italian warre being left to the Romanes as the legacie of Dru&s;us ended and appea&s;ed, which wrought two notable effects: for it brought the Italians from &s;ocietie to &s;er|uitude, and refu&s;ing the bridle they receiued the yoke, and were euer after kept vnder the chaine of perpetuall commaund, but the Ro|manes it made glorious and inuincible: for their iu&s;t warres had alwayes good &s;ucce&s;&s;e, and their vniu&s;t warres or inua&s;ions, could not (as may partly appeare by this Italia~ vprore) by forraine warre be reuenged. But for the cau&s;e hereof let no man make &s;earch or in|quirie, &s;ith it is no where to be fou~d &s;aue only in God his decretall booke, the contents whereof as I cannot know, &s;o the comments of man in this matter I may not beleeue. This
<PB N="57" REF="31"> thing therefore as vailed with vtmo&s;t darke|ne&s;&s;e, I do with all humblene&s;&s;e leaue to him who hath re&s;erued it to him&s;elfe: &amp; this onely I ob&s;erue, which euerie man may note in the &s;equele of this hi&s;torie, that the Romans were puni&s;hed by the Romanes for their wrongs &amp; iniuries (if I may v&s;e coniecture in &s;o thicke a mi&s;t) done to their neighbours and others. Not long after the death of Dru&s;us the Con|&s;ul&s;hip inue&s;ted vpon Q. Pompeius &amp; L. Cor|nelius Sylla, who before his victory could not <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sylla is made Con&s;ul.</NOTE> be too highly commended, and after neuer &s;ufficiently di&s;prai&s;ed: &s;o contrarie and oppo|&s;ite he was to him&s;elfe, being more mercifull in the combat, then after the conque&s;t, and Sylla fighting in the field was not &s;o cruell as <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sylla his co~|trary nature His di&s;cent.</NOTE> Sylla triumphing in the towne. He was nobly de&s;cended, being the &s;ixth man from Corne|lius Rufinus, who was one of the chiefe Cap|taines in the warre again&s;t Pyrrhus. For the glorie and credite of that familie had bene long intermitted, and was almo&s;t peri&s;hed, till it was rai&s;ed and rampired vp by Sylla to the ancient grace, and re&s;tored with an ouer|plus to the former dignitie. Sylla did a long
<PB N="58" REF="32"> time behaue him &s;elfe &s;o mode&s;tly and con|tentedly, that he &s;eemed to be without all in|tent for &s;uing for the Con&s;ul&s;hip, but after his Praetor&s;hip being much renowned by the Ita|lian warre, &amp; for his great exploits in France, hauing &s;laine the &s;toute&s;t Captains of the ad|uer&s;e part, he tooke &s;tomacke by rea&s;on of his good &s;ucce&s;&s;e, and making &s;ute for the Con&s;ul&s;hip, was made Con&s;ull, not one citi|zen almo&s;t withdrawing his con&s;ent, and that honour he purcha&s;ed when he was eight and fortie yeares olde. At that time Mithridates <NOTE PLACE="marg">Mithridates an enemy to the Romans.</NOTE> king of Pontus, a &s;harpe and victorious &s;oul|dier, being &s;ometime great in pro&s;peritie, and at all times great in courage, in coun&s;ell wi&s;e, in &s;trength mightie, in hatred again&s;t the Ro|manes another Hannibal, had taken and po&s;|&s;e&s;t A&s;ia, where he put to death all the Ro|manes that did there inhabite: the region of A&s;ia did by lot happe~ to Sylla as his prouince, he addre&s;&s;ing him &s;elfe thitherward with as great &s;peed as he could po&s;&s;ibly make, came at length to Nola, which he be&s;ieged, for that <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sylla be&s;ie|geth Nola.</NOTE> Citie did mo&s;t &s;tubburnly re&s;i&s;t the Romans, reuolting from that faithfulne&s;&s;e which the
<PB N="59" REF="32"> Nolanes did religiou&s;ly ob&s;erue and exhibite to the Romanes in the Carthaginian warres: but not long after the laying of this &s;iege, he was abridged of his General&s;hip by Sulpitius a Tribune, who being in wealth, fauor, friend|&s;hip, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sulpitius a &s;editious Tri+bune alte|reth the &s;tate</NOTE> wit, and courage great among&s;t the Ro|manes, hauing before &s;ought dignitie by de|&s;ert, did now by his leud decrees and di&s;loyall practi&s;es de&s;erue to loo&s;e his dignitie. He a&s;|&s;igned to C. Marius an imperiall praehemi|nence, &amp; the regime~t of all the prouinces that belonged to the citie of Rome, which honors as Marius did ambitiou&s;ly de&s;ire, &s;o Sulpitius <NOTE PLACE="marg">The ambitio~ of Marius.</NOTE> did iniuriou&s;ly di&s;po&s;e: and therewithall he enacted that Sylla &s;hould be called from A&s;ia, and Marius &s;hould be Generall in his place; manie other pernitious lawes he e&s;tabli&s;hed, both intollerable and dete&s;table: for conclu|&s;ion, he ended in murther, procuring by his <NOTE PLACE="marg">Murder com+mitted by Sulpitius.</NOTE> bloud-thir&s;ty &s;eruants the death of one of the Pompeys, &s;onne to Q. Pompeius, and Syllaes &s;onne in lawe. Sylla hearing of this &s;odaine change, and being &s;olicited by the letters of his deare&s;t friends, made &s;peedie returne to the Citie, which hauing taken by force of
<PB N="60" REF="33"> armes he droue out of it the twelue authours <NOTE PLACE="marg">Syllaes re|uenge vpon the &s;editious.</NOTE> of this newe and damnable faction, among&s;t whom was C. Marius and his &s;onne, together with P. Sulpitius the fir&s;t beginner of di&s;cord, Sulpitius being taken by Syllaes hor&s;emen in the Laurentine &s;ennes was there beheaded, &amp; for the guerdon of his cruelty, his head being afterward conueyed to Rome, was erected vpon a pinnacle ouer the barre of the Senate hou&s;e. C. Marius (a cleare mirrour of this worlds vncon&s;tancie) to whom if you will place him among&s;t the fortunate, you mu&s;t a&s;|&s;igne the highe&s;t &s;eate, if among&s;t the vnfortu|nate, the lowe&s;t, hauing before enioyed all plea&s;ures which pro&s;peritie could yeeld, and now &s;uffering all troubles which aduer&s;itie could bring) after his &s;ixth con&s;ul&s;hip, and the &s;ixtieth yeare of his age, for the auoyding of Syllaes hor&s;emen, &s;tripped him&s;elfe naked, &amp; <NOTE PLACE="marg">The extreme mi&s;erie of C. Marius.</NOTE> flying to a marri&s;h of reedes did there hide him&s;elfe, plunging &s;o deepely into the mud, that nothing could be &s;eene of him but his eyes and no&s;trels, who being afterward de&s;|cried, was drawne by a thong of leather tied to his neck, into the pri&s;on of Minturna. There
<PB N="61" REF="33"> was &s;ent to kil him a captiue &s;laue, whom Ma|rius <NOTE PLACE="marg">A captiue &s;laue &s;ent to kill Marius.</NOTE> had taken pri&s;oner in the battel which he fought again&s;t the Cimbrians: this bloudie Cimbrian a&s;&s;aying to &s;trike Marius, was &s;o|dainly amazed, and terrified by the maie&s;tie of his countenance, though Marius was then full of yeares, full of mi&s;erie, and void of wea|pons: but the &s;laue &s;eeing &s;o bright a &s;tarre in &s;o darke a dungeon, reuerencing the man whom he had before feared, and per&s;wading him&s;elfe that it was impo&s;&s;ible for one man to worke his death, who not long before had al|mo&s;t de&s;troyed the whole nation of the Cim|brians, left him aliue, and in trembling maner departed from his pre&s;ence. The Minturnians becau&s;e they held the worthine&s;&s;e of Marius in high reputation, deliuered him out of pri|&s;on; and attiring him with conuenient appa|rell, <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Mintur|nia~s friends to Marius.</NOTE> be&s;towing vpon him a pilgrims viande, which might for a &s;ea&s;on relieue his hunger, di&s;mi&s;&s;ed him out of their Citie. He hauing o|uertaken his &s;onne at Aemaria, directed his voyage vnto Affricke, where he led a poore and wretched life in the ruines and de&s;olate re~nants of the Citie of Carthage. Sylla leuied
<PB N="62" REF="34"> an armie &amp; renewed his iourney toward A&s;ia, (the yeare wherein Sylla was Con&s;ull, was the fir&s;t yeare in which the Romane &s;ouldiers did &s;lay their Con&s;ull; for then Q. Pompeius be|ing <NOTE PLACE="marg">Q Pompe|ius &s;laine.</NOTE> fellow Con&s;ull with Sylla, was &s;laine by the &s;editious armie of Cn. Pompeius Procon|&s;ull.) After the broiles of Marius and Sulpi|tius the tumults of Cinna &s;ucceeded, who was not one iote more temperate then tho&s;e di&s;|orderly <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cinna be|ginneth a new broyle.</NOTE> and enormous quarellers, or rather furious and traiterous con&s;pirers. He was Co~|&s;ull with Cn. Octauius, who becau&s;e one of them namely Cinna, fauoured Marius, and the other Sylla, fell to a &s;odaine iarre, &amp; main|taining &s;euerall armies in the Citie, cau&s;ed much terror, and &s;ome bloud&s;hed. Cinna was <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cinna is ex|pul&s;ed the City.</NOTE> expul&s;ed the Citie by the power of Octauius and the Senators, his Con&s;ul&s;hip was abroga|ted, and in his place L. Cornelius Merula, Iu|piters prie&s;t was elected. Cinna hauing cor|rupted the Centurions, Tribunes &amp; &s;ouldiers <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cinna is made Cap|taine of a &s;e|ditious ar|my.</NOTE> with hope of liberalitie, was admitted of that armie (which was as yet about Nola) for their Captaine, and hauing &s;worne all his &s;ouldiers to obei&s;ance and loyaltie, he marched in his
<PB N="63" REF="34"> Con&s;ul-robes toward Rome, his armie con&s;i|&s;ting of three hu~dred bands of good &s;ouldiers amounting in the view of &s;pials to the number of thirtie legions: but though he had manie &s;ouldiers and much courage, he lacked not|with&s;tanding factioners and fauourites to vp|hold him, and was de&s;titute of popular credit, which might bol&s;ter and &s;upport his doings. For &s;upplying of which want, he called from bani&s;hment C. Marius and his &s;onne, with all <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cinna cal|leth C. Ma|rius and his &s;onne from bani&s;hment.</NOTE> the other Romanes which were before by Syllaes hor&s;emen cha&s;ed out of the Citie. VVhile&s;t Cinna was thus preparing warre a|gain&s;t his mother towne, Cn. Pompeius father to that great &s;tate, of whom we &s;hall hereafter &s;peake, who&s;e worthie actes in the Mar&s;ian warre, together with his victorie at A&s;culum, was verie beneficiall and commodious to the common-weale, being fru&s;trate of hope to continue the Procon&s;ul&s;hip, &s;hewed him &s;elfe <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cn. Pom|peius father to Pompey the great his di&s;&s;embling and vncon|&s;tancy.</NOTE> verie indifferent and equall to the factions, doing all things for his proper and priuate good, and lying in waite for oportunitie to &s;erue his owne turne and aduancement, encli|ning his armie this way and that way, now as a
<PB N="64" REF="35"> fauourer to Cinna, &amp; now as a friend to Sylla, following fortune by coniectures, and deter|mining to ioyne with him, who by all likeli|hood &s;hould be mo&s;t pui&s;&s;ant: at length he <NOTE PLACE="marg">A great fight betwixt Cinna and Cn. Po~peius</NOTE> encountred with Cinna before the citie wals, where after a maine &s;ea of bloud&s;hed, the Ro|manes that were vpon the walles, beholding the &s;laughter of their brethren, friends and kin&s;folke vnder the wals, the battell was fully fini&s;hed, but the victorie was doubtfull. Not long after Cn. Po~peius died, by who&s;e death the &s;ouldiers of Cinna conceiued &s;o great ioy and glad &s;omne&s;&s;e, that they forgat the finall ouerthrow of their fellow &s;ouldiers, and the Romans did be&s;tow their reuenge vpo~ Pom|pey being dead, which they did owe to him being aliue. Cinna and Marius did not with|out great hauocke of men and matrons in|uade the citie: but Cinna entred fir&s;t, and pu|bli&s;hed <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cinna en|treth the city</NOTE> a lawe touching the receiuing of Ma|rius, then C. Marius entred the wals with a <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Marius recalled fro~ bani&s;hment, entreth the citie.</NOTE> mo&s;t fatall and daungerous returne to the ci|tie of Rome. Nothing had bene more blou|die then his entrance, if his death had not &s;hortly en&s;ued: for hauing po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ed the citie,
<PB N="65" REF="35"> he was more vn&s;atiate in his crueltie then any rauenous tiger, and more mercile&s;&s;e in his tra|gicall puni&s;hments, then any furie, breathing nothing but bloud, and delighting in nothing but murder, neither did the licentious rage of his wrath content it &s;elfe with the bloud of meaner men, but it &s;ei&s;ed vpon the &s;tates and &s;tarres of the citie. Then did Octauius one of <NOTE PLACE="marg">Octauius put to death by the cruel|tie of Marius</NOTE> the Con&s;uls, a man of a mild &amp; douelike hu|mor, render vp his life into the pawes of the&s;e wolues: and Merula, who a little before the returne of Cinna had through feare renoun|ced the Con&s;ul&s;hip, cut in peeces his owne <NOTE PLACE="marg">Merula cut|teth in pee|ces his owne veines.</NOTE> veines, and &s;prinkling his lukewarme bloud vpon the altar, vpon which he had often &s;a|crificed the bloud of bea&s;ts, and intreating the gods for the execratio~ of Cinna, to whom he had often prayed for the pre&s;eruation of the <NOTE PLACE="marg">M Antonius the Oratour put to death by Marius &amp; Cinna.</NOTE> citie, gaue vp his fainting gho&s;t in a great agonie of mind. M. Antonius the chiefe of the citie, and the Phaenix of eloquence, was &s;lain at the commaundement of Marius and Cin|na, by the &s;words of their &s;ouldiers, whome by the &s;weetne&s;&s;e of his eloquence he did a long time re&s;traine and delay from the killing
<PB N="66" REF="36"> of him. Q. Catulus a man famous for his ver|tues <NOTE PLACE="marg">Q. Catulus cau&s;e of his owne death.</NOTE> and valour in the Cimbrian warre, the glorie of which he did participate with Mari|us, as we haue aboue reported, when he was hunted to death by the&s;e greedie bloud|hounds, &s;hut him&s;elf into a narrow clo&s;et that was newly pargited with lime, and hauing there a fire of burning coales, which might rai&s;e vp a &s;udden dampe, &s;topping his breath with a vaporous and danki&s;h &s;moke, departed this world, rather according to his owne wi&s;h then his enemies will: then were the &s;treetes, channels, theaters, market places, and tem|ples &s;trewed and ouer&s;pread with carca&s;&s;es, &s;o that it could hardly be iudged, whether the&s;e two tyrants did &s;lay more that they might ob|taine the victorie, or more were put to the &s;word that they might &s;afely enioy the victo|rie. For euerie one to whome Marius would not reach out his hand by way of &s;alutation, was immediatly &s;laine. The common weale was now in a tottering and ruinous e&s;tate: co|uetou&s;ne&s;&s;e was the cau&s;e of crueltie, and the more wealthie a man was, the more faultie he was iudged: the accu&s;er of a rich man had his
<PB N="67" REF="36"> pay and reward out of the coffers of him that was accu&s;ed: and then was profite and hone|&s;tie confounded and made one. Afterward Cinna and Marius were Con&s;uls, Cinna was now the &s;econd time Con&s;ul, Marius the &s;e|uenth time, who in that con&s;ul&s;hip died, a Ro|mane <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Marius dieth.</NOTE> in war terrible to his enemies, in peace to his friends, and at all times impatient of quietne&s;&s;e: in his place was cho&s;en Valerius Flaccus. Cinna being now the &s;ole regent of Italie, the greate&s;t part of the Nobilitie fled to Sylla into Achaia, who in the meane time did &s;o fight with Mithridates his Lieutenants and Coronels about Athens, Macedonia, and Beotia, that he tooke Athens, and made great hauocke of his enemies. But if any impute the rebellion of the&s;e times vnto the citie of Athens, he is altogether ignorant of the truth. <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Atheni|ans faithfull to the Ro|manes.</NOTE> For the faith of the Athenians was alwaies &s;o firme and inuiolate towards the Romanes, that euery action which was performed with|out blemi&s;h or &s;taine of promi&s;e, was &s;aid to be done by an Athenian faith: but they being heauily oppre&s;&s;ed by the vn&s;ufferable v&s;age of Mithridates his ho&s;t, were be&s;ieged of their
<PB N="68" REF="37"> friends, when they were held captiue of their enemies, and obaying nece&s;&s;itie &s;tayed their bodies within the wals, though their minds were without, and entirely with the Romans. Sylla did then conduct his armie into A&s;ia, where he found Mithridates very tractable &amp; <NOTE PLACE="marg">Silla his hard conditions of peace co~|cluded with Mithridates.</NOTE> &s;uppliant vnto him whome he puni&s;hed with the paiment of a great &s;umme of mony, and with the lo&s;&s;e of part of his nauie, enioyning him to depart out of A&s;ia, and out of all the prouinces which he had vniu&s;tly inuaded, and con&s;training him to content him&s;elfe with the inheritance di&s;cended from his father, which was the kingdome of Pontus: he tooke from Mithridates the Romane pri&s;oners without ran&s;ome, and v&s;ed great &s;eueritie again&s;t the traiterous reuolts, and runagates. Sylla ha|uing thus appea&s;ed and qualified forraine af|faires, went by &s;ea toward Rome, and in the way met him certaine amba&s;&s;adours from the <NOTE PLACE="marg">The king of Parthia &s;en|deth Amba&s;|&s;adours to Sylla.</NOTE> Parthian king, which were &s;ent to gratulate his victorie, he being the fir&s;t of the Romanes to whome the king of Parthia &s;ent amba&s;&s;a|dours. There was nothing more worthie a|mong Syllaes labours, then that whole three
<PB N="69" REF="37"> yeares &s;pace, whil&s;t the factioners of Cinna &amp; Marius did be&s;iege the townes of Italie, he neither pretended any fauour toward them, neither did he omit that which he had in ha~d, namely the &s;ubduing and vanqui&s;hing of for|raine enemies: for he knew when external tu|mults were ended, he might with more ea&s;e extingui&s;h dome&s;ticall enemies. Before the comming of Sylla, Cinna in a mutinie of his owne &s;ouldiers was &s;laine, a captaine more <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cinna is &s;laine.</NOTE> worthie to be adiudged to death by the di&s;|cretion of the conquerour, then to loo&s;e his life through the furie of his &s;ouldiers, of whom it may truly be &s;aid, that he aduentured tho&s;e things which no vertuous man wold attempt, &amp; that he brought tho&s;e things to pa&s;&s;e, which none but a valiant &s;ouldier could accompli&s;h. His fellow Co~&s;ul Carbo hauing no colleague did now praedominate and beare &s;way. Sylla hauing entred Italie, it was thought he came <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sylla pa&s;&s;eth quietly tho|rough Italie.</NOTE> not as a reuenger of warre, but as an authour of peace, with &s;uch quietne&s;&s;e and mildne&s;&s;e he lead his armie through Calabria and Apu|lia, with a great &amp; &s;peciall regard of the grow|ing corne, of meddowes, of men, of ca&s;tles,
<PB N="70" REF="38"> and cities, and indeed he a&s;&s;ayed by lawfull articles, and equall conditions, to appea&s;e the di&s;cord, but peace could not plea&s;e them which were immoderatly couetous. Sillaes army did daily increa&s;e, euery good and di&s;|crete Italian making recour&s;e vnto him, and he had a mo&s;t happy victory about Capua a|gain&s;t Scipio and Norbanus Con&s;uls, Nor|banus being ouercome by fight, Scipio being for&s;aken of his army, yet Sylla gaue him leaue to depart, without hurt or hinde|rance, &s;o vnlike was he to him&s;elfe in his warres, and after his victory, for whil&s;t the vi|ctorie was fre&s;h, he was more mild then equi|tie required, but when peace had taken roote, he was more cruell then any barbarous Scy|thian, for Q. Sertorious the fury and firebrand of that rebellious warre, which not long after <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sylla di&s;mi&s;+&s;eth Serto|rius without hurt.</NOTE> en&s;ued, being di&s;armed by Sylla, was &s;ent a|way in &s;afety, and many others he did with the &s;ame clemency intreate: of purpo&s;e, as I thinke, that he might giue an example of a double and diuer&s;e mind in one man, and by that meane &s;hroud and couer the contents of his heart. At that time to fill vp the mea&s;ure
<PB N="71" REF="38"> of publike mi&s;hap, in the city of Rome, where before men did emulate one another in ver|tuous actions, now they did combate and contend in malicious practi&s;es, &amp; he thought him&s;elfe the be&s;t man, that was mo&s;t wicked and iniurious. Sylla had three mighty aduer|&s;aries, Carbo, and C. Marius, the &s;onne of Marius that was the &s;eauenth time Con&s;ull, which both were Con&s;uls whil&s;t Sylla rong an allarme at the gates of Prene&s;te, and Pontius Tele&s;inus, who leuying an army of the Sam|nites, did &s;toutly confront Sylla before the walles of Prene&s;te, he was an Italian borne, but was not free of the city of Rome, a valiant &s;ouldier and a great enemy to a Romane name, who &s;tood in defence of Prene&s;te, but not with the Con&s;uls. This Tele&s;inus condu|cting <NOTE PLACE="marg">Silla fighteth with Tele&s;i|nus a Sam|nite.</NOTE> forty thou&s;and fighting men ioyned battell with Sylla at Collina, and brought both him and the commo~-weale to extreame danger: for Rome was not in greater feare, when the tents of Hanniball were but three miles di&s;tant from her walles. Tele&s;inus did greatly encourage his &s;ouldiers, &s;aying that <Q>the day of their battell was the la&s;t period of
<PB N="72" REF="39"> the Romane glorie, and he cried that Rome, Rome mu&s;t be throwne downe, and razed fro~ the foundations, adding therewithall that there wold neuer be wanting inuadors of the Italian liberties, as long as the wood &s;toode where &s;uch wolues were harboured.</Q> At the fir&s;t houre of the night the Romane armie re|uiued their courage, Tele&s;inus the next day after was found halfe dead, bearing the coun|tenance rather of a conqueror then of a man &s;ubdued, who&s;e head being cut off Sylla co~|maunded to be caried along the &s;treetes of Prene&s;te. C. Marius, his life being in a de&s;pe|rate <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Marius the younger is &s;laine by Syllaes &s;oul|diers.</NOTE> ca&s;e, was faine to creepe through certaine holes of the earth to e&s;cape his enemies, but he was &s;laine of Syllaes &s;ouldiers that were appointed for that purpo&s;e, of which toward|ly gentleman, what opinion Sylla caried, a man may ea&s;ily coniecture: for when he was &s;laine he intitled him&s;elfe Sylla the fortunate, which had indeed bene true if he had ended his life with his victories. For hauing entred <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sylla v&s;ur|peth the Di|ctator&s;hip.</NOTE> the citie and v&s;urped the Dictator&s;hip, which had bene an hundred and twentie yeares in|termitted, (for the la&s;t Dictator before Sylla
<PB N="73" REF="39"> was made the fir&s;t yeare after Hannibals de|parture out of Italie, &s;o that it was apparant, that the Romanes did not &s;o much de&s;ire the v&s;e of a Dictator, as they did feare his tyran|nie) he began pre&s;ently to broach the bloud of citizens, hauing alreadie drawne to the bottome the bloud of &s;traungers: foure legi|ons of &s;ouldiers, who had bene of the contra|rie faction, and had now vpon couenant of life &s;ubmitted them&s;elues to his mercie, cal|ling in vaine vpon the faith of a Romaine &s;ol|dier, he cau&s;ed to be &s;laine: fiue thou&s;and of that armie which fought again&s;t him at Pre|ne&s;te, being promi&s;ed life by P. Cethegus his <NOTE PLACE="marg">Silla cau&s;eth the &s;ouldiers of Prene&s;te to be &s;laine.</NOTE> Lieutenant, he put to a &s;udden and vnlooked for death, and cau&s;ed their ioynts to be pluc|ked in peeces, and commaunded that they &s;hould be di&s;per&s;ed and ca&s;t abrode in the wa&s;tes and mores. After the&s;e great and ex|treme cruelties, he put in practi&s;e the heauie penaltie of pro&s;cription, which if it had died with Sylla, would haue beene a great part of <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pro&s;cription put in pra|cti&s;e by Sylla</NOTE> the Romane happine&s;&s;e: by that meanes he brought to pa&s;&s;e, that who&s;e names &s;oeuer he writ in the table of pro&s;cription, &s;hould be
<PB N="74" REF="40"> vpon their attacheme~t pre&s;ently put to death, their goods al&s;o were &s;ubiect to &s;ale, euery one taking the benefit to whome Sylla would graunt it: neither was he content to rage a|gain&s;t them onely which had before oppo&s;ed them&s;elues to him, but the mo&s;t quiet and in|nocent citizens for the greatne&s;&s;e of their wealth he depriued al&s;o of life, and again&s;t &s;il|ly women did he bend his wrath, as not &s;atis|fied with the death of men: and, which was a &s;igne of a Thracian crueltie, as &s;oone as the heads of the &s;laine citizens were parted from their trembling cor&s;es, breathing as yet, their faces being not wholly depriued of a vitall bloud, he did gaze vpon them, and to&s;&s;e the~ in his hands that he might feed on them with his eyes, though he could not cru&s;h them with his teeth. VVith what &s;auagene&s;&s;e did he be|haue him&s;elfe in the killing of M. Marius, <NOTE PLACE="marg">M. Marius &s;lain by Silla.</NOTE> who&s;e eyes were pluckt out before his death, and euery part of his bodie was &s;undred and di&s;ioynted: and at that in&s;tant he enforced his &s;word through the bowels of M. Pletorius, be|cau&s;e <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sylla his rage again&s;t M. Pletorius.</NOTE> he &s;eemed to be grieued with the tor|ture of M. Marius. O extreme puni&s;her of pit|tie
<PB N="75" REF="40"> and compa&s;&s;ion, to whome it &s;eemed a crime not to con&s;ent to crueltie. Neither did he &s;pare the dead, for the a&s;hes of C. Marius <NOTE PLACE="marg">The a&s;hes of C. Marius thrown into a riuer by Sylla.</NOTE> the elder he cau&s;ed to be raked out of the graue and throwne into a riuer. Sylla while&s;t he &s;ought the victorie, was to the Romanes a Scipio, whil&s;t he v&s;ed it a very Mithridates. Many other bloud&s;heds he did commit, and more would he haue committed, had not the terrour of a guiltie con&s;cience followed him, with the blazing brand of his vexed &s;oule, which torment &s;ome cal an ec&s;ta&s;ie, &s;ome me|lancholie, &s;ome madne&s;&s;e, but I denying it to be any one of the&s;e, allow it to be all the&s;e, doubtle&s;&s;e it is a thing &s;ooner felt the~ known, not to be auoided by medicine but by true felicitie. In this perplexitie he died, and yet <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sylla dyeth.</NOTE> cea&s;&s;ed not the ciuill or rather vnciuil and vn|brotherly di&s;cord: thus was Rome the famous citie of Europe, the mother and nurce of wor|thie Senators, the miracle of nations, the e|pitomie of the world, the kingdome of Mars, and the &s;eauenheaded &s;oueraigne of many prouinces exceedingly &s;haken with the&s;e quarrels, &s;tained with the&s;e bloud&s;heds, and
