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<DATE>2009-01-28</DATE>
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<NAME>Emma Leeson Huber</NAME>
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<HEAD>No KING but the Old KINGS Son.</HEAD>
<HEAD>Or, a Vindication of Limited MONARCHY, as it was E&s;tabli&s;hed in this Nation, before the late War between the King and Parliment.</HEAD>
<P>IT being the general cry of the People, that Monarchy is the mirrour of Governments, under which we enjoyed the very perfection of Liberty, and were ble&s;&s;ed far beyond any of our neighbour Nations; I &s;hall lay down &s;everal &s;erious rea|&s;ons, whereby it may plainly appear to the weake&s;t capacity, that no Government can be &s;o beneficial to this Nation, as to re&s;tore it to its ancient Monarchical Government, and to e&s;tabli&s;h the Son of the Old King in his Royal Dignities and Prerogatives.</P>
<P N="1">1. Becau&s;e tho&s;e that &s;urfeited of our Kingly Government, and longed for Novelty, have lo&s;t the &s;ub&s;tance of Liberty and happines in pur&s;uit of the &s;haddow; and none of our fierce Champions for a free State can maintain, that it is not &s;ubject to violation, for if they &s;hould undertake to prove it, they mu&s;t renounce their &s;ences and deny the Faith of Story, which proves, that Republicks have been &s;ometimes invaded with u&s;urpation, &s;ometimes Debauched and emba