<PB N="76" REF="41"> grieuou&s;ly di&s;comforted with the death of her children, her babes were brought foorth for the &s;word to glut vpon, the bodies of her an|cients were made as pauements to walk vpo~, her matrons became a pray and prize to eue|ry raui&s;her, her prie&s;ts and deuoute &s;acrificers were &s;laine before the gates of the temples. Syllaes bodie was conueied in &s;umptuous manner to Campus Martius, in which place before the buriall the two Con&s;uls, namely M. Aemilius Lepidus, and Q. Luctatius Ca|tulus did earne&s;tly debate about the repea|ling <NOTE PLACE="marg">Debate be|twixt Lepi|dus and Ca|tulus Con|&s;uls touching the decrees of Sylla.</NOTE> and cancelling of the acts and decrees of Sylla. Lepidus vrged that they who were pro|&s;cribed by Sylla, ought incontinent to be re|duced to the citie, and thereto haue re&s;tituti|on of their goods. Catulus together with the Senate defended the contrarie, &s;aying that though his motion were good and hone&s;t, yet it might be the beginning of &s;ome tumult, which would be mo&s;t daungerous if it were &s;uddenly done, becau&s;e the common-weale was but newly recomforted, and had as yet enioyed but a &s;hort pau&s;e of tranquilitie. By this di&s;&s;ention they fell to weapons, Cn. Po~|peius
<PB N="77" REF="41"> and Q. Catulus hauing gathered an ar|mie <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cn. Pom|peius Mag|nus and Q. Catulus, fight with Lepi|dus and o|uercame him.</NOTE> did proffer battell to Lepidus, and in a light skirmi&s;h ouercame him. Not long be|fore the death of Sylla, Q. Sertorius ri&s;ing in armes maintained warre in Spaine: for when he &s;aw that the faction of Marius which he &s;pecially fauoured, was vtterly defeated and di&s;&s;ipated by L. Sylla, he fled pre&s;ently into Spaine, where before he had bene Pretor, &amp; there hauing gathered a great ho&s;t and con|triued an huge nauie, fearing le&s;t Sylla, who <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sertorius le|uieth armies in Spaine.</NOTE> had put Carbo to flight and &s;laine Marius, &s;hould &s;end an armie again&s;t him, he cau&s;ed Liuius Salinator his Lieutenant to encampe <NOTE PLACE="marg">Liuius Sali|nator the Lieutenant of Sertorius &s;laine.</NOTE> in the mountaines of Pyraeneum, but he was afterward &s;laine by C. Anius the Romane Procon&s;ul, who was &s;ent thither to abate the courage of Sertorius, and after him Q. Me|tellus was al&s;o &s;ent, but their proceedings were not pro&s;perous. VVherefore Cn. Pom|peius being as yet a priuate man, had charge giuen him of the Senate to go into Spaine. There came at that time for the aide and a&s;|&s;i&s;tance of Sertorius, M. Perperna with a great multitude of &s;ouldiers. Cn. Pompeius made
<PB N="78" REF="42"> way for him&s;elfe through the Alpes, betwixt the famous &s;prings of Padus and Rhodanus. He immediatly after his coming into Spain, did enter into conflict with two of Sertorius his captaines, Herennius and Perperna, and not farre from the citie of Talentia ouercame them: Herennius was there &s;laine, Perperna e&s;caped by flight. Pompey did pa&s;&s;e the win|ter in the Pyrenaean mountaines, Sertorius in Lu&s;itania, and at the beginning of the &s;pring, Metellus and Pompeius did encounter with &s;euerall armies Sertorius and Perperna, in which battell Sertorius con&s;trained Pompey to fly, and Metellus draue Perperna to the like extremitie, Po~pey was at that time woun|ded in the thigh, afterward they met againe at Seguntia, where Sertorius did the &s;econd time ouerthrow Pompey, and Metellus Per|perna: the third time when Sertorius was co|ming again&s;t Metellus, Pompey meeting him in the way, cau&s;ed him to retire: Sertorius did againe oppo&s;e him&s;elfe to Pompey. Hauing taking Segida a noble citie of Celtiberia, where Sertorius lo&s;t a thou&s;and &s;ouldiers &amp; Pompey as many: then they turned the~&s;elues
<PB N="79" REF="42"> to the be&s;ieging of townes, Pompey did be|&s;iege Palantia, but Sertorius did rai&s;e the &s;iege, and of them which be&s;ieged Caliguriu~ he did &s;lay three thou&s;and. Metellus and Po~|peius with great &s;toutne&s;&s;e &amp; &s;tomacke took many cities that were leagued with Sertorius and at Ilerda and Ilio&s;ca the townes of the I|lergitanes they put Sertorius to a de&s;perate plunge, but Caligurium the citie of the Va&s;|cons he did with much prowe&s;&s;e &amp; pui&s;&s;ance defend. Sertorius was like to Iugurth in his fight, and in his fortune not vnlike to him, the exploits and &s;tratagemes of them both were &s;ingular and admirable, but their end and la&s;t euent was mi&s;erable and mournefull. Iugur|tha was taken by treacherie: Sertorius by the <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sertorius is &s;laine.</NOTE> trea&s;on of M. Antonius and M. Perperna his captaines was &s;laine, as he was &s;itting at a ba~|quet, in the eight yeare of his rebellion, his empire was pre&s;ently transferred to M. Per|perna, whome Pompey ouercame, tooke pri&s;oner, and put to death, and in the tenth yeare after the beginning of this warre, he tooke Spaine. The Romanes were in the&s;e times bu&s;ied &amp; mole&s;ted in Italie by certaine
<PB N="80" REF="43"> fencers or &s;word players, trayned vp in a &s;ha|dowed fight vnder the gouernment of Lentu|lus, but defying their mai&s;ter, and &s;tirred with an helli&s;h humor to &s;eate them&s;elues in the highe&s;t thrones of honor (for as fire is to gun|powder, &s;o is ambition to the heart of man, which if it be but touched with &s;elfe-loue mounteth aloft and neuer be~deth downward till it be turned to a&s;hes) they raunged them|&s;elues, and drew to their en&s;ignes a great mul|titude of forlorn men. For in proce&s;&s;e of time their armie did encrea&s;e to foure&s;core thou|&s;and and moe. The leaders were Spartacus, Enomans, and Crixus, who making great &s;poile and &s;accage in Italie, at length imbat|telled them&s;elues vpon the mountaine Ve|&s;urius. Again&s;t them were &s;ent Clodius Gla|ber, and Publius Varinius, but their armies were &s;uddenly by the&s;e enemies di&s;comfited: therefore the yeare next en&s;uing C. Lentu|lus and L. Gellius Con&s;uls, and Q. Arrius the Praetor prepared again&s;t them. Crixus one of the&s;e rebellious captaines, was together with his whole armie vtterly ouerthrowne: but Spartacus, in whome was more vigor of &s;i|newes,
<PB N="81" REF="43"> courage, and coun&s;ell, conducting his &s;ouldiers from the Apennine mountaine to the Alpes, and from the Alpes into France, was at the fir&s;t enforced to retire by one of the Con&s;uls, by the other to flye. But after|ward hauing animated, &s;urueyed, and mar|&s;halled his men, he did &s;uddenly turne backe vpon the Con&s;uls, gaue them battell, in &s;eue|rall <NOTE PLACE="marg">Spartacus a fence-plaier, doth encoun|ter the army of the Con|&s;uls.</NOTE> places ouercame them: &amp; was marching toward Rome there to po&s;&s;e&s;&s;e him&s;elf of the Capitole, and to erect a monarchie, but that the Con&s;uls reuniting their di&s;&s;ipated forces, did hardly with much labour &amp; great &s;laugh|ter of men re&s;traine and hinder him. But he hauing lo&s;t his purpo&s;e, yet not loo&s;ing his time &s;urpri&s;ed the goodly citie of the Thuri|rians, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Spartacus taketh the citie of the Thurians.</NOTE> where breathing for a while &amp; refre&s;h|ing his armie, and &s;oone after reencountring the Romanes, he obtained a glorious victo|rie, and a plentifull &s;poile. This &s;ucce&s;&s;e did notably enhance the pride of Spartacus, who pre&s;uming now that he was better then the Con&s;uls, thought him&s;elfe therefore fit to be a king. And as Athenio not long before, a &s;hepheard and drudge in the fields, hauing
<PB N="82" REF="44"> &s;laine his mai&s;ter in Sicilie, and mu&s;tred vn|der en&s;igne a great number of vagrant per|&s;ons, by who&s;e meanes he did &s;poile, and lay wa&s;t many hamlets, ca&s;tles, and villages, and applauding to him&s;elfe in this &s;ucce&s;full pil|lage and roguerie, was adorned with a purple garment, &s;trowted and walked along with a &s;taffe of &s;iluer, and enuironed his head with a crowne of gold: &s;o did this rebell of Italie a&s;|&s;ume to him&s;elfe a regall pompe and title, &amp; making fortune his re&s;t, which of all things is mo&s;t vnlike to it &s;elfe, thought he might as ea&s;ily continue as beginne a conque&s;t. But the Romanes who neuer could &s;uffer victorie to warme her &s;elfe long with the robes of a &s;traunger, committed the whole &s;cope and charge of the warre to M. Cra&s;&s;us their Prae|tor, <NOTE PLACE="marg">M. Cra&s;&s;us appointed for the warre again&s;t Spar|tacus.</NOTE> a man ambitious and venturous: he ha|uing ioyned battell with Granicus one of the rebell chieftaines, did &s;lay both the captaine and thirtie fiue thou&s;and of his &s;ouldiers, and after fighting with Spartacus did &s;lay him, &amp; with him fortie thou&s;and, fiue thou&s;and one|ly e&s;caped, whom Cn. Pompeius returning from the Spani&s;h warre, did &s;uddenly meete
<PB N="83" REF="44"> and pre&s;ently put to the &s;word. After the&s;e times M. Cicero being Con&s;ul, who&s;e nouity and &s;trangene&s;&s;e in Rome, the nobilitie and rarene&s;&s;e of his good gifts might iu&s;tly excu&s;e who for all his excellent qualities was more beholding to nature then education, as for his vertue famous, &s;o for his eloquence mo&s;t famous, by whom it was that the Romanes were not inferiour to them in wit, whom they vanqui&s;hed in warre, the con&s;piracie of Catiline was detected and determined, and Cicero for his con&s;tancie, courage, &amp; watch|fulne&s;&s;e, in &s;uppre&s;&s;ing the &s;calefire of that warre to the vtmo&s;t cinder, was intitled by the name of Pater patriae, the father of his <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cicero cal|led Pater patriae.</NOTE> countrey. But before I enter into the di&s;|cour&s;e of his rebellion, I mu&s;t make knowne the per&s;on of the traytor, and the cau&s;e of the trea&s;on. L. Sergius Catilina was in face and feature comely and ab&s;olute, in wit prompt <NOTE PLACE="marg">Catiline his qualities.</NOTE> and pregnant, in eloquence &s;weet and de|lightfull, in pompe and maie&s;tie princely and regall, in courtly behauiour quaint and deli|cate: and to &s;et vpon this gold a Diamond, of a mo&s;t noble parentage. There were certaine
<PB N="84" REF="45"> families among&s;t the Romanes, which &s;ur|mounted &amp; ouerheaded the re&s;t, being mo&s;t auncient and of a worthie originall, and they are parted into two di&s;cents, &s;ome of them hauing the Aborigines to their aunce&s;tours, and &s;ome the Troianes. The fir&s;t and princi|pall of the race of the Aborigines, was the fa|milie of the Vitellij, being di&s;cended fro~ Fau|nus the king of the Aborigines, which did in|habite Italie before the comming of Aeneas, and Queene Vitellia, which in many places was wor&s;hipped as a godde&s;&s;e: the &s;eco~d was the familie of the Fabij, who&s;e of&s;pring is rightly deriued from Fabius the &s;on of Her|cules: the third was the lineage of the Anto|nij, i&s;&s;uing from Anton an other of Hercules his &s;onnes: the fourth was the race of the Po|titij, &s;o named of Potitius, who did with great curte&s;ie entertaine Hercules, when he was entred Italie: the fift was the hou&s;e of the Ma|milij, borne of Mamilia the daughter of Tele|gonus one of Vly&s;&s;es his &s;onnes begotten of Circe that notorious enchauntre&s;&s;e. The o|ther families which referred their beginning to the Troiane roote, were ten in number:
<PB N="85" REF="45"> fir&s;t the hou&s;e of the Iulij, who de&s;cended fro~ Iulus the &s;onne of Aeneas: the &s;econd the Ae|milij, who tooke their name of Aemilius the &s;onne of A&s;canius a Troiane, &amp; of that hou&s;e was the matchle&s;&s;e Scipio, &s;onne to Paulus Aemilius, who being the Romane Generall de&s;troyed Carthage. The third the Nautij of Nautes one of Aeneas his companions: for when Diomedes hauing &s;tolen the image of Pallas, did perceiue that it was of no v&s;e to him, after the de&s;truction of Troy he offered it as a pre&s;ent to Aeneas pa&s;&s;ing by his king|dome, but as Aeneas doing then &s;acrifice was turning him&s;elfe, Nautes did lay hold of the image, &amp; by that meanes did appropriate the v&s;e of it to him&s;elfe, &s;o that the Nautij and not the Iulij did enioy the my&s;teries of Minerua: the fourth the Cloaelij of Cloaelius an other of Aeneas his companions: the fift the Iunij of Iu|nius an other of his a&s;&s;ociates: the &s;ixt the Ser|gij <NOTE PLACE="marg">The linage of Catiline.</NOTE> of Serge&s;tus one of the Troiane captaines, of which familie was L. Sergius Catilina, and before him none of that name was euer tain|ted with any &s;auour of rebellion. The &s;euenth the Memij of Mue&s;teus, an other of the Tro|iane
<PB N="86" REF="46"> trauellers, the eight the Cloantij of Clo|anthus a bird of the &s;ame fether, the ninth the Giganij or the Gianij of the Troiane Gias, the tenth the Caecilij of Saeculus a Troiane al&s;o who built Prene&s;te. Catiline who being ador|ned with the nobilitie aboue de&s;cribed, made him&s;elfe through his vices and mi&s;demeanor ignoble and odious: his life was the picture of licentiou&s;ne&s;&s;e: to women he was &s;o lewdly affectionate, that euery curtizane of Rome layed claime vnto him. And to marie Aurelia Ore&s;tilla into a vacant hou&s;e, he committed the &s;hamefull murder of his owne and onely child: for two things he promi&s;ed her, and <NOTE PLACE="marg">Catiline kil|leth his own &s;onne.</NOTE> performed for her, which were tokens of a mercile&s;&s;e heart, the balefull death of his &s;on, and the chaunge of the &s;tate, in &s;uch &s;ort that Aurelia Ore&s;tilla &s;hould be the Dictatre&s;&s;e of Rome. And for the performance he bound him&s;elfe by a cur&s;ed circum&s;tance, drinking mans bloud to fill his bloudthir&s;tie humour. In al his actions he was a perfect Protean, fra|ming and compo&s;ing him&s;elfe to all &s;ides and &s;ects: with the grauer &s;ort of men he would be &s;ad and &s;euere: with the riotous, prodigall &amp;
<PB N="87" REF="46"> exce&s;&s;iue: with cha&s;t matrons mode&s;t and bu|xome: with light hu&s;wiues wanton and vaine: with young gentlemen plea&s;ant and actiue: with auncient fathers demure and delibera|tiue: to the ba&s;er &s;ort curteous and pitifull: to the nobler per&s;ons &s;ociable and gratefull: &s;o variable &amp; di&s;coulored he was in his doings, that M. Cicero did greatly maruell at his ma|nifold dexteritie. The fir&s;t &s;parks of Catilines con&s;piracie began to blaze and appeare, L. Tullus, M. Lepidus being Con&s;uls, &s;ixe hun|dred eightie &amp; &s;euen yeres after the building of Rome. At that time was Catuline greatly <NOTE PLACE="marg">Catiline greatly in|debted.</NOTE> indebted, and becau&s;e he cold not di&s;charge the &s;umme within the time appointed and li|mited by lawe, nor bring in an e&s;timate or va|luation of his goods, whereby it might ap|peare that he was able to defray the debt, he was forbidden to make &s;ute for the Con&s;ul|&s;hip, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Catiline for|bidden to make &s;ure for the Con|&s;ul&s;hip.</NOTE> whereupon being &s;tirred by a reuenge|full wrath, he &s;ought by all meanes po&s;&s;ible to execute his iniurious intent. There was at that time in Rome Cn. Pi&s;o, a man of de&s;perate boldne&s;&s;e, poore and yet pre&s;umptuous, Ca|tiline did open and impart his meaning to
<PB N="88" REF="47"> him and Pub. Antronius, and they three deter|mined to kill the Con&s;uls, which were made the next yeare after Catilines repul&s;e. The in|qui&s;ition of this matter was deferred till it came to greater ripene&s;&s;e. Afterward they in|tended the death of the mo&s;t part of the Se|nators: the time was appointed when their complices and confederates, abbetters, and a&s;&s;i&s;tants &s;hould meet in armour: but becau&s;e Catiline perceiued that the number of the&s;e rebellious &s;ouldiers was not yet &s;ufficient to giue on&s;et to the citie, he withdrew his hand for a time, and di&s;mi&s;&s;ed the armie. But a yeare after M. Cicero, and C. Antonius ha|uing entred the Con&s;ul&s;hip, Catiline being now al&s;o di&s;graced with another repul&s;e, re|collected into his &s;editious braine his aunci|ent plots and former villanies: then he con|&s;pired with P. Lentulus &amp; C. Cethegus Prae|tors to worke the death of the Con&s;uls, to &s;lay the Senate, to burne the citie, and to alter the &s;tate: and for this purpo&s;e they did by letters inuite to this horrible ma&s;&s;acre many Ro|manes that were employed in forraine &s;er|uice. This being apparantly euident, &amp; dan|gers
<PB N="89" REF="47"> being now at the doore, and in a readi|ne&s;&s;e to pierce into the citie, vnle&s;&s;e &s;ome mature adui&s;e were pre&s;ently taken, a Senate was appointed in the temple of Iupiter Stator, vnto which place &s;hamele&s;&s;e Catiline, imagi|ning that he might bleare their eyes by a pre|tended purgation re&s;orted al&s;o, and with an vnchaunged countenance &s;hrowded vnder the habite of a Senator, the heart of a &s;erpent. And becau&s;e the method of this hi&s;torie may &s;eeme in this place to require &s;ome de&s;cripti|on of the Senatorie &s;tate, I will briefly &s;et downe the con&s;tant and perpetuall order of the Romanes in going to their &s;enate hou&s;e, though I cannot counteruaile with aequall termes, nor with a perfect di&s;cour&s;e the great maie&s;tie and pompe, that in this reuerend &s;o|lemnitie was ob&s;erued. The fir&s;t place in the proceeding to their Senate had the Dictator, <NOTE PLACE="marg">The &s;olem|nitie which the Romans v&s;ed in their proceeding to the Senate</NOTE> (when that office was in e&s;&s;e) the next the Con&s;uls, the third the Praetors: the Dictator was therefore preferred becau&s;e his power was &s;upreme, and was not &s;ubiect to the con|troll of any other, the Con&s;uls were in the &s;e|cond place, becau&s;e they were in praehemi|nence
<PB N="90" REF="48"> next to the Dictator, and all the de|crees of the Senate were ratified by the~, bea|ring date according to the dignitie of their per&s;ons: their triumphs al&s;o were &s;igned with the &s;ame marke: &s;uch a triumph was &s;aid to be done, &s;uch an one being the &s;econd time Con&s;ull, and &s;uch an one being the third time Co~&s;ul, according as their aduancement was. In the third rancke of the&s;e greater Magi|&s;trates were the Praetors, becau&s;e they had authoritie to call a Senate as the Dictator &amp; the Con&s;uls had, which was not permitted to the inferiour magi&s;trates: they had al&s;o iuri&s;|diction to examine any matter that was done within the hundred &s;tone, after the vulgar &s;upputation, within an hundred miles of the citie of Rome on euery &s;ide. Before the Di|ctator went twelue Lictors or Sergeants, who at the bidding of the Dictator and Con&s;uls did arre&s;t offenders, and commaunded &s;trangers that met them in &s;igne of reuerence to light from their hor&s;es, they caried in their hands an en&s;igne of terror, a double poleaxe enuironed with a bundle of rods. The Dicta|tor was caried in a chaire of e&s;tate, being clad
<PB N="91" REF="48"> with a purple gowne, edged with a crim&s;on border, and inue&s;ted with a robe triumphall, which were the ornaments of the auncient kings of Rome: the &s;ame attire had the Con|&s;uls and Praetors, but the Praetors did weare a &s;iluer coloured garment, and did alwaies ride vpon milke white hor&s;es: after the&s;e the next place had the Ce~&s;ors, if there were any at that time, for they were in the number of princi|pall magi&s;trates, their office being not of per|petuitie, no more then the Dictator&s;hip. Af|ter the&s;e being the more worthie potentates, the inferiour &s;ort of the authorized per&s;ons did immediatly follow. The fir&s;t of that order were the Aediles of the chaire, becau&s;e they were conueyed to the &s;enatehou&s;e in a chaire of yuorie, which monument of honour, as it &s;eemeth was permitted vnto them, becau&s;e in ancient times they were tru&s;ted and ador|ned with the entire regime~t of the citie: the&s;e were created of the bodie of the Senate: next to them &s;ucceeded the Aediles of the people, which were rai&s;ed to that dignitie from the roote of the people: after the Aediles follow|ed they which had borne office, though they
<PB N="92" REF="49"> were not charged with any office that pre&s;ent yeare. All of them &s;euerally mar&s;halled accor|ding to the worthine&s;&s;e of their calling, the Con&s;ulians, the Praetorians, the Aedilitians, the la&s;t place had the Senators, which had not yet borne office. The number of them all in &s;uch an a&s;&s;emblie did &s;ome time amount to the number of &s;ixe hundred all of them, the&s;e onely excepted who were borne in chaires of e&s;tate, riding on faire pampered hor&s;es, and long traind gownes, the skirts of which were circum&s;cribed with the&s;e words, Senatus, po|pulu&s;&abque; Romanus. VVhen the Senators were placed, and euery one began to expect what &s;hould be &s;poken again&s;t the rebellious con|federates, M. Cicero aiming at Catiline with his eyes, did thus pierce him with his tongue, &amp; with this inuectiue reprooued his maners.</P>
<P>VVas there euer &s;eene &s;o great and noto|rious <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cicero his Oration a|gain&s;t Cati|line.</NOTE> impudencie, graue fathers and worthie <Q>Senators, that a di&s;&s;olute and di&s;orderly re|bell, a profe&s;&s;or of prodigalitie and vnthrifti|ne&s;&s;e, a maintainer of the eues, barrettors and &s;editious &s;laughterers, a proclaimed enemie to temperance, iu&s;tice, cha&s;titie, &amp; the whole
<PB N="93" REF="49"> &s;ynode of the &s;euerer vertues, a man or ra|ther a mon&s;ter of men, compacted of vices &amp; vanities, &s;hould dare &s;o much as to &s;taine this &s;acred pre&s;ence with his prophane per&s;on, &amp; though he con&s;pire again&s;t vs, yet among&s;t vs to con&s;ult. To con&s;ult (&s;aid I) nay to con|ceale his trecherie. VVhat &s;hould the iay do among&s;t &s;wans, or the owle among&s;t nightin|gales, or the vultur among&s;t among&s;t doues, or Catiline amo~g&s;t Catoes: do we not dread the thunderbolt when we &s;ee the lightening? and can we loue the traytor when we loath his trea&s;on? Can&s;t thou &s;o di&s;&s;emble Catiline that we may not di&s;cerne thy doings? Nay there is no deed of thine, no drift nor deui&s;e, which I haue not heard, nay almo&s;t &s;eene, nay almo&s;t felt. Here, here they be in this our a&s;|&s;emblie (worthie Senators) in this mo&s;t graue and &s;olemne councell of the world, which mu&s;e continually of our death, of the downe|fall of Rome, and the de&s;olation of Italie. But thou yet liue&s;t Catiline, and yet thou liue&s;t not to abate, but to abet thy pride. VVhat va|nitie hath bene at any time ab&s;ent from thine eyes? what villanie from thine hands? what
<PB N="94" REF="50"> pre&s;ident of vice fro~ thy per&s;on? what young gentlema~ hath there bene a long time in this citie, whome, if he were once corrupted by the deceitfull baits of thy fal&s;e enti&s;ements, thou did&s;t not animate and incite either to de&s;perate attempts, by carying the &s;word be|fore him, or to effeminate examples by bea|ring the torch before him, and yet thou ima|gine&s;t that thy doings are not mi&s;liked. Of thee Catiline when the Romanes keepe &s;i|lence they pronounce &s;entence, when they &s;uffer thy mi&s;deedes they condemne them, when they are at re&s;t with them&s;elues, they are at deadly warre with thee. But why am I &s;o earne&s;t again&s;t thee? Is it po&s;&s;ible that any thing &s;hold amend thee? may it be hoped for that thou wilt reforme thy &s;elfe, that thou wilt &s;hake off the&s;e faults? that thou wilt bani&s;h the&s;e enormities? Thou art not of &s;o good &amp; vertuous inclination, that hone&s;tie may re|claime thee from whoredome, feare from vn|iu&s;tice, and rea&s;on from outrage: to this mad|ne&s;&s;e nature hath framed thee, frowardne&s;&s;e hath exerci&s;ed thee, and de&s;tinie hath re&s;er|ued thee, and for the&s;e deformities of thy na|ture
<PB N="95" REF="50"> thou ha&s;t bene more feared then tru&s;ted, and indeede more wily then we haue here|tofore bene watchfull. But at length noble Senators, L. Catilina enraged with boldne&s;&s;e, breathing out bloud&s;hed, preparing in mo&s;t hainous manner a &s;courge for his countrie, threatning to this citie fire and &s;word, is &s;uffi|ciently knowne and abundantly hated. No plague can now be inuented of that mon&s;ter and horror of men within this citie again&s;t this citie, but in that he hath not drawne his bloudie &s;word out of our naked bodies, in that he hath left vs aliue, in that we haue wre|&s;ted the weapon from his butcherous hands, in that the citizens be &s;afe, &amp; the citie &s;ecure, can ye coniecture with what a bitter agonie and angui&s;h of mind he is vexed: and if he be|ginne hereafter to renew his furie, take cou|rage my Lords, and leade out again&s;t his bro|ken and outca&s;t band, the flower and the po|wer of all Italie, and con&s;ider with what foes we deale, which &s;urfetting in banquets, em|bracing harlots, &s;tuffed with meat, faint with wine, adorned with garlands, &s;oupled with ointments, weakned by wantons, ca&s;t from
<PB N="96" REF="51"> their contagious mouths the &s;launder of the vertuous, ouer whome I do hope there han|geth &s;ome heauie de&s;tinie: and that the pu|ni&s;hment that hath bene long time due to their wicked lu&s;t and licentiou&s;ne&s;&s;e, is either now imminent or now approching: whom if my Con&s;ul&s;hip do chaunce to quelle becau&s;e it cannot cure, it &s;hall not procure a &s;hort &s;un|&s;hine of peace to the common-weale, but whole ages and worlds of tranquilitie: that which may be healed by any meanes I will heale by &s;ome meanes, that which mu&s;t needs be cut off I mu&s;t needes cut off, therefore let them either leaue the citie, or leaue their tu|mult, or if they will &s;tay both in this citie and in this mind, let them looke for their de&s;ert, and a&s;&s;ure them&s;elues of the full mea&s;ure of reuenge, but if in &s;tewes and tauernes they &s;ought onely beluing and baudrie, they were more to be &s;pared, but yet wholly to be di&s;|paired of: but who can tollerate that cowards &s;hould determine trecherie again&s;t the cou|ragious, wild braines again&s;t them that be wi&s;e, &s;otti&s;h drunkards again&s;t &s;ober Senators and &s;luggi&s;h drones again&s;t carefull magi|&s;trates?
<PB N="97" REF="51"> The&s;e men building like gods vpon the earth, as if their hou&s;es &s;hould be hea|uens, whil&s;t they take their plea&s;ure in &s;ump|tuous coaches, great families, co&s;tly ban|quets, rich attire, and in the lewd companie of la&s;ciuious curtizanes, are fallen into &s;uch a gulfe of debt, that if they would be free from it, Sylla is to be rai&s;ed from the dead. But they &s;hall &s;oone perceiue, if they &s;till per&s;i&s;t in their naughtine&s;&s;e, that there are in this citie vigi|lant Con&s;uls, politicke gouernours, a pui&s;&s;ant Senate, that we haue weapons, that we haue a pri&s;on, which our aunce&s;tors haue made a re|uenger of hainous and manife&s;t faults. And now &s;ith you are deliuered through my care and indu&s;trie from a &s;welling cloud of terrors, without battell, without bloud&s;hed, without armie, without fighting. For this &s;o great be|nefite noble Senators, I require of you no re|ward of vertue, no en&s;igne of honour, no mo|nument of prai&s;e, but an eternall record of this very time: I de&s;ire that all my de&s;erts, all the ornaments of my per&s;on, the fruits of my glorie, and the good ae&s;timation of my dili|gence, &s;hould be regi&s;tred and enrolled in
<PB N="98" REF="52"> in your memories. No mutene&s;&s;e, no &s;ilence, no &s;ecret whi&s;pering can delight me, by your remembrance worthie Senators mine actes &amp; exploits &s;hall be nouri&s;hed, by your words they &s;hall grow, by your writings they &s;hall not onely receiue life but aeternitie.</Q></P>
<P>Catiline hauing all this while itching eares, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Catiline his impudent an&s;wer to Cicero.</NOTE> but a more itching toung, made in di&s;orderly manner this di&s;dainfull reply: <Q>I haue a long time maruelled and now with a&s;toni&s;hment do wonder (ye noble Lords and ancient pro|genie of kings) for as to the re&s;t I will not be~d my &s;elfe to them but again&s;t them, that with &s;o patient eare, and minds impa&s;&s;ionate, ye can dige&s;t the cholericke railings of this rhe|toricall parot, whome &s;ince we fir&s;t promoted from the pearch to the pinacle, from the bar to the bench, from the ground whereon we go, to the tribunall whereon we &s;it, the Senate &s;urfetting long ago on his rude and vnmaner|ly &s;peeches, is now con&s;trained to make a diet of a di&s;ea&s;e: vpon me as ye haue plainely per|ceiued, he hath &s;pent the whole che&s;t of his gall, who am as free from the crimes inten|ded, as he is farre from the vertues which he
<PB N="99" REF="52"> a&s;cribeth to you. He thought perhaps (what wickedne&s;&s;e I pray you hath he not thought) to blow me out of the gates of the citie, by the venimous aire of his impoi&s;ened lungs, but maugre his malicious throat. I &s;tand before his lowring face, to the aba&s;hment of his fro|zen forehead, and the confu&s;ion of his ill &s;pea|king eloquence, as one irreproueable, being like a cage of chry&s;tall, vpon which the more poy&s;on is ca&s;t, the more cleare it doth &s;eeme. I am not made (Con&s;ul Marcus) of &s;o fleeting and brittle mould, that the gna&s;hing of thy teeth &s;hould either fray me or fret me: but if I were guiltie of the faults alleadged, why was I not impeached of them before thy Con&s;ul|&s;hip, but vnder the triumph of thy tearmes mu&s;t &s;uffer this intollerable iniurie? Catiline is an Epicure for&s;ooth, becau&s;e Cicero is a Stoicke, Catiline is wanton, becau&s;e Cicero is iealous, Catiline is lawle&s;&s;e, becau&s;e Cice|roes will mu&s;t be a lawe to him: Catiline is prodigall, becau&s;e he hath not be&s;towed any bribes vpon Cicero: Catiline is rebellious, becau&s;e Cicero is fearefull and timerous: Ca|tiline is an enemie to the common-weale,
<PB N="100" REF="53"> becau&s;e he is not friend to Ciceroes priuate pollicie: mightie accu&s;ations and vnan&s;wera|ble! Hath he not drawne bloud (trow you) of Catilines credit? It grieueth me worthie Se|nators, and tru&s;t me, it grieueth mine heart, that the hope of the Romane youth, and the &s;weet &s;ocietie of gallant gentlemen your &s;elues atte~ding, bearing, &amp; forbearing, &s;hould by the &s;pawne of a ragge be &s;o hainou&s;ly di&s;|graced: as for his di&s;tempered declamation it is no noueltie with vs my Lords, for it is the v&s;uall methode of his mercenare toung, vpo~ poore and pitifull pre&s;umptions, to hazard the life and &s;oule of his clients cau&s;e. But what madne&s;&s;e is it for one that is lately crept into the citie to talke of antiquities, taking mat|ters in hand which are elder then his memo|rie, which were forgotten and dead before he was begotten and borne? Thou art not aun|cient enough Cicero to &s;peake of our aunce|&s;tors, nor worthie enough to talk of our wor|thies, thou art as a pilgrime in this citie, thou art ignorant of the orders and cu&s;tomes ther|of, thou &s;eeme&s;t to wander in another coun|trie, and not to beare office in the Metrapolis
<PB N="101" REF="53"> of Italie: thou threatne&s;t vs with extremities, and laye&s;t on load with impri&s;onments, as if our bodies &s;hould be anuils to thine hatred: but &s;uffer not my &s;weet, mild and curteous magi&s;trates of Rome, that vpon Ciceroes &s;ugge&s;tion we &s;hould endure &s;uch reproch: the ignominie of arraignment is mi&s;erable, the arre&s;ting of guiltle&s;&s;e men is lamentable, bani&s;hment is di&s;comfortable, but the rack|ing, rowling, tearing and tormenting of men far be it not only fro~ the bodie of a Romane, but euen from his thoughts, from his eyes, from his eares. For mine own part I confe&s;&s;e, and profe&s;&s;e, and pretend, that Catiline li|ueth not to plea&s;e, but to di&s;plea&s;e and di&s;|place M. Cicero, of whome when I &s;peake, I &s;peake of tyrannie, of villanie, of ba&s;ene&s;&s;e, and a&s;&s;ure thy &s;elfe Cicero, that either the law of Rome, or the lawe of rea&s;on &s;hall be my warrant in this ca&s;e, and to them that be di&s;|contented in this citie, thy fall will be a ge|nerall &s;atisfaction.</Q></P>
<P>Catiline departed out of the &s;enate hou&s;e continuing his furie, and becau&s;e danger was feared, it was thought good that the Senate
<PB N="102" REF="54"> &s;hould be di&s;mi&s;&s;ed in the night time. Cati|line went with a &s;lender gard to the tents of Manlius. Lentulus, Cethegus, and diuer&s;e o|thers that were priuie to the con&s;piracie, and did as yet remaine in the citie, were arre&s;ted and impri&s;oned, and being conuicted by ma|nife&s;t euidence, were pre&s;ently put to death. The day wherein the puni&s;hment of the&s;e traitors was decreed, did greatly illu&s;trate &amp; beautifie the worthine&s;&s;e of M. Cato. He di&s;|cended from M. Cato the Prince of the Portia~ familie, after whome this Cato in degree of di&s;cent was accompted and numbred in the <NOTE PLACE="marg">The linage of M. Cato.</NOTE> third place. This M. Cato was of all the Ro|manes mo&s;t &s;incere, and mo&s;t like to vertue <NOTE PLACE="marg">The prai&s;e of M. Cato.</NOTE> it &s;elfe, and &s;eemed in his iu&s;tice and integri|tie to be nearer to God then to man, who did not liue hone&s;tly &amp; orderly becau&s;e he would &s;eeme to be vertuous, but becau&s;e it was a|gain&s;t the cour&s;e of his di&s;po&s;ition to be di&s;|hone&s;t and di&s;orderly, thinking that onely to be rea&s;onable, which was iu&s;t and lawfull: he was free from fancies, and had alwaies for|tune in his owne power: he was then Tribune of the people, young in re&s;pect of his yeares,
<PB N="103" REF="54"> but in wi&s;edome and adui&s;e a father, &amp; a right Senator, who (when others per&s;waded that the con&s;pirators &s;hould be kept aliue in &s;eue|rall wards) being the la&s;t of them that &s;enten|ced the rebellious, did inueigh with &s;uch force of mind and wit again&s;t the con&s;pira|tors, that by the vehemencie of his &s;peech he cancelled their opinions, which per&s;waded lenitie, and made their &s;oftne&s;&s;e to be &s;u&s;pe|cted: and the greater part of the Senate in fa|uour of Catoes gracious &s;eueritie, did acco~|panie him to his hou&s;e. C. Cae&s;ar did at that <NOTE PLACE="marg">C. Cae&s;ar in|clined to &s;e|dition.</NOTE> time giue &s;ome token of a rebellious humor, whereof Rome ta&s;ted afterward too much, &amp; him&s;elfe in the end was poi&s;oned with the dregs. Catiline hearing what was done at Rome, gathered an armie, and making a la|borious iourney through the &s;teepe and crag|gie hils, intended a voyage into that part of Fraunce, which is beyond the Alpes: which Q. Metellus perceiuing, who was leader of three bands of &s;oldiers in the Pice~ prouince, he remooued his tents and pitched them at the bottome of the Pi&s;torian heath, fro~ which place the armie of C. Antonius was not farre.
<PB N="104" REF="55"> Catiline when he &s;aw that he was on euery &s;ide embayed with mountaines &amp; armed me~, cho&s;e rather to fight with Antonius, who co~|mitted the vantgard to the conduct of M. Pe|treius. Catiline in that battell gaue a &s;harpe on&s;et, and continued the fight with an vn|daunted &s;tomacke, but in the end was &s;laine, and dying with great indignation, was there trampled to death by the hoofes of hor&s;es. Thus he that did defend him&s;elf in the Senate hou&s;e, was confounded in the field, and that by the iu&s;tice of de&s;tinie, who with a &s;courge of &s;teele followeth proud a&s;pirers: this in&s;o|lent Romane perceiued at the time of his death the deceitfull glo&s;e of his fawning fancie, &amp; the vaine &s;ophi&s;trie of bewitching ambition.</P>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 N="2" TYPE="book">
<PB N="105" REF="55">
<HEAD><HI>LACHESIS,</HI> Or the &s;econd Booke.</HEAD>
<P>_CN. Pompeius for his great valor &amp; magnanimitie iu&s;t|ly intitled Magnus, did in cour&s;e of time grow to an exceeding greatne&s;&s;e of au|thoritie, and had purcha&s;ed through his worthie exploits, the loue, ap|plau&s;e and admiration of the whole world, his father was Cn. Pompeius an approued &s;oul|dier, and a Con&s;ularian, his mother was Lu|cilia a Senators daughter: he was of a comely per&s;onage, not &s;o commendable for beautie, as for a plea&s;ing and con&s;tant complection, which continued euen to his la&s;t houre, his wi&s;edome was of a wonderfull excellencie, his life in all parts ab&s;olute, his eloquence but indifferent, he was de&s;irous to haue honour offred, but was not ambitious to v&s;urpe it, a fa&s;t friend &amp; a religious ob&s;eruer of his word,
<PB N="106" REF="56"> in reconciling me~ that were at variance mo&s;t faithfull, in receiuing &s;atisfaction for offences mo&s;t ea&s;ie, neuer v&s;ing his power to impote~|cie, nor his wit to vanitie, from his cradle a &s;ouldier, in his youth a conqueror trium|phant, and in all his warres couragious and dreadfull. For though Sertorius did more co~|mend <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sertorius feareth Po~|pey.</NOTE> Metellus, yet he was more afraid of Pompey. And of the Spaniards he triumphed when he was but a Romane knight, not ha|uing as yet borne any office of e&s;tate. To be a knight of Rome was &s;o much better then to be a common gentleman, by how much a pa|tritian Senator was more honorable then a nouitian, who&s;e aunce&s;tours were neuer of the Senate. And Pompey by degrees did en|deuour to aduance his credit, and in the end by the conque&s;t of many &amp; mightie nations, became peereles. Mithridates his power was enfeebled by Sylla, di&s;iointed by Lucullus, &amp; broken in peeces by Pompey, after which vi|ctorie <NOTE PLACE="marg">Mithridates ouerthrown by Pompey. Pompey en+tred the te~|ple of Ieru|&s;alem.</NOTE> he &s;ubdued the Iewes, tooke their ci|tie, and po&s;&s;e&s;t the temple of Ieru&s;alem, a rare and miraculous monument, which though he filled with his &s;ouldiers, yet he re&s;trained the~
<PB N="107" REF="56"> from the &s;poile. In that warre he partly reco|uered, and partly &s;ubdued to the Romane power, Armenia, Colchis, Cappadocia, Cili|cia, Syria, and all the region of Pale&s;tine to the riuer of Euphrates. He ouercame be&s;ide Paphlagonia, Galatia, Phrigia, My&s;ia, Lydia, Caria, Ionia, and all that part of A&s;ia which lyeth about Pergamus. He committed the regiment of Armenia maior to Tigranes, the I&s;land of Bo&s;phorus to Pharnaces, Cappado|cia to Arioberzanes, Seleucia to Antiochus Commagenus: to Deiotarus and other Te|trarkes Galatia with Armenia minor, to At|talus and Pylaemenes Paphlagonia, to Ari|&s;tarchus Colchis, to Hircane Pale&s;tine. And for a triple reward of the&s;e his victories, he <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompey ho|nored with a triple tri|umph.</NOTE> had the blazon of three triumphs: the fir&s;t was of Affricke, the &s;econd of Europa, and the third of A&s;ia. After the&s;e triumphs en&s;ued the Con&s;ul&s;hip of Marcus Bibulus and C. <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar his o|riginall.</NOTE> Cae&s;ar, i&s;&s;uing from the famous familie of the Iulij, and conueying his di&s;cent from Anchi|&s;es the Troiane father to Aeneas: he was of ex|cellent beautie, and in vigor of mind mo&s;t &s;harpe and vehement, in his rewards boun|tifull,
<PB N="108" REF="57"> in courage farre aboue mans nature, or mans beliefe, in the haughtine&s;&s;e of his thoughts, in the celeritie of his fight, in the &s;uffering of bitter euents and ca&s;ualties &s;ingu|lar, in all his actions mo&s;t like to Alexander the great, to Alexander I meane being &s;ober, and neither &s;urcharged with wine, nor ouer|come with wrath, v&s;ing &s;leepe and meate not for the pampering of his lu&s;t, but for the con|tinuing of his life. He was neare in bloud to C. Marius, and was Cinnaes &s;onne in lawe, neither during Syllaes Dictator&s;hip could he by any means be moued to diuorce Cinnaes daughter, though M. Pi&s;o a Con&s;ularian, did for feare of Sylla &s;under him&s;elfe from Annia Cinnaes widow, by which con&s;tancie Cae&s;ar did greatly endaunger him&s;elfe; for his death <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ars death &s;ought for by Sillaes officers.</NOTE> was &s;ought for by Syllaes officers, Sylla him|&s;elfe being ignorant of their purpo&s;e. Cae&s;ar being made Con&s;ul, a league of &s;oueraigne &s;ocietie was concluded betwixt him and Cn. Pompeius, &amp; M. Cra&s;&s;us. Pompey did there|fore enter into that league, becau&s;e he would haue his acts and deedes, which he had made in the prouinces before mentioned, that were
<PB N="109" REF="57"> conquered by him, fully confirmed and rati|fied by the Senate. Cae&s;ar by taking that cour&s;e had a double intent, to increa&s;e his owne honour by yeelding to Pompeis glory, and to e&s;tabli&s;h his owne authoritie by char|ging him with the hatred of this treuirall power. Cra&s;&s;us had this drift to maintaine &amp; pre&s;erue the ae&s;timation which he had alrea|die obtained by the power of Cae&s;ar, and the authoritie of Pompey. There was al&s;o an af|finitie contracted by marriage betwixt Cae&s;ar and Pompey: for Pompey tooke to wife Iulia <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompey marrieth with Iulia Cae&s;ars daughter.</NOTE> Cae&s;ars daughter. Cae&s;ar had the regiment of Fraunce committed to him by the Senate, af|ter who&s;e Con&s;ul&s;hip ended, and before his departure into Fraunce, P. Clodius Tribune of the people began to giue new edge vnto <NOTE PLACE="marg">Clodius Tribune of the people becommeth &s;editious.</NOTE> quarrels, and did with maine force bend him|&s;elfe again&s;t Cicero. For what agreement could there be betwixt them, when their ma|ners did &s;o farre di&s;agree? The head of di&s;&s;en|tion was cut off when Catiline was &s;laine, the bodie al&s;o was mangled when his confede|rates were put to death, but the &s;erpents taile did as yet mooue: for Clodius did &s;eeke by all
<PB N="110" REF="58"> meanes po&s;&s;ible, to take reuenge on Cicero <NOTE PLACE="marg">Clodius &s;ee|keth to re|uenge him|&s;elfe vpon Cicero.</NOTE> for the &s;harp &s;eueritie v&s;ed again&s;t his friends which were of Catilines &s;eed-plot, and of that &s;editious league. But it was to be wondred at, that a man conuicted of &s;o notorious and hainous crimes, dur&s;t proceede to &s;uch im|pudencie as to attempt the di&s;grace of M. Cicero, or any way to di&s;turbe his quietne&s;&s;e. At that time Clodius was infamous for his a|dulterie <NOTE PLACE="marg">Clodius in|famous for adulterie with Pom|peia Cae&s;ars wife.</NOTE> with Pompeya Cae&s;ars wife, which amidde&s;t the mo&s;t religious &amp; &s;olemne rites of Bona Dea, this vncha&s;t Tribune commit|ted: and the&s;e ceremonies, which it was not lawfull for any man to behold, Clodius in wo|mans attire did pollute. But he was the author of greater lewdne&s;&s;e then this, when with his owne &s;i&s;ters he became ince&s;tuous, two of <NOTE PLACE="marg">Clodius in|famous for ince&s;t with his &s;i&s;ters.</NOTE> them being his &s;i&s;ters german, and married to two worthie Romanes, the one of them to Q. Metellus, and the other to L. Lucullus, the third was his &s;i&s;ter by the halfe bloud, the wife of Q. Martius. For the&s;e and other his faults, he was condemned by the &s;euerall cen&s;ures <NOTE PLACE="marg">Clodius co~|demned by Senate.</NOTE> of two hundred Senators at one Se&s;&s;ion, and this notwith&s;tanding was ab&s;olued: &s;o that I
<PB N="111" REF="58"> do greatly doubt, whether the Con&s;uls that did ab&s;olue him, or Clodius that was ab&s;ol|ued, did more de&s;erue puni&s;hment: for by that meane &s;uch a window of impunitie was then opened, as could not be &s;hut in the &s;pace of many yeares en&s;uing. But Clodius becau&s;e he was Tribune, and becau&s;e he was Clodius, did thinke all time lo&s;t wherein Cicero was &s;afe. He was then in great fauour both with the people and Con&s;uls: for when any com|moditie was &s;ought for by the Con&s;uls, which could not be preiudiciall to the people, he would labour earne&s;tly for the Con&s;uls, and when the people would haue had any bene|fite which did not concerne the Con&s;uls, he was wholly for the people: &s;o that by di&s;plea|&s;ing neither, he plea&s;ed them both. Vpon this ground he aduentured to make lawes, amo~g&s;t which one was enacted again&s;t the~ who had put a Romane citizen to death without the iudgement of the people of Rome, which lawe though it ranne in generall termes, yet in &s;ence and meaning it was directly leuelled again&s;t Cicero, who in his Con&s;ul&s;hip had by Senate condemned the confederates of Ca|tiline.
<PB N="112" REF="59"> Cicero perceiuing this did clad him|&s;elfe <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cicero mourneth.</NOTE> with mourning roabes, the Senators al|&s;o were attired with blacke, as the a&s;&s;ociates of his &s;orrow, the Romane knights did weare his colour, the incon&s;olate citie did droope and deplore his &s;tate, and the forreiners that heard thereof did enlarge the griefe. For the redre&s;&s;ing of this maladie meanes were made to Cra&s;&s;us, Cae&s;ar, and Pompey. But Cae&s;ar denyed to &s;tand again&s;t Clodius, becau&s;e he feared that the lawes and decrees made by him the yeare next before when he was Con|&s;ul &s;hould be di&s;anulled and abrogated by Clodius if he maintained hatred again&s;t him. M. Cra&s;&s;us was monies weathercocke, and an hungrie cormorant of coyne, and therefore refu&s;ed to meddle in this matter, becau&s;e they that craued the a&s;&s;i&s;tance of his authoritie, came not to him with golden faces: only Po~|pey did helpe, countenance, &amp; comfort him, and prote&s;ted openly that him&s;elfe would ra|ther be &s;laine by Clodius, then Cicero &s;hold be abu&s;ed: but the Con&s;uls commanding the Senators and others to lay a&s;ide their mourn|full &s;able, did &s;o firmely lincke them&s;elues to
<PB N="113" REF="59"> Clodius, both again&s;t Cicero and Pompey, that neither could Pompey profite him, nei|ther would Cicero &s;tay in the citie. For how could he expect any better &s;ucce&s;&s;e, L. Pi&s;o &amp; A. Gabinius being Con&s;uls, men of notori|ous naughtine&s;&s;e, and raked out of the &s;cum of Senators? VVherefore Cicero left the city, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cicero com|mitteth him|&s;elfe to vo|luntarie exile.</NOTE> and in the very day of his departure, his hou&s;e that &s;toode on mount Palatine was burnt by Clodius, and the &s;oile was con&s;ecrated to Li|bertie: his goods were confi&s;cated, his lord|&s;hips and farmes be&s;towed vpon others: there was a lawe al&s;o made touching his bani&s;h|ment, wherby it was prohibited that he &s;hold <NOTE PLACE="marg">A &s;harpe law made con|cerning Ci|cero his ba|ni&s;hment.</NOTE> not haue the v&s;e of water and fire within the citie, that none within fiue hundred miles of Italie &s;hould receiue him into his hou&s;e, that none &s;hould make any motion for him to the Senate, that none &s;hould deliuer his opinion of Cicero, that none &s;hould di&s;pute of that which was done, that none &s;hould &s;peake of it, that none &s;hould go vnto him, that none &s;hould write vnto him. But in the end Cn. Pompeius hauing vndertaken emnitie with Clodius, being vrged by the earne&s;t petition
<PB N="114" REF="60"> of Titus Annius Milo, and moued by the a|bundant kindne&s;&s;e of his heroicall nature, did in his mind make &s;peciall election of this care to reduce Cicero from bani&s;hment. VVhere|fore the yeare next en&s;uing, P. Lentulus and Q. Metellus being Con&s;uls, Cicero by a Se|natorie decree was recalled from bani&s;hme~t <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cicero re|called from bani&s;hment.</NOTE> with the great de&s;ire of the Senate, and the great reioycing of Italie. The ground where|on his hou&s;e &s;toode, was exempted from reli|gious con&s;ecration, and his hou&s;e was not &s;o &s;hamefully throwne downe by Clodius, as it was &s;umptuou&s;ly reedified by the Senate, his po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ions were re&s;tored vnto him, and all the acts which Clodius made in his Tribune|&s;hip <NOTE PLACE="marg">Clodius per|fi&s;teth to be an enemie to Cicero.</NOTE> were adiudged to be void. Clodius did greatly indignate at the returne of Cicero, &amp; hauing aggregated vnto him a ra&s;call route of thri&s;tle&s;&s;e and vncon&s;cionable ruffians, he partly draue away, and did partly maime and murder the carpenters and workmen, that were bu&s;ied about the renewing of Ciceroes hou&s;e, he burnt be&s;ide the hou&s;e of Q. Cice|ro, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Clodius bur|neth the hou&s;e of Cicero.</NOTE> he fought with Milo many times in the &s;treets: he pur&s;ued Cicero with &s;tones, clubs,
<PB N="115" REF="60"> and &s;words, &amp; arming all his men with bra~ds of fire in the one hand, and &s;words in the other led them to the burning of Miloes hou&s;e: but this tempe&s;t and trouble of the citie, who did be&s;tow kingdomes and take them away, and deuided the world at his plea&s;ure, which burnt the temple of the Nimphes, that he might &s;corch the rowle in which his &s;hame was enregi&s;tred, which with ma&s;ons, archi|tectes, and mea&s;urers of ground did &s;uruey almo&s;t euery clo&s;e and plot that lay neare vn|to him, hoping in the end to make it his own purcha&s;e, and to dilate and extend his de|mea&s;nes from the gate of Ianus to the top of the Alpes: which threatned death to Sanctia <NOTE PLACE="marg">Clodius threatneth death to Sanctia.</NOTE> a matron, as holy in her manners as in her name, and to Apronius a young gentleman, vnle&s;&s;e they would &s;ell vnto him their inheri|tance: who told Furfonius in plaine termes, that if he would not lend him &s;o much mony as he required, he would carie him dead into his hou&s;e. This enemie I &s;ay to all good men, to his neighbors, to forreyners, to his friends, to his kin&s;men, was &s;hortly after &s;laine by Mi|lo, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Clodius is &s;laine by Milo.</NOTE> for who&s;e death he did lye in awaite, and
<PB N="116" REF="61"> his bodie being conueyed to Rome was loa|thed of the beholders, for it was the harbour of a foule o&s;tridge.</P>
<P>Cae&s;ar was now in hot warres again&s;t the French, of who&s;e exploits as they did happe~ in nine yeares &s;pace, whil&s;t he was Pre&s;ident there by the commi&s;&s;ion of the Senate, I will make a brief rehear&s;all as the times did yeeld them.</P>
<P>In the fir&s;t yeare the Heluetians, when Cae&s;ar had &s;carcely &s;et foote in France, burnt <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Helue|tians flye be|fore Cae&s;ar.</NOTE> their hou&s;es, and leauing their countrie di&s;|per&s;ed them&s;elues in the fields of the Sequa|ni, and &s;o came to the coa&s;t of the Tolo&s;&s;ians. Cae&s;ar perceiuing that their abode in that place would be dangerous to the citie of To|lo&s;&s;a, and being earne&s;tly intreated by the petition of the Ambarrians and the Allobro|ges, who did complaine them&s;elues to be greatly vexed and di&s;turbed by the Helueti|ans, remoouing his tents and hauing ouerta|ken them at the riuer of Arraris de&s;troyed in pur&s;uite all the villages of the Tigurines. Cae|&s;ars hor&s;emen which were &s;ent before to ob|&s;erue what waies and pathes the Heluetians
<PB N="117" REF="61"> did take, were by them di&s;comfited. After|ward they gaue battell to Cae&s;ar, and in that <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Helue|tians ouer|come by Cae&s;ar.</NOTE> battell they were ouercome, and yeelding them&s;elues to Cae&s;ars mercie, they were en|ioyned to re&s;ort to their owne countrie, and there to repaire their hou&s;es. Then Cae&s;ar be|ing mooued by the complaint of certaine Frenchme~ addre&s;t again&s;t Arioui&s;ta the king <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar pur|&s;ueth battell again&s;t Ari|oui&s;ta.</NOTE> of the Germaines, whome he did pur&s;ue in battell to the riuer of Rhenus.</P>
<P>In the &s;econd yeare he waged battell a|gain&s;t <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar figh|teth again&s;t the Belgians &amp; Neruians.</NOTE> the Belgians, the mo&s;t of which were &s;laine. The like &s;ucce&s;&s;e had he again&s;t the Neruians.</P>
<P>In the third yeare fighting on the &s;ea a|gain&s;t the Venetians, he cau&s;ed the~ to yeeld: and P. Cra&s;&s;us his Lieutenant did &s;ubdue al|mo&s;t all the countrie of Aquitania.</P>
<P>In the fourth yeare the Germaines pa&s;&s;ing with a great multitude ouer the riuer of Rhine arriued in Fraunce, whom Cae&s;ar a&s;&s;aulting on the &s;udden did vtterly de&s;troy: then he made a bridge ouer Rhenus, and determined to vexe and exagitate the Germaines in their <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar ouer|throweth the Germaines.</NOTE> owne countrie, becau&s;e France was &s;o much
<PB N="118" REF="62"> di&s;quieted and mole&s;ted by them, &amp; hauing <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar bur|neth the vil|lages of the Sicambrians</NOTE> burnt there many cities and villages of the Sicambrians, being al&s;o certified that the Bri|tanes did mini&s;ter &s;uccour, and gaue encou|ragement to the con&s;piracies of the French, he &s;ayled into Britaine, and con&s;trained the Britanes by &s;harpe on&s;et to yeeld vnto him. <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar ouer|commeth the Brittains</NOTE> Cae&s;ars nauie that tran&s;ported his hor&s;e, was &s;hrewdly &s;haken with a tempe&s;t, wherewith the Britaines being reuiued betooke them|&s;elues againe to weapons, and fighting with Cae&s;ar were put to flight: at length they &s;ued to Cae&s;ar for peace, which, he taking ho&s;tage of them did ea&s;ily graunt, and returned into <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar reco~|ciled to the Britaines.</NOTE> Fraunce, and the &s;ame yeare the Morines &amp; Menapia~s rebelling he reduced to obedie~ce.</P>
<P>In the fifth yeare Cae&s;ar returning from Il|lyrium, to which place he went for the &s;top|ping and beating backe of an incur&s;ion made by the Piru&s;tae, came to his armie in Fraunce, and addre&s;&s;ed warre afre&s;h again&s;t the Bri|taines hauing broken truce, and enioying there a pro&s;perous fight, a great multitude of <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar renu|eth his war again&s;t the Britaines.</NOTE> the inhabitants being &s;laine, and a great part of the I&s;land brought into the power of the
<PB N="119" REF="62"> Romanes, taking ho&s;tages, and impo&s;ing tri|bute he &s;et &s;aile for Fraunce.</P>
<P>In the &s;ixt yeare the Eburons did rebell a|gain&s;t Cae&s;ar, Ambiorix being their king and Captaine, who~ in many places Cae&s;ar fiercely <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Ebu|rons ouer|come by Cae|&s;ar.</NOTE> and feruently pur&s;uing, put to the &s;word and di&s;per&s;ed the remna~t of that rebellious com|panie.</P>
<P>In the &s;euenth yeare Cae&s;ar went into Italy, vpon occa&s;ion of a mutinie which there did befall. The French thinking that he would be detained by dome&s;ticall warre, and that it would be hard for him to returne to his ar|mie during that di&s;&s;ention, began now to take adui&s;e of renewing warre again&s;t the Ro|manes. The Carnutians profe&s;&s;ing that they would be leaders to that attempt bound o|thers vnto them by oath, and hauing appoin|ted a day they repaired to Genabis, where many of the Romanes did negociate, &amp; were earne&s;tly occupied and bu&s;ied about their <NOTE PLACE="marg">Treacherie again&s;t the Romanes in Fraunce.</NOTE> trafique &amp; merchandi&s;e, all which were &s;laine by the French, which ma&s;&s;acre being certain|ly reported at Aruernum and other parts of Fraunce, the Pietons, the Pari&s;ians, the Ca|durcians,
<PB N="120" REF="63"> the Tureus, the Aulerci, the Lemo|nickes, the Audians did ioyne in armour and did confederate with the Carnutians. Cae&s;ar hearing of this new enterpri&s;e made &s;peedie <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar his reuenge v|pon the re+els.</NOTE> returne into Fraunce, and hauing placed &s;e|uerall garri&s;ons in the cities of the Vol&s;cians, of the Artonikes, of the Tolo&s;&s;ians, &amp; in Nar|bo, which were neare&s;t vnto the enemies, he tooke Vellannodunum the citie of the Seno|nes, &amp; Genabis the chiefe towne of the Car|nutians, which he &s;poiled and burnt, and ma|ny other townes did he take, and &s;ei&s;ed v|pon many of the rebels, receiuing &s;ome of them into his mercie, &amp; puni&s;hing very &s;harp|ly the mo&s;t notorious offenders.</P>
<P>In the eight yeare he pur&s;ued the Carnu|tians to their vttermo&s;t ouerthrow: the Bello|faci conducted by two valiant captaines Cor|bius and Comius, were enforced to &s;ubmit them&s;elues, and Corbius was then &s;laine by Cae&s;ars hor&s;emen.</P>
<P>In the ninth yeare Cae&s;ar did not enterpri&s;e any warlike affaires, but laboured &s;pecially to cut off all occa&s;ions of reuolting: therfore honorably emparling with the magi&s;trates
<PB N="121" REF="63"> of the cities: be&s;towing vpon the gouernors great rewards, and burdening them with no new taxes, he brought Fraunce being weari|ed by many warres, to a perfect and perpetu|all peace, and departed thence to Italie, but was &s;till garded with an armie of &s;ouldiers.</P>
<P>In the &s;euenth yeare of Cae&s;ars warfare in Fraunce, Iulia Cae&s;ars daughter departed this world, and Pompeis litle &s;onne which he had by her, within a &s;hort &s;pace after died al&s;o, which was a great cracke to the concord be|fore continued. Pompey had alreadie proro|ged his Prae&s;ide~t&s;hip in the prouince of Spain <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompey his Pre&s;ident|&s;hip in Spain proroged.</NOTE> for fiue yeares: but the people of Rome did exceedingly grudge, that either Cae&s;ar Po~|pey &s;hould in any forraine prouince haue an armie of &s;ouldiers at their commaund, &s;ith all warres both forreine and dome&s;ticall were cea&s;&s;ed &amp; determined, becau&s;e they thought by that meane &s;ome daunger might grow to the Citie: for Pompey being now in Rome, did rule Spaine by Affranius and Petreius his Lieutenants, hauing in &s;euerall cities &s;euerall garri&s;ons, and C. Cae&s;ar had in the bo&s;ome of Italie an huge hoa&s;t, &amp; had then a garri&s;on
<PB N="122" REF="64"> at Rauenna, where he was per&s;onally re&s;ide~t: this did &s;eeme al&s;o inconuenient to many of the nobles, and Pompey &s;hewed him&s;elfe ve|ry partiall: for he did fawne vpon them which would haue had Cae&s;ars armie di&s;mi&s;&s;ed, but was very aduer&s;e to others who would haue mea&s;ured him by the &s;ame compa&s;&s;e, who if he had died in Campania two yeares before the ciuill wars, where he was greatly a&s;&s;ayed by &s;ickne&s;&s;e, at which time all Italie did make &s;peciall vowes for his health, his glorie which was gained by &s;ea and land he had caried vn|touched to the graue. Vpon the&s;e con&s;idera|tions L. Lentulus and C. Marcellus being Con&s;uls, a decree was made by the Senate, <NOTE PLACE="marg">A decree made by the Senate, that Cae&s;ar &s;hold di&s;mi&s;&s;e his armie.</NOTE> that within a time limited Cae&s;ar &s;hould di&s;|charge his armie, and if he would not, that he &s;hould be accompted an enemie, for Cae&s;ar wold haue bene made Con&s;ul in his ab&s;ence: but M. Cato did well an&s;were, that no citizen ought to prae&s;cribe lawes to the common|weale: wherefore it was ordained that Cae&s;ar contenting him&s;elfe with one legion, &s;hould beare only the title of the Pre&s;ide~t of France, and that he &s;hould come into the citie as a
<PB N="123" REF="64"> priuate man, &amp; in his &s;uite for the Con&s;ul&s;hip, &s;hould wholly relye vpon the voices of the people. C. Curio an impudent oratour, a ma~ wickedly witted, and eloquent for a publike mi&s;chiefe, who&s;e mind no riches could &s;ati&s;|fie, nor any plea&s;ures &s;ufficiently plea&s;e, who fir&s;t &s;tood for Po~pey (as it was then accomp|ted for the common weale, which I do not &s;peake to reprooue, but that I might not be reprooued) and now was in &s;hew and appa|rance both again&s;t Pompey and Cae&s;ar, but in deed and mind wholly for Cae&s;ar: this Cu|rio Tribune of the people, po&s;ted in ha&s;t to Rauenna where Cae&s;ar was, and &s;ignified vn|to him the order of the Senate, applying his eloquence as a brand to the inflaming of Cae|&s;ars <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar is in|cen&s;ed by Curio a|gain&s;t the Senate.</NOTE> furie. Curio came to Cae&s;ar at the en|trance of twilight, when the cloud of vapours and exhalations, is by nature di&s;po&s;ed to turn men into melancholie, which tooke &s;o deepe hold on Cae&s;ar, that making no an&s;wer to Cu|rio, but ca&s;ting him&s;elfe on his bed he did in this &s;ort expo&s;tulate with the Romanes.</P>
<P>Thus is Cae&s;ar mea&s;ured with a &s;cantling, <NOTE PLACE="marg">The pa&s;&s;io|nate &s;peech of Cae&s;ar a|gain&s;t the Senate.</NOTE> dieted with a paring, and rewarded with no|thing.
<PB N="124" REF="65">
<Q>Vani&s;h from me thou &s;ad and vgly co~|cubine of Erebus, thou grimme and duskie night, which with thy blacke circumference doe&s;t hood winke our &s;ences, driuing the day from vs before we can fle&s;h our &s;words, con|tracting our &s;inewes when they are but new|ly &s;tretched, cau&s;ing vs to lurke in our cab|bons when we &s;hould cleaue to the throats of our enemies; vani&s;h I &s;ay from me, and delay not with thy lingering minutes my expeditio~ again&s;t Rome. Again&s;t Rome? &ocirc; the eccho of my heart! nay for Rome, again&s;t the Ro|manes, among&s;t whom is Cn. Pompeius Ma|gnus, but not yet Maximus, for he lacketh a degree of that, and before he can attaine to it, there will be effu&s;ion of bloud by &s;ucce&s;&s;io~. But what careth he for that, was he not one of Syllaes whelpes, who&s;e &s;word reaking with Italian bloud he &s;o greedily licked, that the ta&s;t thereof doth as yet relice in his rauenous and polluted lawes? But learne of Sylla, learn of thy Sylla Pompey, that a tyrant bathing him&s;elfe in goare, &s;hall at length &s;inke by the weight of his cruelties. VVhat Cae&s;ar hath done, I referre to the Oracle of Bellona, what
<PB N="125" REF="65"> he will do I leaue to the concealed decree of &s;acred vengeance: what he may do, let the foredoming Par<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">ae praede&s;tinate: what he ought to do let warlike iu&s;tice pronounce. VVas not Pompey made Con&s;ul without &s;uing, without &s;eeking, without &s;peaking? and &s;hall I reque&s;ting, yea and humbly reque&s;ting &s;uffer a repul&s;e? Fortune thou mightie and miraculous Godde&s;&s;e, which in a moment doe&s;t procure a world of varieties, whetting with thine anger the points of our launces, &s;haking crownes and kingdomes with the &s;purne of thy foote, triumphing ouer our vi|ctories with the &s;peckled wheeles of thy vo|luble chariot, controlling our hope with thy frowning countenance: thou knowe&s;t great godde&s;&s;e, that if Rome hath at any time flou|ri&s;hed: if it hath at any times ta&s;ted the pure and vnmingled extract of &s;incere happine&s;&s;e, if it were euer caried on the brode wings of fame, if it did euer &s;wim in a floud of plentie, it was through Cae&s;ar and his fortune, &amp; yet we are now di&s;pi&s;ed, and yet we will not be de&s;pi&s;ed, fortune is able to reuenge the iniurie done to Cae&s;ar, and Cae&s;ar will alwaies fight for the praeheminence of his
<PB N="126" REF="66"> fortune. Therefore for the honour of Aeneas again&s;t the defacers of his race, for the credit of mount Palatine, again&s;t the vniu&s;t magi|&s;trates of Rome, for the glorie of Romulus who &s;hineth in the heauens like a giant-&s;tarre again&s;t the &s;editious repugnants, I will &s;hoot the &s;ting of my wrath, and they &s;hall well per|ceiue that Cae&s;ar ae&s;teemes no better of his enemies, then if a &s;ort of hares &s;hould be har|ne&s;&s;ed, which would tru&s;t rather to their feete then to their force: auaunt fro~ me pitie thou feminine pa&s;&s;ion, for I will deriue my name of a martiall act, and wil be called &agrave; caedendo Cae&s;ar, po&s;&s;e&s;&s;e therfore my heart thou dread|full Neme&s;is, ran&s;acke my vaines, rage within me wrath, a&s;&s;i&s;t me fiends, furies, and ye de|formed gho&s;ts, &s;ubiect to the &s;euere edict of the ba&s;er de&s;tinie, make your &s;eats and circles in the wa&s;t of Italie, and neuer for&s;ake that place, till the fierie brightne&s;&s;e of Cae&s;ars &s;u|premacie do deterre you from thence.</Q></P>
<P>Cae&s;ar in this rage of mind, carried away with the whirlewind of his turbulent &s;pirit, left Rauenna and pa&s;&s;ed ouer Rubicon: the Senate hearing of his rebellion, decreed that
<PB N="127" REF="66"> Pompey &s;hould be Generall, &amp; that he &s;hold <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompey is appointed by the Senat Generall a|gain&s;t Cae&s;ar</NOTE> haue monie out of the common trea&s;urie. There was pre&s;ent choi&s;e made of &s;ouldiers throughout all Italie, warres were proclai|med, and taxes were impo&s;ed vpon the con|fines, &s;uburbes and con&s;iderate cities. Cae&s;ar hauing pa&s;&s;ed Rubicon &s;eized vpon diuer&s;e townes of Italie, Pi&s;aurum, Fanum, Ancona, Tignium and Auximon, and he ran ouer all the Picene prouince, with his armie which was for&s;aken of Lentulus Spinther the gouer|nour there, and from thence he went to Cor|finium, which was held of L. Domitius Ahe|nobarbus, which he enioyed hauing Domiti|us al&s;o in his power, a mo&s;t con&s;tant friend to Pompey, who&s;e &s;tandard was at no time ad|uaunced, but it was wor&s;hipped and follow|ed by Domitius: whome Cae&s;ar did in this maner greet: Domitius I do franckly pardon <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar par|doneth Do|mitius.</NOTE> thee &amp; all tho&s;e which belo~g to thy charge, &amp; with the&s;e words I make a perfect di&s;claime of anger and emnitie, I giue thee al&s;o free choi&s;e and election, whether thou wilt be a captaine in Cae&s;ars campe, or &s;till adhere to Pompey. Domitius not demurring vpon
<PB N="128" REF="67"> Cae&s;ars offer, did incontinent fly to Pompey, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Domi<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">i<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="UOM" EXTENT="1 letter">s flyeth to Pompey.</NOTE> who was then at Brundu&s;ium, and there were many at that time which did ob&s;erue the like faithfulne&s;&s;e to Pompey, to whom Cae&s;ar did more plentifully offer the benefite of life, the~ they did thankfully receiue it. Cae&s;ar ha&s;ted to Brundu&s;ium to a&s;&s;ault the Con&s;uls in that place, but failing of his purpo&s;e he addre&s;&s;ed toward Rome: there was then in the citie great feare and amazedne&s;&s;e, the people cal|ling to memorie the crueltie of Marius, the matrons with their rented haire did di&s;play their fearefulne&s;&s;e, the young dam&s;els with &s;alt teares did blemi&s;h their faces, their skri|king voices &amp; deepe drawne &s;ighs, did moue the heauens to a &s;ympathie. The &s;illy babes flying as it were from the face of Cae&s;ar, did cleaue to the brea&s;ts of their parents, the &s;tur|die&s;t necks did then begin to &s;toope, and the &s;tronge&s;t hearts to melt, and nothing could be &s;eene in Rome but &s;ignes of &s;orrow: for as the earth when &s;he is di&s;robed of her budding and fructifying trees, and of her amiable ver|dure, which is her onely grace and garment roiall, is like a naked table wherein nothing
<PB N="129" REF="67"> is painted, &s;o was Rome at that in&s;tant being bereaued of her young and lu&s;tie gentlemen, euen as if the &s;pringtide &s;hould be taken from the yeare: and a great deformitie did then al|&s;o ari&s;e by the ab&s;ence of the graue and aun|cient fathers, who with their &s;preading &s;ha|dow did &s;hield and protect the bodie of the citie, and did nouri&s;h the ri&s;ing plants of the generous bra&s;ill, gathering &s;trength and &s;oli|ditie vnder the curtaine of their boughs. Cae|&s;ar hauing entred Rome, v&s;ed all &s;orts of men with great kindne&s;&s;e and curte&s;ie, and hauing conuocated an a&s;&s;emblie declaring and ag|grauating vnto them the iniuries of his ene|mies, he transferred all the blame vpon Pom|pey, and made a notable pretence, that he was de&s;irous of vnitie, and that peace was the virgin of his heart. But Cae&s;ars Diamond was nothing el&s;e but gla&s;&s;e, and his words no|thing but wind, which at that pre&s;ent was clearely and euidently perceiued, for he went in great ha&s;t to the temple of Saturne, where the trea&s;urie of Rome was before his ran&s;ack inuiolably kept, and at the gates of the tem|ple L. Metellus Tribune of the people did
<PB N="130" REF="68"> boldly re&s;i&s;t him, and with the&s;e words enter|tained him.</P>
<P><Q>Cae&s;ar the lawes of Rome haue made this <NOTE PLACE="marg">Metellus his &s;peech to Cae&s;ar.</NOTE> place &s;acred, thou &s;halt not enter into this temple but through the &s;ides of Metellus, &amp; no coine &s;halt thou carrie from hence with|out bloud&s;hed: vn&s;heath therefore thy blade, and feare not le&s;t thy wrongs be e&s;pied: for alas we are now in a de&s;olate citie, there be &s;o few to condemne thy doings, that there be almo&s;t none to &s;ee them: thy priuate and rebellious &s;ouldiers &s;hall not haue their pay out of the trea&s;urie of Rome, and if thou wol|de&s;t be rich by violence, there be &s;trange wals for thee to batter.</Q> Cae&s;ar in this &s;ort replied vnto him.</P>
<P><Q>Shamele&s;&s;e churle as thou art, this right|hand &s;hall not vouch&s;afe thee &s;o much honor as that thy bloud may &s;hine vpon a &s;ouldiers &s;teele. Metellus, thou art not worthie of my wrath, and where thou hoi&s;&s;e&s;t vp the &s;aile of lawes and cu&s;tomes, a&s;&s;ure thy &s;elfe Tribune that the lawes of Rome had rather be cancel|led by Cae&s;ar, then confirmed by Metellus.</Q> In the end by the earne&s;t intreatie of his friends,
<PB N="131" REF="68"> who were addicted to Cae&s;ar rather for feare then contrarietie of opinion, Metellus gaue place to Cae&s;ar, and he ru&s;hing &s;uddenly into <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar &s;ei|zeth the trea+s;urie.</NOTE> the temple, cau&s;ed the trea&s;urie which in ma|ny yeares &s;pace was leuied by polles, which was gained in the Carthaginian war, and in the victories had again&s;t Philip Per&s;eus, and Pirrhus, together with the tribute of A&s;ia, of Creet, and the wealth which Cato brought from Cypris, and which Pompey purcha&s;ed by his warres, being caried before him when he triumphed, to be laid on a&s;&s;es backes, and to be caried as the &s;inew and &s;upporter of his warres. This was thought the fowle&s;t act that euer was committed by Cae&s;ar, and it was ne|uer feared that Rome &s;hold be poore by Cae|&s;ar. This captaine being as glad for this new bootie as &s;ome of his friends were &s;orie, led his &s;ouldiers toward Spaine, where Afranius <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar mar|cheth toward Spaine.</NOTE> and Petreius did rule the affaires vnder Pom|pey, but he did &s;o ma&s;&s;erate them with famine that he po&s;&s;e&s;t the greate&s;t part of Spaine, without &s;hedding many drops of bloud: then he went into that part of Spaine, which is now called Andeluzia, where M. Varro captaine
<PB N="132" REF="69"> to a great number of Veteranes, did hold a forcelet, but he being daunted with the pre|&s;ence of Cae&s;ar, re&s;igned all the prouince into his hands: the~ he marched toward Dirrachio, taking by the way Orichum and Apollonia an Vniuer&s;itie towne, where his Nephew O|ctauius was taught at that time in the liberall artes and &s;ciences, who is &s;aid to haue acco~|panied his vncle in the warres following, but becau&s;e it is a tradition of more antiquitie then credit, I do rather note it then affirme it. The fortune that Cae&s;ar had, and the credite which Pompey enioyed in forraine nations, were two enticing lures, that drew to their &s;e|ueral campes a great multitude of forrainers. To the a&s;&s;i&s;tance of Pompey from the coa&s;t of <NOTE PLACE="marg">The forrei|ners which were readie in armes for the a&s;&s;i&s;ta~ce of Pompey.</NOTE> Greece which lyeth about the rockes of Cyr|rha, and the clouen hill of Parna&s;&s;us, came a great armie of the Phocen&s;eans, from Thebes and the regions thereabout came the Baeoti|ans, the Pi&s;aeans, and the Sicanians: from the townes that lye vnder Maenalus and Oete came the Dryopes, the Thre&s;poti, and the Sellians: from Creet and Gortyna a number of good archers did pre&s;ent them&s;elues to
<PB N="133" REF="69"> Pompey: from Dardania, from Colchis, and the &s;hore of the Adriaticke &s;ea, the Athama~ts, Enchelians and diuer&s;e others: be&s;ides the&s;e flocked vnto him thou&s;ands from Babylon, Dama&s;cus, and Phrygia, together with the I|dumaeans, Tyrians, Sidonians and Phaenici|ans: there came al&s;o from Tar&s;us, from Cili|cia, from India, Per&s;ia, Armenia, Arabia, and Aethiopia. For the aide of Cae&s;ar there came <NOTE PLACE="marg">The &s;traun|gers which were a&s;&s;i&s;ta~t to Cae&s;ar.</NOTE> many Scythians, Hircanians, and from di|uer&s;e regions beyond the hill Taurus: like|wi&s;e the Laced aemonians, the Sarmatians, the Lydians, the E&s;&s;edones, the Arima&s;pians, the Ma&s;&s;agites, the Mores, the Gelonians, the Marmarians, the Memnonians and they that dwell beyond the pillers of Hercules were readie in armour and &s;hewed them&s;elues &s;er|uiceable to Cae&s;ars commaund. Cn. Pom|peius partly to welcome the &s;traungers that came to Dirrachio, and partly to encourage the Romanes which did follow him, and to make the cau&s;e of the vndertaken warre ma|nife&s;t to them all, the Nobles and Senators &s;itting round about him in harne&s;&s;e, v&s;ed this &s;peech vnto them.</P>
<PB N="134" REF="70">
<P><Q>Let it not any whit di&s;may you friendly <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompey his oration to his &s;ouldiers</NOTE> forreiners, and faithfull harted Romanes, that you are now farre from the wals of the taken citie, and if the Italian ingenuitie, and the heate of the Romane bloud be as yet warme within the Romanes, let them not marke v|pon what earth they &s;tand, &s;o they &s;tand vpon the ground of a good and lawfull quarrell. It is I tru&s;t euident to you all that we are the Se|nate: for if we were in the vtmo&s;t climate of the world, and directly vnder the freezing waine of the Northerne Beare, yet in our hands &s;hould be the admini&s;tration and regi|ment of the affaires of Italie. VVhen Camil|lus was at Veios Rome was there al&s;o, and the Romanes for&s;aking their hou&s;es, did ne|uer chaunge their lawes. Now is Rome Cae|&s;ars captiue, and a &s;ort of &s;orrowfull hearts hath he there in hold, emptie hou&s;es, &s;ilent lawes, and clo&s;e courts: we are here as the pu|ni&s;hers of Cae&s;ars faults, and the armor which we now beare, is but onely the wrath of re|uengefull Rome. Cae&s;ars warfare is as iu&s;t as Catilines, and when he &s;hould be like to the Scipioes, and the Marcelli, he falleth into the
<PB N="135" REF="70"> rebellious faction of C. Marius, Lepidus, Carbo, Sertorius: and yet in truth I honour him too much to con&s;ort him with the&s;e. He maketh accompt of me as of one withered, halfe dead and foredone with yeares: but it is better for you to haue an ancient captaine, then for Cae&s;ar to leade an armie of &s;pent and outworne Veteranes. And though the age which hope doth follow be farre more plau&s;i|ble and acceptable, then that which death doth pur&s;ue, yet wi&s;edome and experience proceede from elder times, &amp; the head who&s;e haires re&s;emble the feathers of the &s;wan is a Senatehou&s;e to a good armie. And if I may not be a &s;ouldier, yet I will be the example of a &s;ouldier vnto you. The ae&s;timation that I haue alwaies had among&s;t you Romanes, by who&s;e meanes I haue bene extolled to that honour, aboue which neuer any Romane ci|tizen did a&s;cend, may warrant my warfare. VVith vs al&s;o are both the Co~&s;uls, with vs the armies of many forraine kings &amp; potentates. Is Cae&s;ar trow you &s;o venturous, becau&s;e he warred &s;o lo~g again&s;t the vnruly French? why it was but a &s;porting practi&s;e, more fit to
<PB N="136" REF="71"> traine his &s;ouldiers, then to merite triumph: or hath his fortune again&s;t the Germaines rai&s;ed his courage, he went not &s;o &s;peedily to the Germaines as he departed from them, and rather fearing them then feared of them, he called the Germaine &s;ea the whirlepit of hell? or doth his bloud begin to boile within him, becau&s;e the fame of his furie did &s;udde~ly driue the Senators out of their hou&s;es and harbours? VVhen I di&s;played my blazing en|&s;igne vpon the Ponticke &s;ea, the Ocean was no more traced with the pirate &s;hips, but they did all crowd into a narrow corner of the earth. Mithridates that vntamed prince, who long expected when victorie &s;hould flie from Rome, I enforced to take his pauillion, in which he died like a fugitiue coward, &amp; ther|in I was more fortunate then the mo&s;t fortu|nate Sylla. There is no part of the world with|out my trophees, and what land &s;oeuer lyeth vnder the &s;unne, hath either bene vanqui&s;hed or terrified by Pompey: and I haue left no warre for Cae&s;ar, but this which now he main|taineth, in which though he ouercome, yet he &s;hall neuer triumph. VVherefore the nea|rer
<PB N="137" REF="71"> Cae&s;ar doth approch vnto you, the more let your courage ri&s;e, or if words cannot pre|uaile, imagine that you are now vpon the banckes of Tiber, and that the Romane ma|trons &s;tanding vpon the wals of the citie, with &s;treaming teares, and di&s;per&s;ed hairelockes, do exhort you and intreate you to fight: Ima|gine that out of the gates of the citie the old and grayheaded fathers, that are not able to weild weapons do pro&s;trate vnto your feete their hoarie heades, requiring &s;uccour and defence of you: and thinke that Rome her &s;elf fearing a tyrant boweth vnto you: thinke that the infants which are alreadie borne, &amp; which hereafter &s;hall be borne, haue mingled their common teares, and that they which as yet neuer &s;aw the light, de&s;ire to be borne free, and they which do now liue de&s;ire to dy free: and if all this will not &s;erue, then Pompey (if he may &s;o deba&s;e the maie&s;tie of a Generall) with his wife and children will fal before your feet. But this is my la&s;t behe&s;t that I require of you, let not Pompey who in his youth hath alwaies honored you, be di&s;honored through your default in his dying yeares, for your
<PB N="138" REF="72"> &s;elues, for your kindred, your freedome and good e&s;tate. I prote&s;t thus much, that I will neuer returne to Rome but I will carrie peace in my hand, and the Oliue braunch &s;hall be my en&s;igne.</Q> The Romanes were greatly em|boldened hearing the&s;e words, &s;eeing their Generall &s;o youthfully minded, &amp; as it were refined in the mould of Mars. VVherefore they expected Cae&s;ar with prepared minds. And Cae&s;ar hauing now praefected gouernors ouer Orichum and Apollonia, made great ha&s;t to Dirrachio, in which place at his fir&s;t comming Pompey gaue him the on&s;et, and <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompey put|teth Cae&s;ar to flight.</NOTE> made him to flie hauing lo&s;t a great part of his armie: and though M. Antonius came not <NOTE PLACE="marg">M. Antonius helpeth Cae|&s;ar.</NOTE> long after to Cae&s;ar with a fre&s;h &s;upply, ready to face and bre&s;t the enemie, yet Pompey did &s;o plague the~ with continuall warring again&s;t them, when he &s;aw co~uenient time; that Cae|&s;ars victuals being almo&s;t wa&s;ted, he was faine through penurie of corne to flye into The&s;&s;a|li, and Pompey &s;peedily pur&s;uing him in the champion plaine of Phar&s;alia, pitched his tents directly again&s;t Cae&s;ars. In Pompeis campe all things were glorious, magnificent,
<PB N="139" REF="72"> and glittering in &s;hew: in Cae&s;ars all things powerfull, actiue, and &s;trong. The Romanes being thus deuided both parties were greatly enflamed with de&s;ire of fight: Pompeis &s;oul|diers were readie to depriue him of the en|&s;ignes, and to enter the field without a Gene|rall: &s;o deliberatiue was that noble Captaine of their welfar, and &s;o de&s;perate were they and carele&s;&s;e what befell vpon them. In Pom|pey there was this de&s;ire and thought to o|uercome with as little bloud&s;hed as might be. But what fiends and damned &s;pirits didde&s;t thou inuocate Caius Cae&s;ar? what Stygian fu|ries, what infernall hagges, and what nightly terrors dide&s;t thou intreat? to what Eumeni|des didde&s;t thou &s;acrifice, intending &s;uch a generall &s;laughter? Pompey being earne&s;tly vrged by his &s;ouldiers thought good to mar|&s;hall his men, and to &s;et the armie as might be mo&s;t conuenient for the &s;oile whereon they were to combate. The left wing of the armie <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompey mar&s;halleth his armie.</NOTE> was committed to L. Lentulus, the leading of the right wing had L. Domitius, the &s;trength and midde&s;t of the battell did whol|ly relie vpon P. Scipio: vpon the bankes and
<PB N="140" REF="73"> &s;ides of the riuers did march the Cappadoci|ans &amp; Ponticke hor&s;emen: in the brode field were Tetrarches, Kings, and Princes, and all the purpled Lords that were tributarie to Rome: Pompeis &s;quadrons were furni&s;hed with many Romanes, Italians, and Spaniards. Cae&s;ar &s;eeing his enemies to haue di&s;cended into the plaine, was heartily glad that &s;o good occa&s;ion was offred him, and that the day was come which with a million of wi&s;hes he called for: wherefore departing out of his tents and mar&s;halling his &s;ouldiers he made toward Pompey. In this battell, the fathers face was directly again&s;t the &s;onnes, the brother was preparing him&s;elfe again&s;t his brother, the vncle was the fir&s;t that leuelled at the nephew, and he that did &s;lay mo&s;t of his kindred was accompted mo&s;t couragious. VVhen the tru~|pets denounced the warres, and gaue a &s;igne of fight, the Cae&s;arians did fiercely giue a&s;&s;ault <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Cae&s;ari|ans giue the fir&s;t a&s;&s;ault.</NOTE> to the Pompeians. The force and vigor of the warre did con&s;i&s;t in the launces, &s;peares, and &s;words, which Pompey had well prouided a|gain&s;t, by ioyning the targets one with ano|ther, &s;o that Cae&s;ar had much ado to breake
<PB N="141" REF="73"> the array: but fearing le&s;t his foremen &s;hould faint, he cau&s;ed the tran&s;uers legions to fol|low his en&s;igne, who as it were with a &s;ide|wind aduenturing vpon Po~peis armie, &s;troke them downe on each &s;ide &s;o fa&s;t as they went. The barded hor&s;e being incen&s;ed with the heate of the warre, his heart being boared with the point of the &s;peare, exempted him|&s;elfe from the reine. The Barbarians being not able to re&s;traine them gaue way to Cae|&s;ar, and the foming &s;teede being now the re|gent of the field, the fight was confu&s;ed and di&s;ordered: for vpon whom the dart did vn|certainly light, leauing their hor&s;es perforce they lay groning and groueling on the earth, till the hoofes of the arrearing cour&s;ers did cru&s;h the veile of their braines. Cae&s;ar was now come to the heart and center of Pom|peis armie, but the night drew on which made both &s;ides pau&s;e: Cae&s;ar did thanke his &s;ouldiers, and gliding through euery troope and band of them, he did put nouri&s;hing oile into their burning wrath. He tooke view of their &s;words, curiou&s;ly ob&s;eruing who&s;e wea|pon was ouerflowed with bloud, and who&s;e
<PB N="142" REF="74"> was dipped at the point, who&s;e hadn did tre~|ble and who&s;e was &s;tedfa&s;t, who changed the countenance through feare, &amp; who through furie, and ca&s;ting his eyes on the pro&s;trate carca&s;&s;es, frowning vpon them with curled forehead, as not yet &s;atisfied he fed his irefull lookes with the de&s;olate a&s;pect of his &s;laine countriemen, but if he perceiued a ga&s;pe in the fle&s;h of his owne &s;ouldiers, he would en|deuour to clo&s;e it vp with his hand, &amp; giuing them words of comfort and encouragement did &s;ooner heale them then indeede they were healed. At the dawning of the day next en&s;uing, and at the fir&s;t entrance of that mor|nings bloudie houres, when the welkin had put a&s;ide the vizard of the night, the &s;tarres being couered and the earth di&s;couered by the Sunne, Cae&s;ar giuing his &s;ouldiers new &s;words, new darts, &s;peares and launces, and awaking their courage, giuing them al&s;o to vnder&s;tand with the point of his launce, in what part of the aduer&s;e armie the &s;orreine kings, the Con&s;uls, the Senators, and the no|bilitie were placed, directed them as it were by aime, to gage the bodies of many excelle~t
<PB N="143" REF="74"> men, who entangling their weapons in the intrals of the&s;e noble enemies, did throw to the ground &amp; to extreme ruine many prince|ly potentates: many reuerent per&s;ons were buried in goare: many of the Lepidi, of the Metelli, of the Coruini and Torquati: but a|mong&s;t the re&s;t the fortune of Domitius was dolorous and de&s;pitefull, he as before hath bene &s;aid, was once pardoned and di&s;mi&s;&s;ed of Cae&s;ar, but now was &s;ingled out by Cae&s;ar and grieuou&s;ly wounded, but yet &s;o great was his mind that he would not &s;toope to begge a &s;econd pardon, whome Cae&s;ar loo|king vpon like a tyrant, and &s;eeing him rowle his fainting members in the moi&s;tned du&s;t, did with this bitterne&s;&s;e in&s;ult, giuing him the &s;cornefull gaze: L. Domitius now I hope at <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar his &s;peech to Domitius.</NOTE> length you wil for&s;ake your mai&s;ter Pompey, hereafter I tru&s;t you will practi&s;e no enmitie again&s;t Cae&s;ar. But as good fortune would, he had as yet breath enough to replie in the&s;e few words. Cae&s;ar I dy a free man, and I go to the region of Pro&s;erpina, not &s;eeing thee as a conquerour, but as yet inferiour to Pompey, and euen at my death am I refre&s;hed with this
<PB N="144" REF="75"> hope, that thou liue&s;t to be &s;ubdued by the rigor of de&s;tinie, which wil take reuenge both for vs, and for thy &s;onne in law. Hauing &s;po|ken the&s;e words his life fled from him, and his &s;ight was taken away with a dreadful dark|ne&s;&s;e, by who&s;e wounds &s;o much bloud was not lo&s;t, as there was glorie gained. For he gaue a cleare token of an honorable mind, accompting it a great deale better to haue dignitie without life, then life without digni|tie. But Cae&s;ar thinking nothing to be done if any thing were vndone, ragingly and ear|ne&s;tly did &s;eeke for the per&s;on of Pompey, &amp; ru&s;hing into the thicke of his &s;ouldiers, neuer &s;tretched out his arme without deaths war|rant, and neuer looked backe but when he &s;aw none to fight withall. Pompey &s;tanding a farre off on the top of an hill, &s;eeing the fields to &s;wimme with bloud, and the Romane Se|nate to be nothing now but an heape of car|ca&s;&s;es, and that his owne decay was &s;ought for by the bloud of a multitude; re&s;eruing him&s;elfe to &s;ome better fortune, for&s;ooke the field and fled to Lari&s;&s;a. Cae&s;ar perceiuing it, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompey flieth to La|ri&s;&s;a.</NOTE> thought it better to giue &s;ome re&s;t to his ar|mie,
<PB N="145" REF="75"> then with a &s;udden pur&s;uite to make af|ter him: wherefore he retired his &s;ouldiers, &amp; came to Pompeys tents. VVhen the wande|ring night was cha&s;ed fro~ the inferiour I&s;lands by the recour&s;ing day, and the Sunne had im|parted his brightne&s;&s;e to our vnder-neigh|bors, and the dreames were readie to po&s;&s;e&s;&s;e the Theater of the fancie, the weari&s;ome crea|tures of the world declining to their re&s;t: the Cae&s;arians hauing ran&s;acked Pompeis tents, and refre&s;hed their fainting bodies with the viand there left, betooke them&s;elues to their ea&s;e, and repo&s;ed their wearied limmes in the&s;e plots which the Pompeians did before lodge in. But how &s;hall I de&s;cribe the defor|mitie of that night, in which hell did breath out the gho&s;ts of them that were &s;laine, the aire was infected with contagious vapours, and the &s;tarres trembled at the beholding of the vncouth Stygians? Sleepe did bring no quietne&s;&s;e vnto them, but flames, murmurs, horrors, and the hideous &s;ounds of the skri|king <NOTE PLACE="marg">The dreams and vi&s;ions of the Cae&s;a|rians.</NOTE> Harpies. The gho&s;t of the &s;laughtered Romane did appeare vnto them, and euery mans fancie was a fiend vnto him: &s;ome did
<PB N="146" REF="76"> thinke that they beheld the image of a young man, &s;ome of an old man, others did dreame that their brethren were come to take reue~ge on them, but in Cae&s;ars mind were all the&s;e terrors: the &s;laine Senate did &s;eeme to enco~|pa&s;&s;e him on all &s;ides, brandi&s;hing their fierie &s;words, &s;weating, frying and dropping with ro&s;en and &s;ulpher, and the greate&s;t torment of all was a guiltie con&s;cience. He was now mole&s;ted with the powers of hell, when his enemies that &s;uruiued &s;lept quietly in Lari&s;|&s;a. Pompey after his mi&s;hap in Phar&s;alie made &s;peedie voiage toward Egipt where Ptolome <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompey tra|uelleth to Egypt.</NOTE> did raigne: for Pompey hauing procured the re&s;titutio~ of his father to the throne of Egipt, and with many other &s;inguler benefites ha|uing de&s;erued his fauour, thought that the young Prince in a kind regard wold haue en|tertained him according to his honour and de&s;ert: but who doth bu&s;ie his memorie in re|counting benefites? and who will thinke him|&s;elfe beholden to one that is di&s;tre&s;&s;ed? and when doth not fortune chaunge friend&s;hip? Ptolome, vnthankfull Ptolome, di&s;leagued with the &s;en&s;le&s;&s;e litargie of foule ingratitude,
<PB N="147" REF="76"> when by certaine report he heard that Pom|pey had approched to the &s;hore, &s;ent out his dire and dreadfull me&s;&s;engers to depriue the aged bodie of the vnuanqui&s;hed mind. And when Achilles that bold butcherer did with his glaiue portend the la&s;t end of his daies, Pompey who&s;e excellent qualities might en|cline a ma&s;&s;agite to mercie, craued with con|&s;tant countenance but a word or two of them, and as for life he was content to leaue it: the &s;auage helhound would &s;carcely conde&s;cend to this reque&s;t, but at length his tygers heart yeelded, and Pompey in few words wi&s;hing to the Romanes libertie, to his wife comfort, to his &s;onnes &s;afetie, was beheaded by the&s;e <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompey is beheaded by the Egyptia~s</NOTE> mercile&s;&s;e Egyptians, and his head was born as a pre&s;ent to Ptolome, which was farre too good a pre&s;ent for &s;o lewde a prince. But how fal&s;e was this world to Pompey, who had not now earth enough for his &s;epulture, to whom before the earth was too little for his co~que&s;t: but rare is that bird who&s;e feathers do not moult, and happie is that man who&s;e glorie doth not eclip&s;e. Cae&s;ar made ha&s;t after Pom|pey with an hote and earne&s;t pur&s;uite, not
<PB N="148" REF="77"> knowing that he was praeuented of the prize which he aimed at, and as the bea&s;ts which nature hath placed in the wilderne&s;&s;e, when poore pilgrimes walke by their &s;olitarie and vncouth dens, runne all together with one rage, hunting their foot&s;teps, euery one thin|king to purcha&s;e the pray, the Lion, the Leo|pard, the Beare, the Beuer, the Tiger, the Lu|zerne and the VVolfe, making the woods to ring with hollow outcries. So the Cae&s;arians did enquire and make after Pompey, ama|zing the &s;eas with &s;ounding trumpets, drums, fifes, and &s;hawmes, and neuer cea&s;&s;ed their pur&s;uite till they were arriued in Egipt, where they were roially entertained of Cleopatra <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar enter|tained of Cleopatra.</NOTE> the Egyptian prince&s;&s;e, who with complaint and mournfull melodie, did allure Cae&s;ar, ad|miring her &s;ingular beautie, to tame and &s;up|pre&s;&s;e the pride of Ptolome, who had then deforced her from her &s;oueraigne e&s;tate. Cae|&s;ar did not deny this faire Oratre&s;&s;e, hauing alreadie per&s;waded him, if her toung had bin &s;ilent. Mars &s;pent a long time with Venus, and before his departure from thence Cleopatra was another Calphurnia vnto him. But why
<PB N="149" REF="77"> do I name Calphurnia? For what proportion can there be betwixt a cha&s;t matron and a &s;hamele&s;&s;e curtizan. Cae&s;ar labouring to re|&s;tore Cleopatra to her former dignitie was &s;uddenly a&s;&s;aulted by the king of Egypt with <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar is a&s;|&s;aulted by the king of Egypt.</NOTE> an huge armie, and in that warre he was dri|uen to many extremities, the conduit pipes were cut a &s;under, and he was be&s;ieged on e|uery &s;ide being as yet in Cleopatraes pallace, but in the end wra&s;tling out of the&s;e misfor|tunes, he gaue battell to the Egyptians at Pharoes, and conueying him&s;elfe into a gal|lie for the defence and &s;afegard of his fleete which was grieuou&s;ly to&s;t, he was &s;o vexed and &s;haken by his enemies, that he was faine to leaue his gally, and &s;wimming a great way in the riuer of Nilus, returned with great dif|ficultie <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar &s;wim|meth in the riuer of Nilus</NOTE> to his armie, but at the la&s;t encoun|tring the Egyptians at Alexandria, he put the king and his whole armie to the &s;word: and in the&s;e warres was burnt the notable librarie of Ptolomeus Philadelphus, but much again&s;t Cae&s;ars mind, who as he was &s;pecially learned &s;o he made &s;peciall accompt of that monu|ment of learning. Cae&s;ar hauing rai&s;ed Cleo|patra
<PB N="150" REF="78"> to her pri&s;tinate roialtie, departed from Egypt and ha&s;tened toward Vtica, but in the way being enformed that Pharnaces the &s;on of Mithridates, whome Pompey when he had fini&s;hed the warre again&s;t Mithridates, had made king of Bo&s;phorus, had &s;ubtracted from the Romanes, and atchieued to him&s;elf Cap|padocia, Colchis, Armenia, and part of Pon|tus: Cae&s;ar &s;ent again&s;t him Domitius Calui|nus, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar ad|dre&s;&s;eth a|gain&s;t Phar|naces.</NOTE> who&s;e armie was di&s;comfited by Phar|naces. Cae&s;ar did then in per&s;on make expe|dition again&s;t him, and a&s;&s;aulting him at Ze|lia, cau&s;ed him at the fir&s;t ioyning of battell to flye, and hauing entred Bo&s;phorus, he was <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar put|teth Pharna|ces to flight.</NOTE> &s;laine of A&s;ander the author of his inua&s;ions. VVhile&s;t Cae&s;ar was marching toward Vtica, M. Cato di&s;daining to receiue life at the ha~ds of Cae&s;ar, and greatly perplexed in mind that a man &s;o rebelliou&s;ly bent &s;hould haue &s;o pro&s;perous fortune, did with violent hands <NOTE PLACE="marg">M. Cato kil|leth him&s;elfe</NOTE> determine his daies. Cae&s;ar hauing taken V|tica as he was returning to Rome, did en|counter P. Scipio on the &s;eas, who &s;eeking by <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar en|countreth P. Scipio.</NOTE> all warlike meanes to pre&s;erue the &s;lender &s;parckle of his dying life, was at length &s;laine.
<PB N="151" REF="78"> and Cae&s;ar &s;ayling from thence en&s;hoared in Sardinia, and making no long tarriance in that place, came the fiue and twentieth day of that moneth, which beares his name at this day to the citie of Rome, where he was wel|comed with &s;uch applau&s;e, &s;uch gratulation, with &s;uch melodie, with &s;o rare banquets, and with &s;o gorgious &s;hewes, that Pompeis death was not bewailed with halfe &s;o many teares, as he was entertained with ioyes, and for the &s;ealing of their good affection towards him, they did grant to him by a fourefold triumph to enlarge his fame. A triumph was a mo&s;t ex|cellent <NOTE PLACE="marg">What thing a triumph was among&s;t the Romans &amp; how per|formed.</NOTE> honour, which the captaine who by battell had ouercome his enemies, returning with his armie into the citie did at the fir&s;t en|ioy by the decree of the Senate, and after|ward by the con&s;ent of the people. It was cal|led a triumph, becau&s;e the &s;ouldiers did crye along the &s;treete as they went to the Capi|tolle, Io triumph. Surely the Romanes did greatly aduantage them&s;elues by the v&s;ing of the&s;e triumphes, for by them men were ani|mated to warlike exploits. But many thinke a common-weale then onely to flouri&s;h, whe~
<PB N="152" REF="79"> it hath peace and plentie, but being moued with the pre&s;ent face of things, and not fore|ca&s;ting the &s;equele, they &s;lip into errour, and fo&s;ter in their minds fond opinions, for plen|tie breedeth &s;ecuritie, &s;ecuritie warre, warre de&s;olation. The &s;tate of a countrey is then to be tearmed pro&s;perous, when it is throughly furni&s;hed with men able and &s;ufficient to re|pul&s;e forreine forces, with the prouentions of the earth, and other trea&s;ures of husbandrie. But how can&s;t thou a&s;&s;ure thy &s;elfe of free and peaceable inioying of the riches of thy coun|trey, the &s;pace of one moneth without milita|rie di&s;cipline? For all regions except tho&s;e which are &s;ituate vnder the extremitie of the climates, are enuironed with the circumfe|rence of other nations, from which warre may ari&s;e as ea&s;ily, as the winde bloweth from the foure quarters of the world, in which dange|rous accident the fir&s;t and la&s;t refuge of hu|mane helpes is the &s;oldiers arme. Doubtle&s;&s;e the Romanes were exqui&s;ite in all heroicall de&s;ert, but in their bountie and beneficence to &s;ouldiers incomparably excellent: for they knew, that the prouinces and Ilands adiacent
<PB N="153" REF="79"> could not be wonne by home-&s;itting, or by a treatie of words: but they mu&s;t gird their ar|mour, confront their enemies, and exchange bloud for bloud, and when the&s;e countreyes were conquered, &amp; they had ta&s;ted the &s;weet of the vintage, which the &s;ouldiers had gathe|red, they did not reward them with &s;ower grapes, neither powred they vineger into their wounds, but a&s;&s;igned vnto them pen&s;io|narie lands, for their maintenance, and ma|king the~ franke allowance of ample rewards, encouraged them with crownes of glorie, tri|umphs, honors and dignities, &s;o that victorie flouri&s;hed there where armes were fauoured. Surely Princes &amp; potentates ought with ten|der indulgence to re&s;pect the infatigable paines of the &s;ouldier, le&s;t he murmur and &s;ay when he goeth to the fight, I &s;hall either be o|uercome, or &s;laine: and &s;o be wholly &s;ubiect to the will and di&s;po&s;all of mine enemie, or el&s;e be partaker of the victorie, and returne into my country, as into a pitched field, where I &s;hall fight with penurie, contempt and vn|thankfulne&s;&s;e, the la&s;t of which being either in the enemies chaines, or in the number of
<PB N="154" REF="80"> his dead men, I &s;hould neuer haue felt. But if the &s;ouldiers indu&s;trie be not quickened and &s;tirred vp by bountie and reward, he hath no more will to performe any part of martial &s;er|uice, then a dead coar&s;e hath power to ari&s;e out of the graue. For what can be more pre|cious to a man then his bloud, being the fou~|taine and nur&s;e of his vitall &s;pirits, and the ground of his bodily &s;ub&s;tance, which no free and ingenuous nature will loo&s;e or hazard for nothing. And in truth there is great ods in the euent, for the &s;ouldier may either be &s;laine and &s;o die without receiuing of his &s;alarie, or el&s;e be wounded and die vnder the cure, and &s;o receiue his &s;tipend to the halfe part. This account being thus ca&s;t, it falleth out that the &s;ouldier loo&s;eth all or &s;ome part, &amp; the Prince who is his pay-mai&s;ter, &s;aueth either all or &s;ome part. And who&s;oeuer &s;hall argument or di&s;cour&s;e vpon &s;ound rea&s;on, and infallible experience, may ea&s;ily proue and conuince, that the&s;e commo~ weales haue mo&s;t pro&s;pe|red, which haue liberally maintained and had in &s;ingular regard militarie artes. The men|tioning of Cae&s;ars triumph hath occa&s;ioned
<PB N="155" REF="80"> me to v&s;e this digre&s;&s;ion. This word Trium|phus is deriued of the Greeke name of Bac|chus <GAP DESC="foreign">, who hauing &s;ubdued India, was the fir&s;t inuenter of this honor. Of triumphs there were two &s;orts ob&s;erued of the Romans, one the graund triumph, which by praehemi|nence was called Triumphus, the other was the pettie triumph, and was commonly called Ouatio, of the&s;e triumphs &s;ome were done on land, &s;ome on &s;ea, &s;ome in the citie, &s;ome on mount Albane. It was therefore called O|uatio, becau&s;e the victoriate &s;ouldiers retur|ning from the fight did &s;howte, and double the letter O. An Ouation did much differ fro~ a triumph, becau&s;e he which came into the ci|tie by way of Ouation, was neither caried in chariot, nor cladde with robe triumphall, nor with any ornament of e&s;tate, neither did his armie march before him when he was entred the citie, neither was he crowned with laurel, nor brought in with &s;ound of trumpets, but walked through the citie on foot, his head being adorned with a mirtle crowne, his &s;oul|diers following him, and the &s;hawmes onely &s;ounding. How the great triumph was cele|brated,
<PB N="156" REF="81"> may be perceiued by this of Cae&s;ars which was thus performed.</P>
<P>Caius Cae&s;ar &s;itting in a rich and &s;umptu|ous <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar his triumphs de&s;eribed.</NOTE> chariot, bordred round about with the crownes of Princes, his vpper garment being of purpled ti&s;&s;ue, and be&s;panged with lines of gold, his victorious armie marching before him garni&s;hed with the &s;poiles of Europa and Affrick, his captiues being bou~d with chaines, which were tied to his chariots taile, did re|pre&s;ent a wonderfull maie&s;tie to the gazing people: the trumpets and the clarions did &s;ound on each &s;ide. His fir&s;t triumph di&s;plaied <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ars fir&s;t triumph.</NOTE> with a mo&s;t radiant &s;tanderd, the &s;poiles and conque&s;ts which he had in Fraunce: the ima|ges of Rhodanus and Rhene were wrought in &s;iluer, the &s;treames were curiou&s;ly deciphe|red, and the waues did &s;eeme to ri&s;e with a naturall and reall flowing. In the &s;econd tri|umph <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ars &s;e|cond triu~ph.</NOTE> &s;tood the citie of Alexandria, and after it the armes of vanqui&s;hed Ptolome were bla|zed, the riuer of Nilus was painted with a faire caele&s;tiall blew: the azured waues being compacted of co&s;tly gla&s;&s;e. In the third tri|umph <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ars third triumph.</NOTE> was a maske of Ponticke mourners, &amp;
<PB N="157" REF="81"> the coar&s;e of Pharnaces was then caried in tri|umph: vpo~ the top of the coffin &s;tood a triple plume, on the one part of which was written VENI, on the other VIDI, on the third VICI. In the fourth triumph Affrike went as captiue, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ars fourth tri|umph.</NOTE> and the per&s;on of Iuba king of Mauritania, his armes pictured as hauing mannacles of them was then al&s;o re&s;embled. For his victorie at Phar&s;alia there was no triumph, becau&s;e Po~|pey was a Romane. VVhen Rome with &s;mi|ling countenance had beheld the&s;e &s;hewes, Cae&s;ar accompanied with the Romane nobi|litie entred the Capitolle, and there with &s;pi|ced fires and fragrant odours did &s;acrifice to Iupiter. After his thankes, vowes, and prayers perfourmed, he returned with the great ap|plau&s;e and admiration of men, and amidde&s;t other &s;olemnities, Cri&s;pus Salu&s;tius did greet him with this Oration.</P>
<P><Q>I know that it is a difficult and hard matter <NOTE PLACE="marg">Salu&s;tes oration to Cae&s;ar.</NOTE> to giue coun&s;ell to a king, or Emperour, or to any man that is highly aduaunced, becau&s;e they haue &s;tore of coun&s;ellers, &amp; there is none &s;o wi&s;e and warie, who can giue certaine ad|ui&s;e of that which is to come. Againe, bad
<PB N="158" REF="82"> coun&s;elles are manie times better liked then good, becau&s;e fortune dallieth in things, and fancy in men according to their plea&s;ure. But I had a great minde in my youth, to handle matters of &s;tate, and in knowing of them I be|&s;towed great labour and trauell, not to this end onely, that I might obtaine &s;ome place of dignitie in the common-weale, which manie by euill artes and vnlawfull meanes haue co~|pa&s;&s;ed, but that I might al&s;o fully know the e&s;tate of the common-weale, as well in peace as in warre, and how much by munition, by men, and by monie it could do. Therefore to&s;&s;ing many things in my mind this was my re&s;olution, to praeferre thy dignitie Cae&s;ar be|fore mine owne fame, and mode&s;tie, and to put any thing in practi&s;e &s;o I might procure glorie to thee. And this I did not ra&s;hly or to flatter thee, but becau&s;e in thee among&s;t the re&s;t, I find one skill very maruellous, that thy mind hath bene greater in aduer&s;itie, then in pro&s;peritie. But with others it is a matter of more accompt and reckening, that men be &s;ooner wearie with prai&s;ing thy valor, then thy &s;elfart wearied with doing things worthie
<PB N="159" REF="82"> of prai&s;e. Surely I hold it for a rule, that no|thing can be fet from the depth of inuention, which is not readie to thy thought. And if this purpo&s;e &s;hould onely raigne in thy bre&s;t to deliuer thy &s;elfe from the furie of enimies, and how thou maie&s;t retaine the fauour and good liking of the people, thou &s;hould do a thing vnworthie of thy vertue. But if that mind be as yet re&s;ident in thee, which from the beginning di&s;turbed the faction of &s;editi|ous men, which brought the Romanes from the heauie yoake of &s;eruitude vnto libertie, which without weapons did confound the ar|mies of thine enemies, whereof haue en&s;ued &s;o many and &s;o glorious actes both at home and abrode, that thy foes cannot complaine of any thing but of thine excellencie, then re|ceiue from me &s;uch things, as of the &s;umme or &s;tate of the common-weale I &s;hall deliuer: which doubtle&s;&s;e thou &s;halt either find to be true, or el&s;e certainly not farre from the truth. There is no man brought vp in a free e&s;tate, who doth willingly yeeld &s;uperioritie to ano|ther, and though the mightier man be by na|ture of a good and mild di&s;po&s;ition, yet be|cau&s;e
<PB N="160" REF="83"> when he will he may be wicked and in|iurious, he is therefore feared: which hapneth becau&s;e many great men are peruer&s;ly min|ded, and thinke them&s;elues &s;o much the &s;afer, by how much more they do permit other me~ ouer whom they rule, to be wicked &amp; vniu&s;t. But &s;urely a contrarie cour&s;e &s;hould be taken, when the Prince is good him&s;elfe, to labour and indeuour likewi&s;e to make the people good. For euery bad fellow doth mo&s;t vnwil|lingly beare a gouernour, but this to thee Cae&s;ar is of greater difficultie, then to others who haue ruled before thee: thy warre hath bene more mild then the peace of other me~: be&s;ides they which did ouercome, do de|maund the &s;poile, they which are ouercome are their fellow citizens. Through the&s;e diffi|culties mu&s;t thou pa&s;&s;e. And &s;trengthen the common-weale for &s;ucceeding po&s;teritie, not by weapons, nor as again&s;t enemies, but which is farre greater and more difficult, by peaceable meanes. Therefore to this point the &s;tate of things doth call euery man either of great or of meane wi&s;edome, to vtter as much good as he can concerning this matter.
<PB N="161" REF="83"> For mine owne part this I thinke, that as by thee the victorie &s;hall be qualified and orde|red, &s;o &s;hall all things follow. Thou didde&s;t wage battell noble Cae&s;ar with an excellent man, of great power, and de&s;irous of glorie, a man of greater fortune then wi&s;edome, fol|lowed by &s;ome few, enemies both to thee &amp; to them&s;elues, &s;uch as either affinitie did draw vnto him, or &s;ome other bond of dutie: for none of them was partaker of his dominatio~, which he could not tollerate. For if he could <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pompey could not brooke an equall.</NOTE> haue brooked an equall, the world had not bene &s;et on fire with warre: but becau&s;e thou art de&s;irous to e&s;tabli&s;h peace, and vpon this anuill thou and thy friends do continually beate, con&s;ider I pray thee of what nature the thing is whereof you con&s;ult. Certainly I haue this conceit, that becau&s;e all things which haue beginning mu&s;t haue end, when the fate and determined lot of de&s;truction &s;hall fall vpon this citie, that our citizens will contend and make warre again&s;t their fellow citizens, and &s;o being wearied and con&s;umed will be|come a pray to &s;ome forraigne king or nati|on: otherwi&s;e, not the whole world, nor all
<PB N="162" REF="84"> the people vnder the arch of the heauens be|ing mu&s;tred or a&s;&s;embled together, &s;hall be able to &s;hake or cru&s;h this flouri&s;hing com|mon-weale. Therefore the good effects of concord are to be maintained, and the euils of di&s;cord to be bani&s;hed and driuen away: that may ea&s;ily come to pa&s;&s;e, if thou abridge the licence of riotous &s;pending, and iniurious extorting, becau&s;e young gentlemen in the&s;e times are inured to &s;uch a fa&s;hion, that they thinke it a glorious matter vainly to mi&s;pend their owne goods and the goods of other me~, denying nothing to their owne lu&s;t, nor to the &s;hamele&s;&s;e reque&s;t of their leud compa|nions: and their re&s;tle&s;&s;e mind hauing entred into a crooked way, and di&s;&s;olute cour&s;e, whe~ their maintenance faileth them, and wonted &s;upplies are wanting, do conceiue a burning indignation again&s;t their fellow citizens, and turne all things out of cour&s;e. In that commo~-weale all things are well ordered, where offi|ces and dignities are not &s;old, and where am|bition enioyeth not the rewards of vertue: this and all other euils &s;hall cea&s;e when mony &s;hall cea&s;e to be honoured, where riches are
<PB N="163" REF="84"> precious, there all good things are vile: faith, hone&s;tie, mode&s;tie, cha&s;titie, becau&s;e there is but one way to vertue, and that is hard and rough, but to mony there be many &s;mooth waies: it is gained as well by euill as by good meanes. Couetou&s;ne&s;&s;e is a &s;auage and de|uouring bea&s;t, immane, &amp; intollerable: which way &s;o euer it wendeth, it wa&s;teth, &amp; de&s;troy|eth townes, fields, temples and hou&s;es: it min|gleth holy and humane things together: nei|ther armes nor wals can &s;top the cour&s;e of it. It &s;poileth and bereaueth men of fame, chil|dren, countrie and parents: but if thou deba&s;e the high accompt of monie, the force of co|uetou&s;ne&s;&s;e by good manners will be abated. I haue by reading found, that all kingdomes, cities, and nations haue &s;o long enioyed a pro&s;perous e&s;tate, whil&s;t true adui&s;e did pre|uaile in them: but when&s;oeuer fauour, feare, or plea&s;ure was the &s;terne or motiue of their coun&s;els, then their wealth was fir&s;t dimini&s;h|ed, next their dominion abridged, and la&s;tly, their libertie impeached. VVherefore I be|&s;eech and exhort thee renowned Cae&s;ar, that thou woulde&s;t not &s;uffer &s;uch a goodly domi|nion
<PB N="164" REF="85"> as this to be tainted with ru&s;t, or by di&s;|cord rented in peeces. If that thing happen, neither night nor day will appea&s;e the &s;torms of thy mind, but by dreames being rowzed from thy bed, thou &s;halt be cha&s;ed and pur|&s;ued with continuall cares. I haue di&s;patched in few &s;uch things as I accompted honorable for thee Cae&s;ar, and nece&s;&s;arie for this com|mon-weale. The mo&s;t part of men to iudge of others, haue &s;ufficient conceit, at lea&s;t in their owne conceit, and to reprooue an other mans deeds or words, euery mans mind doth burne with de&s;ire. They thinke their throat is not wide enough, nor their toung glib e|nough to poure out of their brea&s;ts their ma|licious exceptions, to who&s;e cen&s;ure that I am &s;ubiect, doth &s;o little &s;hame me, that it would haue grieued me to haue bene &s;ilent: for, whether it &s;hall plea&s;e thee to follow this cour&s;e or &s;ome better, I &s;hall not be mooued: &s;ith I haue &s;poken as much as my barrenne&s;&s;e could bring foorth. It remaineth for me and for vs'all to wi&s;h, that &s;uch things as thou &s;halt in wi&s;edome effect, the gods would pro&s;per.</Q> Cae&s;ar afterward to match his foure triumphs,
<PB N="165" REF="85"> was made the fourth time Con&s;ul: his &s;tatue al&s;o was placed among&s;t the &s;tatues of the <NOTE PLACE="marg">The great honors be|&s;towed vpon Cae&s;ar.</NOTE> auncient kings: in the Senat-hou&s;e there was a throne of iuorie made for him: in the thea|ter his roome was &s;uch, as it contained plea|&s;ure, pompe, and co&s;t: his image was exqui|&s;itly painted in the Orche&s;ter, a place where|in the Romaine gentlemen did v&s;e to daunce and vaut: the moneth of Iuly was then al&s;o co~&s;ecrated to Iulius, as the moneth of March is to Mars. Cae&s;ar did not re&s;t in the&s;e honors, but thought &s;till to propagate his fame by warlike exploits. VVherefore hearing that Po~peis &s;ons did rai&s;e great tumults &amp; vprores in Spaine, he made great ha&s;t thitherward, &amp; at the towne of Siuill oppo&s;ed him&s;elfe to Cn. <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar figh|teth with Cn.. Po~peius the younger at the citie of Siuill.</NOTE> Pompeius one of the &s;onnes of Pompey the Great, who was con&s;trained to flye, but La|bienus met him at vnawares, and hauing &s;laine him, brought his head to Cae&s;ar. Sex. Pompeius his brother e&s;ca|ped by flight.</P>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 N="3" TYPE="book">
<PB N="166" REF="86">
<HEAD><HI>ATROPOS,</HI> Or the third Booke.</HEAD>
<P>_THe warre in Spaine being quickly di&s;patched, Cae&s;ar returned to Rome: and the Romanes did redouble his honours, for he was Pre&s;ent|ly <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Romans be&s;tow many honors vpon Cae&s;ar.</NOTE> made Dictator perpetuall, Cen&s;or perpe|tuall, Con&s;ull for ten yeares, and Emperour of Rome: he was called al&s;o the father of his countrie. But Cae&s;ars fortunes did &s;oone af|ter begin to decline, and the&s;e diuer&s;e colou|red titles were but as reinebowes, which do glitter gallantly for a time, but are &s;uddenly extinct: his fatall houre was now approching, and enuie &s;tayed in the cloudes expecting his end. But as a mightie and huge oake, being clad with the exuuials and trophes of ene|mies, fenced with an armie of boughs, garni|&s;hed with a coate of barke as hard as &s;teele, de&s;pi&s;eth the force and power of the windes,
<PB N="167" REF="86"> as being onely able to dallie with the leaues, and not to weaken the roote; but the Nor|therne wind that &s;trong champion of the airie region, &s;ecretly lurking in the vault of &s;ome hollow cloud, doth fir&s;t murmur at this a&s;pi|ring oake, and then doth &s;trike his cre&s;t with &s;ome greater &s;trength, and la&s;tly with the deepe&s;t breath of his lungs doth blow vp the roote. So vndoubtedly was it with Cae&s;ar, who di&s;dained feare, and thought it a great deale better to die then to thinke on misfortune: but de&s;tinie is no mans drudge, and death is euery mans conqueror, matching the &s;cepter with the &s;pade, and the crowned king with the prai&s;le&s;&s;e pea&s;ant. As none was more noble then Cae&s;ar, &s;o nothing was more notable, then the death of Cae&s;ar: for his deare&s;t frie~ds became his greate&s;t enemies, and their hands plucked him downe, who&s;e &s;houlders did lift him vp. Many cau&s;es were pretended of the <NOTE PLACE="marg">The cau&s;es of the con|&s;piracie bent again&s;t Cae|&s;ar.</NOTE> con&s;piracie bent again&s;t him, the honours which were be&s;towed vpon him, being both manie and great, did cau&s;e him to be enuied of the Nobles: and likewi&s;e it was a matter of cauill, becau&s;e &s;itting before temple of Venus
<PB N="168" REF="87"> genitrix the Senate comming to him to con|&s;ult with him of great affaires, he did &s;it and welcome them, and did not ri&s;e vnto them: another occa&s;ion of quarell was, becau&s;e M. Antonius would haue &s;et a Diademe vpon his head: the fourth cau&s;e was, becau&s;e he depri|ued Epidius, Metellus, and Ce&s;etius Flauius of the Tribune&s;hip: fiftly it was greatly mur|mured, becau&s;e it was con&s;tantly reported, that L. Cotta Quindecemuir that is a co~tem|platiue reader of Sybillaes prophecies, would pronounce &s;entence, that becau&s;e it was con|tained in the prophecies of Sybilla, that the Parthians could not be ouercome but by a king, therefore Cae&s;ar &s;hould be highted the king of Rome. For the&s;e cau&s;es a con&s;piracie being rai&s;ed again&s;t him, in which the chiefe agents of the Pompeians, were M. Brutus and C. Ca&s;&s;ius, and of the C&eogon;&s;arians D. Brutus and C. Trebonius, in the Ides of March, and in the <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar is &s;laine in the Senat-hou&s;e</NOTE> Senate-hou&s;e, which was called Pompeyes court, he was pierced with three and twentie wounds, which becau&s;e they were many, and mo&s;t of them were in the belly, and about the midrife, Cae&s;ar as a&s;hamed of &s;uch wounds,
<PB N="169" REF="87"> did let downe his robe from his &s;houlders to couer them, and fell as a &s;acrifice vnder the &s;tatue of Cn. Pompeius Magnus. M. Antonius <NOTE PLACE="marg">M. Antonius is &s;pared at the time whe~ Cae&s;ar is &s;laine.</NOTE> and other friends of C&eogon;&s;ar, were &s;pared by the adui&s;e of M. Brutus, le&s;t they might &s;eeme ra|ther to be authors of a faction, then of Cae&s;ars death. After this bloudie exploit, they by who~ he was &s;laine, held the Capitolle. I cannot giue Brutus prai&s;e for this, but I rather thinke that he de&s;erueth di&s;prai&s;e: for had the cau&s;e of quailing him bene iu&s;t, yet the cour&s;e &amp; ma|ner of killing him, doth apparantly &s;eeme vn|lawfull: for by that act the law Portia was bro|ken, <NOTE PLACE="marg">The law Por|tia broken by the killing of Cae&s;ar.</NOTE> by which it was prouided, that it &s;hould not be lawfull for anie to put to death anie ci|tizen of Rome indicta cau&s;a. The law Corne|lia <NOTE PLACE="marg">The law Cor|nelia broken by the killing of Cae&s;ar.</NOTE> de maie&s;tate was al&s;o violated, by which it was made high trea&s;on, for any man to take a|nie adui&s;e, or make anie con&s;piracie, whereby a Romane Magi&s;trate, or he which had a &s;oue|raigne power, without iudiciall proces might &s;uffer death. And that ancient law was al&s;o de|&s;pi&s;ed, by which it was forbidden, that no Se|nator &s;hould enter into the Senate-hou&s;e ar|med with any warlike weapo~, or hauing about
<PB N="170" REF="88"> him anie edged toole. Surely they that will end tumult with tumult, can neuer be &s;eized of good &s;ucce&s;&s;e or fortunate eue~t: for di&s;cord may breed, continue &amp; augment contention, but it can neuer end it: and to expect that all differences &s;hould be calmely compounded by generall accord, is a thing not much to be hoped for, becau&s;e it &s;eldome happeneth. M. Brutus, the chiefe actor in Cae&s;ars tragedie, was in coun&s;el deepe, in wit profound, in plot politicke, and one that hated the principality whereof he deue&s;ted Cae&s;ar. But did Brutus looke for peace by bloud&s;hed? did he thinke to auoyd tyrannie by tumult? was there no way to wound Cae&s;ar, but by &s;tabbing his own con&s;cience? &amp; no way to make C&eogon;&s;ar odious, but by incurring the &s;ame obloquie? VVill a|nie man &s;peake vnto me of the wi&s;dome of Brutus, when he thinketh vpo~ the field of Phi|lippi, wherein Brutus was like to the Comet, who feeding vpon vapours &amp; vaine opinions, at length con&s;umed and confounded him&s;elf: and thus were the two Bruti, I meane the fir&s;t and the la&s;t, famous men of that honourable name, both fatall to the e&s;tate of the Romane
<PB N="171" REF="88"> Common-weale: for the former of them did expell the la&s;t king of the Romanes, and the later did murder their fir&s;t Emperour. But if Cae&s;ars death had bene attended, till naturall di&s;&s;olution, or iu&s;t proceeding had cau&s;ed it, his nephews entrie into the monarchie might well haue bene barred and intercepted: be|cau&s;e the&s;e honors were annexed and appro|priated to Cae&s;ars per&s;on. And if patience might haue managed their wi&s;domes, though there had bene a Cae&s;ar, yet &s;hould there ne|uer haue bene an Augu&s;tus. But by bloud&s;hed to &s;eeke for peace, is by oyle to quench fire. VVhen any innouation or alteration is to be hatched, the &s;tate of things mu&s;t be quiet and &s;ecure, that the wheele may be ea&s;ily turned about, without hearing any noi&s;e. For to com|mit the murder of a &s;oueraigne Magi&s;trate, &amp; to defend thy &s;elfe by armes, is as if a man &s;hould couer him&s;elfe by water from a &s;howre of raine, or &s;hould de&s;cend into &s;ome hollow of the earth for auoiding of infectious aire: &amp; if the mo&s;t barbarous and immaine tyrant, &s;hould trecherou&s;ly, that is without warrant of iu&s;tice be &s;laughtered, though at his death he
<PB N="172" REF="89"> were vtterly de&s;titute of friends, yet his ene|mies &s;hould be &s;ure to finde enemies: for no co~mon-weale can be without men of a&s;piring humours, and when &s;uch a murder is wrought they find pre&s;ent occa&s;io~ to tumultuate, know|ing that Anarchie breedeth confu&s;ion, &amp; that it is be&s;t fi&s;hing in a troubled &s;treame: making a glorious pretence to reuenge the death of a Prince, though in heart &amp; in truth, they beare greater affectio~ to the monarchie remaining, then to the Monarke who is taken away: nei|ther in regard of &s;upreme power and praehe|minence, will I put diuer&s;itie betweene the per&s;on of a king and a tyrant; for he which at|taineth to an imperiall or regall &s;oueraigntie, by warlike indu&s;trie and victorious exploit, is no le&s;&s;e a Monarke, then he which cometh to it by election, &s;ucce&s;&s;ion or de&s;cent: &amp; he that is made &s;ubiect by &s;word, is as much &s;ubiect as he that by birth is a deni&s;on. But was Iulius Cae&s;ar a tyrant? Surely there was more tyran|nie in the &s;laughter then in the man &s;laine: C&eogon;|&s;ar I graunt was a traitour to the State before the victorie, but after he exchanged that ba&s;e name, with the be&s;t title of dignitie, and of a
<PB N="173" REF="89"> traitour became an Emperour: yet did he not aggrauate to him&s;elfe that type of honor, the people offred it vnto him, he accepted it with thankes: manie had offended him, he pardo|ned them, yea rewarded them with great bou~|tie. He was content to haue a fellow Con&s;ull, he &s;u&s;pected none of them which were the workmen of his death, he did neither depre&s;&s;e the Noble man by &s;lau~der, nor aduance them of ob&s;cure condition by flatterie and bribes: &amp; which is inco~patible to tyrannie, he &s;hewed &s;elf-will in nothing, when he was inue&s;ted with &s;upremacie; but que&s;tionle&s;&s;e the Romanes &s;hould not haue nouri&s;hed this lyon in their Citie, or being nouri&s;hed, they &s;hould not haue di&s;graced him. The goared body of C&eogon;|&s;ar <NOTE PLACE="marg">C&eogon;&s;ar his bo|die is tran&s;|ported to Ca~pus Mar|tius.</NOTE> was honourably tran&s;ported to Campus Martius. Afterward M. Cicero becau&s;e he was de&s;irous to re&s;tore peace, and to reconcile the &s;tates, procured a decree to be made after the example of the Athenians, which they called their Amne&s;tia, that the killing of Cae&s;ar &s;hold be forgotten &amp; forgiuen, and this was ratified by Senate. But the con&s;pirors would not in a|nie wi&s;e lay a&s;ide their armour, vnle&s;&s;e they
<PB N="174" REF="90"> might haue certaine a&s;&s;urance and &s;ecuritie that their per&s;ons, lands, and goods &s;hould be &s;afe and vntouched. VVherefore for pledges they had the &s;onnes of M. Antonius, &amp; M. Le|pidus, and then they de&s;cended out of the Capitolle. C. Octauius hearing of the great change that had happened in Rome, came as &s;ome &s;ay from Epirus, as others from Apollo|nia, to whom I rather agree: but he was wel|come to all &s;ides and &s;ectes. And by the te&s;ta|ment of his vncle, who had adopted him to be his heire, he tooke the name of Iulius Cae&s;ar. M. Lepidus was at that time made Pontifex|maximus in Cae&s;ars place. The Senate did a&s;|&s;igne the prouince of Syria to Dolabella, and Macedonia to Antonius: but afterward when M. Antonius did &s;hew him&s;elf too imperious, and would haue re&s;igned his charge in Mace|donia, and haue bene Prae&s;ident of France, he &s;uffered a repul&s;e of the Senate, wherupon he <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Senate incen&s;ed a|gain&s;t M. An|tonius.</NOTE> appealed to the people, which did greatly in|cen&s;e the Senate again&s;t him, and Octauius was al&s;o grieuou&s;ly di&s;plea&s;ed with him, be|cau&s;e <NOTE PLACE="marg">Octauius be|commeth an enemie to Antonius.</NOTE> crauing his a&s;&s;i&s;ta~ce again&s;t the enemies of his vncle, he was in gro&s;&s;e &amp; odious termes
<PB N="175" REF="90"> abu&s;ed of Antonius: Octauius therefore by the a&s;&s;ent of the Senate, being accompanied with his vncles veteranes, prepared warre a|gain&s;t him. D. Brutus to whom the prouince of France was committed by Cae&s;ar, and after his death confirmed to him by the Senate, that he might re&s;i&s;t Antonius, who was then ma|king toward Fraunce, came with an armie to Mutina, and there &s;uffered him&s;elfe to be be|&s;ieged. <NOTE PLACE="marg">D. Brutus &s;uf+fereth him|&s;elf to be be|&s;ieged by An+tonius.</NOTE> The Senat did afterward &s;end me&s;&s;en|gers to Antonius, to treate with him of peace, which were L. Pi&s;o, L. Philippus, and Seruius Sulpitius. But when they returned without co~|cluding any thing, warre was proclaimed, and Hirtius being Con&s;ul went again&s;t him, Octa|uius as Propraetor, Pan&s;a the other Con&s;ul &s;o|lowed them within a few dayes after. Cae&s;ar and Hirtius hauing brought Bononia into their power, did pitch their tents neare to An|tonius, who leauing a &s;ufficient armie to beate them from the wals of the towne wherein his forces were, did priuily and clo&s;ely go from thence to meete with Pan&s;a, as he was coming to Bononia, with whom he entred battell, and <NOTE PLACE="marg">M. Antonius fighteth with Pan&s;a.</NOTE> had a pro&s;perous victorie, but as he was retur|ning
<PB N="176" REF="91"> to his tents, Hirtius oppo&s;ed him&s;elfe in <NOTE PLACE="marg">Hirtius figh|teth with Antonius.</NOTE> the way, and curtalled his victorie, doing vn|to him as great a damage as he did to Pan&s;a: for which cau&s;e both the Con&s;uls and Cae&s;ar, were called as well of the Senate as of the &s;ol|diers Emperors, although Pan&s;a had but bad &s;ucce&s;&s;e, and Cae&s;ar did not fight at all. But &s;hortly after there was a great battell fought <NOTE PLACE="marg">The two Co~|&s;uls &amp; Octa|uius fight a|gain&s;t Anto|nius.</NOTE> betwixt the&s;e three and Antonius, in which battell Antonius being con&s;trained both to leaue his tents and armie, fled into France to Lepidus Procon&s;ul. Hirtius after the victorie being &s;ore wounded, died &s;odainly in his e|nemies tents. Pan&s;a not long after died of a wound al&s;o at Bononia. Brutus and Mutina being deliuered from &s;iege, only Cae&s;ar e&s;ca|ped &s;afe, and enioyed a mo&s;t glorious victo|rie. The father of Cae&s;ar was C. Octauius a praetorian, and Atia was the daughter of M. Atius Balbus, and Iulia the &s;i&s;ter of Iulius Cae|&s;ar, and being adopted of C. C&eogon;&s;ar, and made his onely heire, he was called C. Iulius Cae&s;ar Octauianus. After the&s;e warres he became <NOTE PLACE="marg">Octauius be|commeth an enemie to Antonius.</NOTE> an enemie to the Senate, becau&s;e they had affoorded a triumph vnto D. Brutus, and had
<PB N="177" REF="91"> made him Generall in the warre again&s;t An|tonius, who &s;tood onely vpon the walles and doing nothing, did onely behold the fight, pa&s;&s;ing by Octauius vnregarded, who had deliuered the Common-weale from danger; alleaging that it was but a &s;conce and colour to be&s;tow vpo~ him Con&s;ul robes &amp; to make him Praetor ten yeares before his time, which was to be&s;tow the kernell vpon others &amp; the &s;hell vpon him. And to trie them further he <NOTE PLACE="marg">Octauius his reque&s;t to the Senate.</NOTE> &s;ent to the Senate, to reque&s;t them, that he might be made Con&s;ul in the place of one of them which were &s;laine: &amp; becau&s;e he could not obtaine it by petition, he determined to purcha&s;e it by warre. Therefore reconciling <NOTE PLACE="marg">Octauius re|co~cileth him &s;elf to M. An|tonius and M. Lepidus.</NOTE> him&s;elfe to M. Antonius and M. Lepidus, he led a great armie again&s;t the Citie, and &s;ent me&s;&s;engers to the Senate in the name of his Captaines &amp; &s;ouldiers to demaund the Con|&s;ul&s;hip of them: who when they had moued the matter to the Senate, and the Senate was in a great doubt what to do, Cornelius a Ce~|turion that was the principall me&s;&s;enger, lay|ing his hand vpo~ the hilt of his &s;word, in great boldne&s;&s;e &s;aid vnto the~, this &s;hall do it, if you
<PB N="178" REF="92"> will not do it. The Pompeians were in truth wedded to too much partialitie, for why had Brutus the glorie of triumph, vnle&s;&s;e it were becau&s;e his life was &s;aued by other mens va|lour? And why were the bodies of Pan&s;a and Hirtius &s;olemnely and honorably enterred, and Cae&s;ar who was liuing, &amp; partaker of the victorie nothing regarded? Nay they did ap|parantly de&s;pi&s;e him. For, &s;ending me&s;&s;en|gers they enioined them to parle with his &s;ol|diers and leaue Octauius vn&s;poken to: but they did with great choler an&s;wer, that they would not heare anie thing vnle&s;&s;e their Ge|nerall were pre&s;ent. This peruer&s;e and prepo|&s;terous dealing made Octauius to enter the City in warlike maner, and as an enemy vnto them, and there he made him&s;elfe Con&s;ul, &amp; Q. Pedius his colleague. M. Cicero did then <NOTE PLACE="marg">M. Cicero doth greatly commend Octauius.</NOTE> in publike a&s;&s;emblies greatly commend and extoll Octauius, but he &s;pake one thing and meant another: for if dangers had bene once pa&s;t, Ciceroes tongue would haue turned an|other way. VVi&s;e and circum&s;pect he was to preuent a mi&s;chiefe, but timerous &amp; fearefull to with&s;tand it when it was befallen. After|ward
<PB N="179" REF="92"> affinitie was contracted betwixt Anto|nius and Cae&s;ar, for Cae&s;ar tooke to wife Clo|dia <NOTE PLACE="marg">C&eogon;&s;ar taketh Clodia to wife.</NOTE> the &s;tep-daughter of Antonius. He was Con&s;ul before he was of the age of twentie yeares, and in that Con&s;ul&s;hip held nothing in &s;o curious charge, as to take reuenge vpon the enemies of his adoptiue father: wherfore he reque&s;ted Q. Pedius his colleague to en|quire of them by who&s;e con&s;piracie he was &s;laine, and thereupon M. Brutus, C. Ca&s;&s;ius &amp; D. Brutus being ab&s;ent were condemned. D. Brutus to whom the Senate had committed the dealing with Antonius, being for&s;aken of <NOTE PLACE="marg">D Brutus is &s;laine.</NOTE> his armie fled to Aquileia &amp; was there &s;laine. But the e&s;tate of the Common-weale at that time &s;hall appeare by an Epi&s;tle of M. Brutus written to C. Ca&s;&s;ius, which I haue here &s;et downe: whereby a man may learne how to moderate and demeane him &s;elf in common calamities, whe~ iu&s;tice is turned out of cour&s;e and the lawes are &s;ilent. It was to this effect. <Q>M. Brutus to C. Ca&s;&s;ius &s;endeth commenda|tions; according to couenant &amp; promi&s;e my Ca&s;&s;ius, I write vnto thee &s;uch news as I haue receiued from Rome. Octauius as I heare,
<PB N="180" REF="93"> hath maried him&s;elfe to the daughter of Ful|uia the wife of Antonius, for which mariage, I am neither verie glad, nor greatly &s;orie: ma|nie v&s;e &s;uch mariages as pledges of reconci|liation, and thinke them of &s;ufficient force to change hatred into loue, but are greatly de|ceiued. For it is one thing to make alliance, and another to make amity, &s;ith they proceed from &s;euerall cau&s;es, and hauing a different cour&s;e, mu&s;t needes produce diuer&s;e effects, for allia~ce groweth, by bringing one kindred to the marches of another; but friend&s;hip ei|ther by long conuer&s;ing together, or by a grounded opinion of good de&s;ert, or by like|ne&s;&s;e of qualities where there is no inequality of e&s;tate: and he that &s;eeketh friend&s;hip out of the&s;e praecincts, will neuer find it. Therfore by &s;uch mariage emnitie will not fully cea&s;e, nor friend&s;hip firmely be &s;etteled: for it is rather a meane betwixt the&s;e two extremes, then either a mother to the one, or a &s;tep|dame to the other. I receiued letters lately <NOTE PLACE="marg">Antonius writeth co~+tumelious letters to Brutus &amp; Ca&s;&s;ius.</NOTE> from M. Antonius, directed to vs (whereof I haue &s;ent you here inclo&s;ed a copie) verie contumelious, minatorie, and not worthie to
<PB N="181" REF="93"> be &s;ent from him, to vs: but his threatnings I do not much regard. For among&s;t free men the authoritie of him that threatneth, is no more, then the law wil permit: for mine owne part I could wi&s;h that he were great in the Common-weale, &s;o he were hone&s;t. I will not prouoke him to emnitie, but will alway prae|ferre the libertie of my countrey, before his friend&s;hip: he obiecteth to vs often the death of Cae&s;ar, but he &s;hould con&s;ider how &s;mall a time Cae&s;ar raigned, not how litle while he liued. And Octauius for&s;ooth dige&s;ting at length, the hollow conditions of his father in law, &s;eemeth greatly to &s;tomake that we bo&s;t &s;o much of the Ides of March, when notwith|&s;tanding only one man was &s;laine: yet not &s;o much as he vanteth of the Nones of Decem|ber, at which time he &s;laughtered more then one. Cicero once thought that the Commo~|weale as a naked orphane &s;hould be prote|cted by armes, but now he praeferreth an vn|iu&s;t peace before a iu&s;t warre: wherein he &s;heweth how vniu&s;t he is: he is fortunes page, and fauoureth them mo&s;t who haue mo&s;t fa|uourers. A wi&s;e man, though by oportunitie
<PB N="182" REF="94"> he do alter his pace, yet &s;till keepeth his way, &s;erueth time for aduantage not for feare, and as the &s;unne &s;etteth to ri&s;e againe, &s;o he chan|geth his cour&s;e to continue his purpo&s;e: but to an vncon&s;tant man euerie accident is a co~|&s;tellation, by which he is diuer&s;ified and dri|uen from the center of his thoughts. Though Octauius call Cicero father, v&s;e him kindly, prai&s;e him, thanke him, yet it wil appeare that his words are contrarie to his meaning: for what is more auer&s;e from common &s;en&s;e, the~ to call him father whom he will not &s;uffer to be free? By the&s;e lineame~ts I haue &s;hadowed vnto thee my Ca&s;&s;ius the ficklene&s;&s;e and lu|bricitie of Ciceroes variable mind, which as it is not certaine to him&s;elfe, &s;o it is not &s;afe to vs: let him liue as he doth adulatoriou&s;ly and abiectly: to me which am oppo&s;ed to the thing it &s;elfe, that is, to a kingly regiment, ex|traordinarie rule, domination and &s;uperiori|tie which would extol it &s;elf aboue the lawes, no &s;ubiection can be &s;uch as that I may brook it. There can be no valia~t nor free mind with|out con&s;tancie, neither can any thing be glo|rious without the iudgement of rea&s;on. In the
<PB N="183" REF="94"> bu&s;ine&s;&s;e of the common-weale I would haue nothing done, without the con&s;titution and decree of the Senate and people, neither will I arrogantly pr&eogon;iudicate, or boldly retractate that which they &s;hall hereafter do, or hereto|fore haue done, but I accompt it more con&s;o|nant to the good e&s;tate of the co~mon-weale, rather with pitie to mollifie the mi&s;erable e|&s;tate of di&s;tre&s;&s;ed per&s;ons, then by graunting euerie thing to the de&s;ire of the mightie, to inflame their lu&s;t and in&s;olencie. Surely the Senatours are many times deceiued in their hope, and if a man haue done one thing wel, they pre&s;ently yeeld and permit all things vnto him, as though a minde corrupted by their large&s;&s;e, and liberall offers, might not be traduced and caried away to euill purpo|&s;es and attempts: but they may not be&s;tow any thing which to men euill di&s;po&s;ed may be either a prae&s;ident or a protection, and I am afraid that Octauius by his late Con&s;ul|&s;hip, do thinke him &s;elfe to haue a&s;cended higher, then that he will de&s;cend: for if An|tonius by the death of Iulius C&eogon;&s;ar tooke pr&eogon;|&s;ent occa&s;ion of tyranni&s;ing, how much more
<PB N="184" REF="95"> will Octauius v&s;urpe, when both Senate and people do applaud to his affection. Neither will I commend the facilitie and prouidence of the Senate in this behalfe, before I haue ful experience, that Octauius will content him|&s;elfe, with the ordinarie honors that he hath receiued: but if it otherwi&s;e happen, I mu&s;t needes pronounce the Senate guiltie of the fault, which they might well haue praeuented. Yet if this yong man do lay a&s;ide &s;ini&s;ter and affectious humours, and imbarke him&s;elfe in|to the co~mon cau&s;e with impartiall thoughts, I &s;hall then thinke that the Common-weale will be able to &s;upport it &s;elfe, by her owne &s;trength and &s;inewes, that is iu&s;tice and inte|gritie; and that thenceforth, no offence, &s;hall either be cruelly reuenged, or di&s;&s;olutely re|mitted. Of our future affaires this is my de|terminate re&s;olution, &s;o it may obtaine thy approbation; if things happen to be in better plight we will returne to Rome, if the e&s;tate be as now it is, we will liue as now we do, in voluntarie exile: if it decline fro~ bad to wor&s;e, we mu&s;t flie to armes as our la&s;t and wor&s;t re|fuge, wherefore Ca&s;&s;ius do not faint, nor
<PB N="185" REF="95"> di&s;paire, let the hope of good things encou|rage thee, vertue onely is confident. From Smyrna 17. Kalend. April.</Q></P>
<P>Cae&s;ar when by no meane he could be re|uenged of Brutus, who was Prae&s;ident of Ma|cedonia, and Ca&s;&s;ius who had the regiment of Syria, he &s;ent for M. Antonius and M. Lepi|dus who were then in France, and they three meeting at Bononia, had conference of orde|ring and di&s;po&s;ing the common affaires, and there they agreed to be Treuiri, for the con|&s;titution of the common-weale for fiue years &s;pace. To the charge of Lepidus Spaine and Gallia Narbonen&s;is were alotted, to M. An|tonius the other parts of Fraunce, to Cae&s;ar Libia, Sicilia, and Sardinia. After the&s;e con|&s;ultations they came to Rome, and a&s;&s;igned offices to whom it plea&s;ed them, asking no leaue either of people or Senate. At that time many excellent Lords and Gentlemen were pro&s;cribed, together with an hundred and thirtie Senators, among whom was L. Paulus the brother of M. Lepidus, L. Cae&s;ar the vncle of Antonius, and he who did &s;o much prai&s;e Octauius M. Cicero. But that was done by <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cicero is put to death.</NOTE>
<PB N="186" REF="96"> the venimous rancor of Antonius, by who&s;e meanes he was beheaded, and the head was &s;erued in mea&s;e vnto him, which when Fuluia <NOTE PLACE="marg">Fuluiaes de &s;piteful dea+ling with Ci|ceroes tong.</NOTE> the impudent wife of Antonius had e&s;pied, plucking and renting from the chaps his gol|den tongue, &s;he di&s;tained it with the &s;pittle &amp; fome of her mouth, &s;he pricked it with nee|dles, launced it with her nailes, brayed it with her fir&s;t, racked it with her armes, and &s;tamped it with her feete. Fooli&s;h and &s;en&s;le&s;&s;e anger, to inflict reuenge vpon a thing that was &s;en&s;|le&s;&s;e, and for the mi&s;liking of the man, to hate the dead part of his body. But thou did&s;t no|thing Antonius (for the indignation of po&s;te|ritie will ri&s;e again&s;t thee) thou did&s;t nothing by taking away the publike voice of the City and that all-plea&s;ing tongue. Thou ha&s;t di&s;|poiled Cicero of a poore remnant of dayes, thou ha&s;t pared away his old age, thou ha&s;t cau&s;ed him to be &s;laine, when he wi&s;hed for death, but his fame and the glorie of his ver|tues and excellent learning, thou art &s;o farre from abridging, that thou ha&s;t augmented it: he liueth and &s;hall liue by the memorie of all ages, and whil&s;t the frame of this world &s;hall
<PB N="187" REF="96"> &s;tand, and this bodie of nature &s;hal continue, which that onely Romane did in minde con|template, by wit vnder&s;tand, &amp; by eloquence de&s;cribe, the commendation of Cicero &s;hall alway accompanie it, the &s;ucceding wits &s;hall wonder at his writings, &amp; euery mans doome &s;hall condemne thy cruelty. But the mi&s;erie of the&s;e times none can &s;ufficiently deplore, &s;o vnpo&s;&s;ible it is to expre&s;&s;e it by words. But this is to be noted, that the care of wiues to|ward their husbands, that were pro&s;cribed, was maruellous, &amp; in the highe&s;t degree: the fidelitie of their free-men but in different, the loyaltie of their bond-men very &s;lender, the loue of their children none at all, &s;o gri&s;ly and loath&s;ome is aduer&s;ity to a mans owne bow|els. Ca&s;&s;ius hearing of the great tumults of Rome, went from Syria to Smyrna in A&s;ia, where M. Brutus was, to take adui&s;e of the ordering of the battel again&s;t M. Antonius, &amp; C. Octauius, who they heard did make expe|dition again&s;t them. VVherefore Ca&s;&s;ius ha|uing ouercome the Rhodians, and Ariobar|zanes, and Brutus hauing &s;ubdued the Pata|reans, the Lycians, and other nations of A&s;ia,
<PB N="188" REF="97"> which did before mole&s;t them, they ha&s;ted to Macedonia that they might there wage bat|tell. And thither not long after came Cae&s;ar, and M. Antonius with a huge ho&s;t, and before the citie of Philippi they faced their enemies with the tents. That fight was verie fierce and very doubtful, for Brutus put Cae&s;ar to flight, and Antonius Ca&s;&s;ius, and each of their tents was ran&s;acked of the victor. C. Ca&s;&s;ius when Brutus, who he feared was &s;laine, returned a farre off, with his hor&s;emen, thinking that they were the enemies that pur&s;ued him, did worke his owne death by the hand of one of his retinue. VVithin a few dayes after M. Bru|tus being ouercome in another battell, and ouerborne with de&s;paire, enforced Strabo that fled with him to &s;lay him with his &s;word: which act, many noble Romanes to the num|ber of fortie did imitate. There were neuer a|nie to whom fortune did &s;ooner approch, the~ to Brutus and Ca&s;&s;ius: and neuer anie from whom &s;he did more &s;uddenly flie: Ca&s;&s;ius was the better Captaine, Brutus the better Coun&s;eller, Brutus was more to be loued, Ca&s;&s;ius to be feared, becau&s;e the one excel|led
<PB N="189" REF="97"> in vertue, the other in valor. VVho if they had conquered in this fight, it would haue bene more expedient for the Romanes to haue bene ruled by Brutus then Ca&s;&s;ius, by how much it was more &s;afe to them in the end to be gouerned by Octauius then Antonius. The yeare following there grew di&s;cord be|tweene Cae&s;ar and L. Antonius Con&s;ul, and Fuluia wife to M. Antonius. They were offen|ded with Cae&s;ar, becau&s;e he &s;hared that part of Macedonia to his &s;ouldiers which M. An|tonius &s;hould haue had. Fuluia was the more earne&s;t again&s;t Octauius, becau&s;e he had co~|ceiued a deep di&s;plea&s;ure again&s;t her daugh|ter, and had thereupon diuorced her. Cae&s;ar was likewi&s;e licen&s;ed again&s;t Antonius, be|cau&s;e he would not &s;end to him that &s;upply of &s;ouldiers, which he ought to haue. Antonius therefore in his brothers quarell, maintained warre, Fuluia leagued vnto him held Praene|&s;te, and there &s;he behaued her &s;elfe as the o|ther Con&s;ul, co~temning P. Seruilius who was indeed Con&s;ul, being like to a woman in no|thing but onely in &s;exe: L. Antonius with an ho&s;tile inua&s;ion entred the citie of Rome, the
<PB N="190" REF="98"> armie of M. Lepidus, who was left there as warden of the Citie being di&s;com&s;ited, and afterward departing thence toward Fraunce, was intetcepted by Cae&s;ar, who be&s;ieged him a long time at Peru&s;ia, in the countrey of He|truria, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cae&s;ar be&s;ie|geth Peru&s;ia</NOTE> and oftentimes making an eruption &amp; &s;uffering a repul&s;e, he was con&s;trained to &s;ub|mit him &s;elfe, whom Cae&s;ar pardoned, but many of the Senators and Romane Knights were &s;acrified vpon the altar of Iulius C&eogon;&s;ar. He de&s;troyed Peru&s;ia, and hauing brought in|to his power all the armie of the contrarie &s;ide ended that warre, Cn. Domitius Calui|nus, and C. A&s;inius Pollio being Con&s;uls, Pol|lio was a man of notable gifts, who how&s;oe|uer <NOTE PLACE="marg">The prai&s;e of A &s;inius Pollio.</NOTE> matters befell, was loued of all &s;ortes of men. Iulius Cae&s;ar did make great reckening and accompt of him, after his death the ene|mies of Cae&s;ar did greatly fauour him, M. An|tonius had him in &s;ingular ae&s;timation, Octa|uius held him neare vnto his heart, an excel|lent &s;choler, and a worthie &s;ouldier the onely obiect of the learned, whom both in pro&s;e &amp; poemes, they haue condignely commended, &s;o that I need not to proceede in his prai&s;es,
<PB N="191" REF="98"> this is my only doubt, whether he were more to be extolled for his laudable qualities, then admired for his rare and wonderfull fortune; he was not long before with Antonius in Ae|gypt, but &s;eeing him &s;o vainely be&s;otted with the loue of Cleopatra, &s;eeing him knight of the Cannapee, who was ear&s;t Lord of the field, being a&s;hamed of him as he was a Ro|mane, a&s;hamed of him as a General, a&s;hamed of him as now an vnworthie companion for Pollio, he left him in Aegypt with his concu|bine, and came to Rome. Afterward Cae&s;ar and Lepidus fell at variance, &s;o that Lepidus was compelled to &s;urrender all his authority, and to &s;tand to Cae&s;ars mercie for his life. C&eogon;|&s;ar did then fight with Sex. Pompeius on the <NOTE PLACE="marg">Octauius Cae&s;ar figh|teth with Sex. Po~peius</NOTE> &s;ea. Pompey being there ouercome fled to Sicilie, and afterward into A&s;ia, and as he was preparing warre again&s;t Antoni, he was take~ of M. Titius, Antonius his Lieutenant, by who~ he was &s;laine. The la&s;t ciuill warre which was betwixt the Romaines was that which was fought by Cae&s;ar again&s;t Antoni at Actium. The occa&s;ion of emnitie betwixt them was thus, Antonius did reproue Cae&s;ar becau&s;e
<PB N="192" REF="99"> he had taken to him&s;elf the armie of Lepidus &amp; that which followed of Sex. Pompeius, which ought to haue bene common to them three. Cae&s;ar did obiect to Antonius, that he did keepe Aegypt without lawfull commi&s;&s;ion, that he cau&s;ed Sex. Pompeius to be &s;laine without his con&s;ent, that he ca&s;t Artaua&s;des a Prince, leagued with the Romans, and taken by trecherie, into pri&s;on, &amp; di&s;honored him, with gyues and fetters, to the great infamie of the Romanes, that he was more familiar with Cleopatra then became an hone&s;t man, that he had be&s;towed too great giftes vpon her, that he had called Cae&s;ars &s;urmi&s;ed ba|&s;tard begotten of Cleopatra, C&eogon;&s;arion, to the great di&s;grace of that hou&s;e. The&s;e things priuately by letters and publikely by me&s;&s;en|gers, were mentioned by mutuall obiection. Cae&s;ar afterward did reade Antonius his te|&s;tament <NOTE PLACE="marg">Octauius rea+deth the te|&s;tament of M. Antonius.</NOTE> in the open Senate, which came to his hands by this meane. Certaine &s;ouldiers which did flie fro~ Antonius to him, told him that the authentike will or te&s;tament of M. Antonius, did remaine in the cu&s;todie of the Virgins ve&s;tall, of whom Cae&s;ar did obtaine
<PB N="193" REF="99"> it, the tenor and forme whereof was thus.</P>
<P>I M. Antonius one of the three &s;tates of <NOTE PLACE="marg">The te&s;tame~t of M. Anto|nius.</NOTE> Rome, and the &s;onne of M. Antonius, do by this my la&s;t will and te&s;tament make and or|daine Philadelphus &amp; Alexander my &s;onnes by Cleopatra, the heires of all my wealth and &s;ub&s;tance, which I had by de&s;cent from M. Antonius my father; but with this clau&s;e, and vpon this condition, that if I die in Rome or el&s;ewhere, they &s;hall &s;olemnely conuey my bodie to Alexandria in Aegypt, and be&s;tow it there in a marble &s;epulcher, which by this my will &s;hall be made for my &s;elfe and Cleopatra the Queene of Aegypt. But if they faile of this or do otherwi&s;e, without lawfull or vrgent cau&s;e, then I will that all the&s;e things which I leaue vnto my afore&s;aid &s;ons, be conuerted to the v&s;e &amp; behoofe of the Nuns of Ve&s;ta, &amp; my gho&s;t &s;hal implore the a&s;&s;i&s;ta~ce of the Po~|tifex-Maximus, &amp; the prie&s;ts of Iupiter which are in the Capitol, to &s;olicit the &s;pirits of ven|geance to puni&s;h the vnthankfulne&s;&s;e of my &s;ons, &amp; then I ordaine &amp; wil, that the Pontifex Maximus &s;hall cau&s;e my bodie to be repo&s;ed in a conuenient &s;epulcher, within the walles
<PB N="194" REF="100"> of this citie, and I will al&s;o that as many bond|&s;laues as be now in my power, &s;hall pre&s;ently after my death be manumitted &amp; made free by the Praetor; and to euerie of my other &s;er|uants I bequeath a Se&s;tertian, &amp; a mourning garment. La&s;tly, I do pronounce by this my la&s;t will and te&s;tament, that Cae&s;arion the &s;on of Cleopatra, is the true, certaine, and vn|doubted &s;onne of C. Iulius Cae&s;ar. And to the afore&s;aid Cleopatra, I giue all my wealth and trea&s;ure, that I haue gained, purcha&s;ed and atchieued either in warre or in peace. Done by me M. Antonius vj. kal. Iul. Ap. Claudius, C. Norbanus Co&s;&s;.</P>
<P>VVhen the people of Rome had heard the purport of this te&s;tament, they thought that Antonius his drift, was to giue Rome to Cleopatra, for a &s;peciall fauour, for which cau&s;e they were maruellou&s;ly moued again&s;t Antonius. Cae&s;ar did behaue him &s;elf in this matter very wi&s;ely and warily, for in wordes he praetended warre again&s;t Cleopatra only, and cau&s;ed it to be proclaimed by the heralt, that the Aegyptian Queene did intend the &s;uppre&s;&s;ing of the Romanes. That was done
<PB N="195" REF="100"> by Cae&s;ar, to the end that he might auoyd the hatred of manie noble men, who did rather affect Antonius then him. But whe~ Antonius for the loue of Cleopatra wold neither come into the citie to render account of his doings, nor depo&s;e his Triumuiracie, but was wholly bu&s;ied in praeparing warre again&s;t Italie, Cae|&s;ar did furni&s;h him&s;elfe as well for &s;ea as for land: he therefore gathered manie &s;ouldiers out of Spaine, Fraunce, Lybia, Sardinia and Sicilia. Antonius likewi&s;e did make an armie of A&s;ians, Thracians, Macedonians, Graecia~s, Aegyptians and Cyrenians. And in the yeare following C. Cae&s;ar and M. Me&s;&s;alla being Confuls, Antonius and Cleopatra at Actium a promontorie of Epirus, encountred Cae&s;ar, who hauing pro&s;perous &s;ucce&s;&s;e in many bat|tels again&s;t them, as well on &s;ea as on land, they being at length ouercome fled to Alex|andria in Aegypt. Cae&s;ar did &s;acrifice all the pina&s;&s;es which he had taken in warre, to A|pollo, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Octauius Cae+&s;ar &s;acrifi&s;eth all the Pinna|&s;es to Apollo.</NOTE> who was wor&s;hipped at Actium, as a monument of thankfulne&s;&s;e for his victorie, and did al&s;o in&s;titute a fiue yeres &s;olemnitie, which was called the &s;olemnitie of Actium,
<PB N="196" REF="101"> be&s;ides this he built a faire temple to Apollo, and in the place where his tents were pitched <NOTE PLACE="marg">Octauius buildeth Ni|copolis.</NOTE> he founded a great city called Nicopolis, the citie of victorie. A&s;inius Pollio did &s;till prae|&s;erue the auncient amitie that was betwixt him and M. Antonius, for when Cae&s;ar at his departing from Rome, reque&s;ted him that he would ioyne with him, in his warres again&s;t Antonius, he made this an&s;wer: The benefites of Antonius towards me, will not permit me to be an enemie vnto him, and my merites at the hands of Antonius be farre otherwi&s;e, the~ that Antonius &s;hould be an enemie vnto me, wherefore leauing both and leaning to nei|ther, I wil &s;tay here in Italie, and be the &s;poile of the conqueror. Cae&s;ar did afterward be|&s;iege Antonius &amp; Cleopatra at Alexandria, where Antonius being in a mo&s;t de&s;perate plight, being in no po&s;&s;ibilitie to recouer C&eogon;|&s;ars fauour, and hearing by a fal&s;e rumor, that Cleopatra was &s;laine, did &s;uddenly &s;tab him|&s;elfe. Cae&s;ar tooke Alexandria, and with it Cleopatra, but becau&s;e &s;he would not grace Octauius &s;o much as to be led in triumph by <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cleopatra killed by A&s;p|wormes.</NOTE> him, &s;he put A&s;pes to her brea&s;ts, and was by
<PB N="197" REF="101"> them done to death, though her keeper had praeci&s;e charge to looke carefully vnto her. Aegypt was then brought by Cae&s;ar into the forme of a prouince, and hauing made Cor|nelius Gallus Prae&s;ident there, he came to Rome, where he had a triple triumph, the one of Dalmatia, which he brought to conformi|tie after his warre fini&s;hed again&s;t Sex. Pom|peius, the other of Actium, the third of Alex|andria. VVhen C&eogon;&s;ar with the great applau&s;e and gratulation of the Romanes had pacified the whole praecinct of the world, and for that cau&s;e had &s;hut the temple of Ianus the third time, and an augurie of &s;afetie was celebra|ted, which two things were neuer done but when the whole Empire was in quietne&s;&s;e, he purpo&s;ed to depo&s;e the Empirie, &amp; to bring the common-weale to a good &amp; perfect con|&s;titution. To depo&s;e the Empirie, M. Agrippa did per&s;wade him, but M&eogon;c&eogon;nas did di&s;&s;wade him, who&s;e opinion he yeelded vnto. VVher|fore endeuoring by law to confirme the Em|pirie, and to win the fauour and good &eogon;&s;tima|tion, as well of the Nobles and Senators, as of the people, he burnt all the letters which
<PB N="198" REF="102"> the citizens that were then in Rome or out of Rome had writte~ to Antonius, le&s;t any Se|nator who did follow Antonius his faction, &s;hould thinke him&s;elfe to be hated of Cae&s;ar for that cau&s;e, &amp; &s;o &s;hould attempt &s;ome mi&s;|chiefe again&s;t him: he releeued the common &s;tocke, which was greatly wa&s;ted by ciuill warres, with his owne priuate wealth, &amp; them that were indebted to the common trea&s;urie, the billes of debt being burnt with his owne handes, he did free from the daunger of the rolle. And whereas many things were done, in the tumults and &s;editions of the citizens, again&s;t law and cu&s;tome by Lepidus and An|tonius, he did repeale them by an Edict, and made his &s;ixth Con&s;ul&s;hip, which he then en|ioyed to be the death-day of the&s;e lawes; by which meanes when he had worthily drawne vnto him the hearts of the people, yet in one thing he plea&s;ed them aboue the re&s;t, which was done rather of pollicie the~ of plaine mea|ning: for hauing &s;ingled out a great number of Senators, who&s;e loue toward him was &s;pe|cially approued, in a very frequent Senate, he did offer to &s;urrender the Empire into the
<PB N="199" REF="102"> hands of the Senators and people. But &s;ome of the Senators, becau&s;e they &s;u&s;pected that his wordes differed from his meaning, &s;ome becau&s;e they did feare greater daunger by a popular e&s;tate, others becau&s;e they feared his di&s;plea&s;ure, if they &s;hould agree vnto it, they did with one voice refu&s;e the offer, and ioy|ned in earne&s;t &s;ute and humble petition vnto him, that he would be the &s;ole gouernour and ab&s;olute Emperour of Rome, and for that cau&s;e they did decree that the &s;tipe~d of tho&s;e who did guard his per&s;on &s;hould be doubled, that he might be in more &s;afetie by that meane, both to his friends and to the co~mon|weale. VVhen by the franke a&s;&s;ent of the Se|nate and people, he had thus, not confirmed the auncient Empirie, but in deed created a new Monarchie, that he might &s;eeme popu|lar, he was content to charge him &s;elfe with the weightie affaires of the Empire: but the authoritie and dignitie thereof he did co~mu|nicate with the people: and therefore vnto the Senate and people he did all to Numidia, A&s;ia, Graecia, Epirus, Dalmatia, Macedonia, Sicilia, Creta, Cyrene, Bythinia, Pontus, Sar|dinia
<PB N="200" REF="103"> and Hi&s;pania Betica: which were the more peaceable and quiet countries. To him &s;elfe he tooke the other parts of Spaine, and all Fraunce, Narbone&s;is, Lugdunen&s;is, A|quitanica Celtica, likewi&s;e Germania, Coe|lo&s;yria, Phoenicia, Cyprus and Aegypt. And that he might void out of their minds all &s;u&s;|pition of Monarchie, the &s;upreme authoritie that was a&s;&s;igned to him he did only re&s;traine to ten yeres continuance. The Romanes did be&s;tow diuer&s;e honors vpon Cae&s;ar, planting before the doore of his Court a Bay tree, on <NOTE PLACE="marg">The Romans plant a bay tree before Octauius his doore.</NOTE> the top whereof they &s;et a wreath of oaken boughs, &s;ignifying that he was the man that had both ouercome their enemies, and &s;et their citie in &s;afetie. They decreed al&s;o that his Court &s;hould be called a Pallace, &s;o that in what region &s;oeuer the Romane Emperor did &s;oiourne, his Court was called a Pallace, and that he &s;hould be called Augu&s;tus. For when many would haue adorned him with &s;ome title of excellencie, Cae&s;ar had a great de&s;ire to be called Romulus &s;ecundus, but becau&s;e that did re&s;emble too much the title of a king, he was content to be called Augu|&s;tus,
<PB N="201" REF="103"> that is, maie&s;ticall or diuine. Thus had Cae&s;ar the power of a king the &s;tile only fore|pri&s;ed. In him all the dignities and magi&s;tra|cies did meete, he was &s;ole Con&s;ul, in deter|mining iudicially of publike affaires, &s;ole Po~|tifex, for he had that &s;peciall title, &s;ole Cen&s;or in taxing the Romanes by poales, and fining them for faults, &s;ole Tribune, in abrogating the&s;e lawes &amp; voiding the&s;e acts which were made and done by other magi&s;trates: which though in &s;hew they were maine, yet in deed there was now but one Magi&s;trate in Rome, one Emperour, one Augu&s;tus; but the&s;e ho|nors did not warrant Caears quietne&s;&s;e, for he was endangered by many trecheries, and being thereby too &s;euere in puni&s;hing both the worthie and vnworthie, vpon &s;u&s;pition &amp; &s;urmi&s;e without anie formall proceeding a|gain&s;t them, he did indeed mini&s;ter oile vnto the flame of their malice. Among&s;t the re&s;t Cn. Cornelius, who&s;e grandfather was Cn. Pompeius Magnus, did with his complices imagine and con&s;pire the death of Augu&s;tus, whom Ce&s;ar would not put to death, becau&s;e he thought by that meane, he &s;hould gaine
<PB N="202" REF="104"> no great &s;ecuritie, neither would he deliuer them from impri&s;onment, le&s;t others might take courage &amp; coun&s;ell to attempt the like. VVith this doubt &amp; perplexitie he was grie|uou&s;ly troubled, and cares did torments his mind both in the night and in the day time; wherefore walking alone in his garden, and mu&s;ing what to do, Liuia the Empre&s;&s;e came vnto him, and prayed him of all loues to re|ueale vnto her, what griefe had encroched vpon his heart, and what was the cau&s;e of his vnu&s;uall dumpes, to whom Cae&s;ar made this an&s;wer. <Q>Can any man, Liuia, be of a calme and contented mind, again&s;t whom on euery &s;ide are layd the &s;nares of trea&s;on? See&s;t thou not how manie doe be&s;iege my quietne&s;&s;e, whom the puni&s;hment of condemned per|&s;ons doth not only not deterre, but, as if there were &s;ome hope of reward, others ru&s;h de&s;|peratly forward to vnlawfull attempts. Liuia when &s;he heard this, did thus reply. It is no maruel, my Lord, if you be be&s;et with da~gers, partly becau&s;e you are a man, and therefore borne to ca&s;ualtie, partly an Emperour, by who&s;e authoritie, becau&s;e manie are put to
<PB N="203" REF="104"> death, many that liue do conceiue hatred a|gain&s;t you; for a Prince ca~not only not plea&s;e all, but though he gouerne in mo&s;t orderly and peaceable maner, it cannot be otherwi&s;e, but he &s;hould haue many foes. For there be not &s;o many iu&s;t as iniurious, who&s;e humours can neuer be &s;atisfied, &amp; they which be of the better &s;ort do aime at great matters, which becau&s;e they can not obtaine, and becau&s;e they are inferiour to others, are full of male|contentment, and for that cau&s;e they are of|fended with their Prince. But the danger vnto which you are &s;ubiect by them which do not co~&s;pire again&s;t your per&s;on, but again&s;t your e&s;tate, cannot anie way be auoided. For if you were a priuate man, none would offer you iniurie, vnle&s;&s;e he receiued wrong be|fore at your hands, but an Empire, and the reuenues thereof, they which haue power do rather affect, then they which are poore do loath. This though it be a point of vncon&s;cio|nable men, yet as other faults, &s;o this is the &s;eed of nature, which out of &s;ome men nei|ther by rewards nor by threats you &s;hall be a|ble to extirpate: for neither feare nor lawe
<PB N="204" REF="105"> can do more then nature. VVhich being tho|roughly co~&s;idered, it will &s;eeme a great deale more conuenient to &s;trengthen and &s;tabli&s;h your Empire with faithfulne&s;&s;e and loyaltie, then with &s;harpne&s;&s;e and rigor. Augu&s;tus did thus reioyne: I know, Liuia, that the highe&s;t things be mo&s;t &s;ubiect to hatred, &amp; the grea|te&s;t Emperours haue the greate&s;t enemies: for if our cares, griefes and perils were not greater then the griefes and perturbations of priuate me~, we &s;hould be aequal to the Gods; but this doth chiefly mole&s;t me, that I cannot deui&s;e anie remedie, which may cure &amp; con|quer this mi&s;chiefe. All men haue enemies, &amp; many haue bene &s;laine by enemies, but the e|&s;tate of Princes lieth &s;o open to ca&s;ualtie, that we are co~&s;trained to feare our familiar frinds and our daily acquaintance, with whom be|cau&s;e we mu&s;t continually conuer&s;e, we do continually feare, and this maladie is more hardly redre&s;&s;ed then emnitie: for again&s;t our enemies we may oppo&s;e our friends, but if our friends do faile vs, where is the~ our helpe? therfore both &s;olitude and multitude is grie|uous vnto vs, &amp; it is dangerous to be without
<PB N="205" REF="105"> a gard, but to haue an vnfaithful gard is much more dangerous. Apparant enemies may be auoided, but fal&s;e-hearted friends we cannot anie way &s;hunne: for we mu&s;t call the~ friends, of who&s;e con&s;tant faithfulne&s;&s;e we can not po&s;&s;ibly be a&s;&s;ured; for my &s;elfe I do plainely prote&s;t, that my heart abhorreth from the ex|tremitie of puni&s;hment, and the nece&s;&s;itie of torture goeth greatly again&s;t my mind. Then &s;aid Liuia, You haue &s;poken well my Lord, but if you will be adui&s;ed by me, &amp; you ought not to refu&s;e my coun&s;ell becau&s;e it procee|deth from a woman; I will adui&s;e you of that which none of your friends will impart vnto you, not becau&s;e they are ignorant of it, but for that they dread your di&s;plea&s;ure. VVhich Augu&s;tus taking hold of, Tell it me Liuia &s;aid he what&s;oeuer it is. I will, &s;aid Liuia, and that as willingly as you would heare it, for I am made partaker of your de&s;tinie. Cae&s;ar being &s;afe I am Empre&s;&s;e, and he being di&s;|honored, which misfortune the Gods auert, I am al&s;o di&s;graced, and bereaued of glorie. That I may not v&s;e an ambu&s;h of words, nor a labyrinth of circum&s;tances: my theame &s;hal
<PB N="206" REF="106"> be one word, and that is, Clemencie. Change thy cour&s;e Augu&s;tus, and forgiue &s;ome of thy foes, manie things may be healed by lenitie, which crueltie can neuer cut off. Neither do I &s;peake this, as if di&s;loyall and irregular per|&s;ons &s;hould generally and without difference receiue mercie, nay they that be notoriou&s;ly &s;tained, and branded with con&s;piracie, they that trouble the quietne&s;&s;e of the Common|weale, they that are ouerflowed with vices, who&s;e life is nothing el&s;e but leudnes, &s;o that they are pa&s;t hope or helpe, cut them off my Augu&s;tus, as the putrified parts of a di&s;tem|pered bodie: but they which either through the infirmitie of youth, or the imprudency of mind, or through ignorance or mi&s;chaunce haue offended, or which again&s;t their willes haue bene drawne into daunger, admoni&s;h them, but with minatorie &s;peeches: and let them finde grace but with condition. Some thou maye&s;t puni&s;h with exile, &s;ome with in|famie, and &s;ome with money: and that none may be vniu&s;tly condemned, nor by a fained accu&s;ation &s;uffer death, let the truth be tried by &s;uch proofes, as may worthilie be appro|ued.
<PB N="207" REF="106"> For it behooueth thee Augu&s;tus, not onely to be free from doing wrong, but euen from &s;hew and &s;emblance of iniurie. Priuate men haue done enough if they haue not of|fended, but a Prince mu&s;t endeuor not to be &s;u&s;pected of faults. Thou rule&s;t ouer men, not ouer bea&s;ts, ouer Romanes, and not ouer Barbarians, and the onely meane to lincke their hearts vnto thee, is to benefite all and to oppre&s;&s;e none. For though a man may be con&s;trained to feare, yet he cannot be enfor|ced to loue; for when the &s;ubiect clearely di|&s;cerneth that his Prince is bountifull, he is &s;oone per&s;waded: but when he is once re&s;ol|ued vpon manife&s;t prae&s;umption, that &s;ome be vniu&s;tly put to death, le&s;t the &s;ame thing happen vnto him, he may iu&s;tly feare: and who~ he &s;o feareth, he hateth with the &s;trength of his heart. But a Prince is the priuiledge of his &s;ubiects &s;ecurity, that they take no harme, neither of forreiners, nor of their fellow &s;ub|iects, much le&s;&s;e of their Prince &amp; protector. And it is a great deale more magnificent and glorious to &s;aue then to kill: wherfore lawes, benefites, admonitions mu&s;t be v&s;ed, that
<PB N="208" REF="107"> men may become circum&s;pect, &amp; warie, and further they mu&s;t be &s;o diligently watched and ob&s;erued, that though they would be, yet they may not be traiterous; and they which are greene in conceit, and as it were flexible waxe to the &s;tronger powers, mu&s;t haue per|petuall con&s;eruatiues le&s;t they be corrupted: and to tollerate the offences of &s;ome, is both great wi&s;edome and great manhood: for if e|uerie mans fault &s;hould be his fall, the earth would &s;oone lacke inhabitants. Thinke my good Augu&s;tus, that the &s;word cannot do all things for thee: it cannot make men wi&s;e, it cannot make them faithful: it may con&s;traine them, but it cannot per&s;wade them: it doth pierce the heart of him that is &s;laine, but it doth alienate the mind of him that doth liue. VVherefore alter thy opinion noble Empe|rour, and by v&s;ing clemencie they will thinke that all that thou ha&s;t heretofore done was done by nece&s;&s;itie and again&s;t thy will, but if thou per&s;euere&s;t &s;till in the &s;ame minde and purpo&s;e, they will impute all that hath bene done to the au&s;teritie and &s;ourene&s;&s;e of thy nature. VVith the&s;e &s;peeches of Liuia Augu|&s;tus</Q>
<PB N="20" REF="107"> being moued, pardoned many, and v&s;ed as much lenitie as his owne &s;afetie would beare: whereby he purcha&s;ed the entire loue of the Romanes, and all his life time after there was neuer anie trea&s;on attempted a|gain&s;t him. Thus after ciuill emnities extin|gui&s;hed, forreine warres fully ended, iu&s;tice recalled, de&s;tiny &s;atisfied, &s;trength was re|&s;tored to lawes, authoritie to Magi&s;trates, dignitie to the Nobles, maie&s;tie to the Se|nate, &s;afetie to the people: the fieldes were without hinderance trimmed and tilled, the &s;acrifices celebrated and &s;olemnized, quiet|ne&s;&s;e returned to men, and euerie po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ion to his lawfull owner: good lawes were made, imperfect lawes were amended, bad lawes cancelled: the Senators were &s;euere without curri&s;hne&s;&s;e, the people hone&s;t without con|&s;traint: and with this harmonie peace plea&s;ed the Romanes.</P>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="index">
<PB REF="108">
<HEAD>A Table of the principall matters con|tained in this hi&s;torie according to <HI>the number of the Pages.</HI></HEAD>
<LIST>
<HEAD>A</HEAD>
<ITEM>Ancus a great builder. 8</ITEM>
<ITEM>M. Antonius the orator put to death by Marius &amp; Cinna. 65</ITEM>
<ITEM>M. Antonius: he helpeth Cae&s;ar 138. He is &s;pared at the time whe~ Cae&s;ar is &s;lain. 169 He fighteth with Pan&s;a. 175 He fighteth with Hirtius. 176. He fighteth with both the Con&s;uls. ibid. Octauius becommeth an enemie vnto him. ibid. He writeth con|tumelious letters to Brutus and Ca&s;&s;ius. 180. The te|&s;tame~t of M. Antonius. 193.</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>B</HEAD>
<ITEM>D. Brutus &s;uffereth him &s;elfe to be be&s;ieged by Antonius. 175. He is &s;laine. 179</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>C</HEAD>
<ITEM>Campania: the prai&s;e of it. 10</ITEM>
<ITEM>Carthage: the beginning of the &s;econd Corthagia~ warre. 12 Ma&s;ini&s;&s;a quarrelleth with the Carthaginians. 45. Sci|pio is &s;ent as Vmpier betwixt them and Ma&s;ini&s;&s;a. 46. the Citie of Carthage is burnt. 47.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Q. Caepio is &s;laine.</ITEM>
<ITEM>C. Iulius Cae&s;ar: he is inclined to &s;edition. 103. his originall 107. his death is &s;ought for by Sillaes officers. 108. the Heluetians fled before Cae|&s;ar. 116. they are ouercome by him. 117. he pur&s;ueth bat|tel again&s;t Arioui&s;ta. ibid. he fighteth again&s;t the Belgi|ans and Nerrians. ibid. he ouerthroweth the Germanes ibd. he burneth the villages of the Sicambrians. 118. he ouercommeth the Britaines ibid. he is reconciled to the Britaines. ibid. he renueth again&s;t them. ibid. the Ebu|rons are ouercome by him. 119. his reuenge vpon the French rebels. 120. a decree made by the Senate that he &s;hould di&s;mi&s;&s;e his armie. 122 he is incen&s;ed by Curio a|gain&s;t the Senate. 123. his pa&s;&s;ionate &s;peech again&s;t the Senate. ibid. he pardoneth Domitius. 127. he &s;ei&s;eth the trea&s;urie. 131. he mar|cheth toward Spaine. ibid. the &s;trangers which were
<PB REF="108"> a&s;&s;i&s;tant to Cae&s;ar. 133. the Cae&s;arians giue the fir&s;t a&s;|&s;ault to Pompey. 140. his &s;peech to Domitius. 143. the dreames and vi&s;ions of the Cae&s;arians. 145. he is enter|tained of Cleopatra. 148. he is a&s;&s;aulted by the King of Aegypt. 149. he &s;wimmeth in the riuer of Nilus. ibid. he addre&s;&s;eth again&s;t Pharna|ces. 150. he putteth Pha|naces to flight. ibid. he encou~|treth P. Scipio. ibid. his tri|umphes are de&s;cribed. 156 Salu&s;t maketh an oration to him. 157. the great honours be&s;towed vpon him. 165. he fighteth with Cn. Pompeius the younger at the Citie of Siuille. ibid. the cau&s;es of the con&s;piracie bent again&s;t him. 167. he is &s;laine in the Se|nate hou&s;e. 168. the Law Portia broken by the killing of him. 169. the Law Cor|nelia al&s;o broken. ibid.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Q. Catulus: the di&s;&s;ention of Lepidus and Catulus. 16. 76</ITEM>
<ITEM>Q. Catulus cau&s;e of his owne death. 66</ITEM>
<ITEM>Portius Cato is &s;laine. 55</ITEM>
<ITEM>M. Portius Cato Itichu&s;is his lignage. 102. his prai&s;e. ibid. he killeth him&s;elfe. 150</ITEM>
<ITEM>Catiline: his qualities. 83. his lignage. 85. he killeth his own &s;onne. 86. he is greatly in|debted. 87. he is forbidden to make &s;ute for the Con|&s;ul&s;hip. ibid. his impudent an|&s;were to Ciceroes oration. 98.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Cincinnatus his &s;peedy warre. 9</ITEM>
<ITEM>L. Cinna: he beginneth a new broyle. 62. he is expul&s;ed the Citie. ibid. he is made Cap|taine of a &s;editious armie. ibid. he calleth C. Marius from bani&s;hment. 63. a great fight betwixt him and Cn. Pompeius Strabo. 64. he en|treth the Citie. ibid. he is &s;laine. 69</ITEM>
<ITEM>Cicero: he is called Paerpa|triae. 83. his oration again&s;t Catiline. 92. he mourneth. 112. he committeth him&s;elfe to voluntarie exile. 113. a &s;harpe law is made concer|ning his bani&s;hment. ibid. he is recalled from bani&s;hment. 114. he is put to death. 185. Fuluiaes de&s;pitefull dealing with his toung. 186</ITEM>
<ITEM>Cleopatra killed by A&s;p worms. 196</ITEM>
<ITEM>Clodius: he being tribune of the people becommeth &s;editi|ous. 109. he &s;eeketh reuenge vpon Cicero. 110. he is infa|mous for adulterie with
<PB REF="109"> Pompeia Cae&s;ars wife. ibid. for ince&s;t with his &s;i&s;ters. ibid. he is condemned by the Senate. ibid. he per&s;i&s;teth to be an enemie to Cicero. 114 he burneth the hou&s;e of Q. Cicero. ibid. he threatneth death to Sanctia. 115. he is &s;laine by Milo. ibid.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Cornelia: &s;he lamenteth her children. 27</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>D</HEAD>
<ITEM>Dru&s;us: his hard fortune. 32</ITEM>
<ITEM>he is &s;laine. 34. his repul&s;e is the beginning of the Italian warre. 38</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>F</HEAD>
<ITEM>Ful. Flaccus are bellious Sena|tor &s;laine. 26</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>G</HEAD>
<ITEM>A. Gabinius: after a pro&s;pe|rous fight he is &s;laine. 23</ITEM>
<ITEM>C. Gracchus: he is a rebell to the &s;tate. 25. his &s;editious actes. 26. he is beheaded. 27</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>I</HEAD>
<ITEM>Italie: the Italian warre. 15</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>L</HEAD>
<ITEM>M. Lepidus: the di&s;&s;ention of Lepidus and Catulus. 16</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>M</HEAD>
<ITEM>C. Marius: the contention be|twixt him and Silla. 15. he be&s;iegeth the Capitall. 31 he putteth the con&s;piratours to death. ibid. he de&s;troyeth Saturninus his hou&s;e. ibid. he taketh Iugurtha by Sillaes meanes. 28. his 3. 4. 5. 6. Con&s;ul&s;hips. 29. his great victorie again&s;t the Cimbri|ans. ibid. he is in high repu|tation. 34. he putteth Vetti|us Cato to flight. 52. he figh|teth equally with the Mar|&s;ians. 53. he is di&s;liked by the Con&s;ul Portius. 54. his am|bition. 59. his extreame mi|&s;erie. 60. a captiue &s;laue is &s;ent to kill him. 61. the Min|turnians are friends to him. ibid. being recalled from ba|ni&s;hment he entreth the Ci|tie. 64. Octauius is put to death by his crueltie. 65. he dieth. 67</ITEM>
<ITEM>Mancinus: his puni&s;hment for breaking truce. 20</ITEM>
<ITEM>Metellus: he oppo&s;eth him|&s;elfe again&s;t Saturninus. 30 he committeth him&s;elfe to voluntarie bani&s;hment. ibid.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Metellus his &s;peech to Ca&s;ar. 130.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Merula: he cutteth in peeces his owne veine. 65</ITEM>
<ITEM>Mithridates an enemie to the Romanes. 15. 58</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<PB REF="109">
<HEAD>N</HEAD>
<ITEM>Numa religious. 8</ITEM>
<ITEM>Numantia: the Numantine warre. 20</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>O</HEAD>
<ITEM>Octauius his reque&s;t to the Se|nate. 177. he reconcileth him&s;elfe to M. Antonius &amp; M. Lepidus. ibid. M. Ci|cero doth greatly commeend him. 178. he taketh Clodia to wife. 179. he be&s;iegeth Peru&s;ia. 190. he fighteth with Sex. Pompeius. 191. he readeth the te&s;tament of M. Antonius. 192. he &s;a|crificeth all the Pina&s;&s;es which he hath taken to A|pollo. 195. he buildeth Ni|copolis. 196. the Romanes plant a bay tree before his doore. 200</ITEM>
<ITEM>Opimtus his proclamation. 26</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>P</HEAD>
<ITEM>C. Perperna di&s;charged C. of his lieuetnancie. 52</ITEM>
<ITEM>A&s;inius Pollio: the prai&s;e of him. 190</ITEM>
<ITEM>Cn. Pampeius Strabo: his vi|ctories. 55. he triumpheth. 56. his di&s;&s;embling and vn|con&s;tancie. 63. a great fight betwixt him and Cinna. 64</ITEM>
<ITEM>Cn. Pompeius Magnus: his great dignitie in Rome. 16 Cae&s;ar cannot brooke it. ibid. he &amp; Q. Catulus fight with Lepidus and ouercome him. 77. Mithridates is ouer|throwne by Pompey. 106. he entreth the Temple of le|ru&s;alem. ibid. he is honoured with a triple triumph. 107. he matcheth with luliae Cae|&s;ars daughter. 109. his Pre&s;ident&s;hip in Spaine pro|roguid. 121. he is appoin|ted by the Senate generall again&s;t Cae&s;ar. 127. Domi|tius flyeth to Pompey. 128 the forreiners which were readie in armes for the a&s;&s;i|tance of him. 132. his ora|tion to his &s;ouldiers. 134. he putteth Cae&s;ar to flight. 138 he mar&s;halleth his armie. 139. he flyeth to Lari&s;&s;a. 144 he trauelleth to Aegypt. 146. he is &s;laine by the Ae|gyptians. 147</ITEM>
<ITEM>Popedius. Silo Popedius a na|turall enemie to the Ro|mans. 40. his oration to the Mar&s;ians. 41. he is &s;laine. 55.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Pyrrhus fighting again&s;t the Romanes. 10</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>R</HEAD>
<ITEM>Rome built. 6</ITEM>
<PB REF="110">
<ITEM>Romanes: the Romanes made wanton by pro&s;peritie 19. the Romane Emba&s;&s;adors are de&s;pi&s;ed of Hanniball. 44 the Athenians faithfull to the Romans. 67. the &s;olem|nitie which the Romanes v&s;ed in their proceeding to the Senate. 89. treacherie again&s;t the Romanes in Fraunce. 119. what thing a triumph was among&s;t the Romans, and how perfor|med. 151. they be&s;tow many honors vpon Cae&s;ar. 166</ITEM>
<ITEM>Romulus eagre&s;t in fight. 8 Romulus &amp; Remus ba&s;t|ards. 42. nouri&s;hed by a wolfe. ibid. Remus is &s;laine by Romulus. 43</ITEM>
<ITEM>P. Rutilius is &s;laine. 52</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>S</HEAD>
<ITEM>Saturninus: he cau&s;eth C. Memmius to be &s;lain. 31. his hou&s;e is de&s;troyed by Mari|as. ibid. he is a brocher of &s;edition. 30. Q. Metellus oppo&s;eth him&s;elf against him. ibid. Marius fauo|reth Saturninus. ibid.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Saguntines: the mi&s;erable fa|mine of the Saguntines. 44</ITEM>
<ITEM>Sabines: the rape of the Sabine virgins. 43</ITEM>
<ITEM>P. Scipio Affricanus the elder his valor. 18</ITEM>
<ITEM>P. Scipio Affricanus the youn|ger: his prowe&s;&s;e. 18. he is &s;ent backe into Spaine. 24. he &s;urpri&s;eth Numantia. ibid. he is found dead in his bed. 25 his body is brought out into the &s;treete. ibid.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Scipio Na&s;ica: his familie. 22 he oppo&s;eth him&s;elf to Grac|chus. ibid.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Seruius taxeth the Romanes by poles. 8</ITEM>
<ITEM>Seruitins: he is Procon&s;ull and is &s;laine by the commotioners of Italy. 38</ITEM>
<ITEM>Sertorius: he leuieth armes in Spaine. 77. he feareth Pom|pey. 106. Liuius Salinator the Lieutenant of Sertori|us is &s;laine. 77. Sertorius is &s;laine. 79</ITEM>
<ITEM>Spartacus: he being a fence|player doth encounter the army of the Con&s;uls. 81. he taketh the citie of the Thu|rians. ibid. M. Cra&s;&s;us ap|pointed for the vvarre a|gain&s;t him. 82</ITEM>
<ITEM>Sulpitius: he bringeth the Marrucines to obedience. 55</ITEM>
<ITEM>Sulpitius: a &s;editious Tribune altereth the &s;tate. 59. mur|der is committed by him. ibid.</ITEM>
<ITEM>L. Sylla: his victorie Samnites.
<PB REF="110"> 55. he killeth Cluentius. ibid. he is made Con&s;ull. 57 his contrarie nature. ibid. his de&s;cent. ibid. he be&s;iegeth Nola. 58. his reuenge vpon the &s;editious. 60. his hard conditions of peace conclu|ded with Mithridates. 68 the King of Parthia &s;endeth Emba&s;&s;adors to him. ibid. he pa&s;&s;eth quietly through Italy. 69. he di&s;mi&s;&s;eth Ser|torius without hurt. 70. he fighteth with Tele&s;inus a Samnite. 71. C. Marius the yoonger is &s;laine by his &s;ouldiers. 72. he v&s;urpeth the Dictator&s;hip. ibid. he cau&s;eth the &s;ouldiers of Prae|ne&s;te to be &s;laine. 73. he put|teth in practi&s;e pro&s;cription. 73. M. Marius is &s;laine by him. 74. his rage again&s;t Pletorius. ibid. the a&s;hes of C. Marcus throwne into a riuer by Sylla. 75. he dieth. ibid.</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>T</HEAD>
<ITEM>Tarquin bani&s;hed. 1. his or|naments. 8. proud Tarquin occa&s;ioner of libertie. 9</ITEM>
<ITEM>Treuirate: a Treuirate fir&s;t made in Rome. 21</ITEM>
<ITEM>Tullus an artificiall Captaine. 8.</ITEM>
</LIST>
<LIST>
<HEAD>V</HEAD>
<ITEM>Viriathus an enemie to the Ro|manes. 19</ITEM>
</LIST>
<TRAILER>FINIS.</TRAILER>
</DIV1>
</BODY>
<BACK>
<DIV1 TYPE="errata">
<PB REF="111">
<P><TABLE>
<ROW>
<CELL ROLE="label">Faults.</CELL>
<CELL ROLE="label">Pag.</CELL>
<CELL ROLE="label">Correction.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Monarchies.</CELL>
<CELL>Pag. 4.</CELL>
<CELL>Monarches.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Cloaetia.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 9.</CELL>
<CELL>Cloaelia.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Ma&s;&s;itus.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 10.</CELL>
<CELL>Ma&s;&s;icus.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>couldes.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 10.</CELL>
<CELL>clouds.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Glancias.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 31.</CELL>
<CELL>Glaucias.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Eguatius.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 52.</CELL>
<CELL>Egnatius.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Staria.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 53.</CELL>
<CELL>Stabia.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Petiani.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 55.</CELL>
<CELL>Peligni.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Talentia.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 78.</CELL>
<CELL>Valentia.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Enomaus.</CELL>
<CELL>page 80.</CELL>
<CELL>Enomaus.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Con&s;ulians.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 92.</CELL>
<CELL>Con&s;ularians.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>it greeueth my hart.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 100.</CELL>
<CELL>it grateth my hart.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>the Pietons.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 119.</CELL>
<CELL>the Pictons.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>the Tureus.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 120.</CELL>
<CELL>the Turens.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>the Audians.</CELL>
<CELL>page 120.</CELL>
<CELL>the Andians.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Achilles.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 147.</CELL>
<CELL>Achillas.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>aggrauate.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 173.</CELL>
<CELL>arrogate.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Atia was.</CELL>
<CELL>pag. 176.</CELL>
<CELL>Atia, who was.</CELL>
</ROW>
</TABLE></P>
</DIV1>
</BACK>
</TEXT>
</EEBO>
</ETS>
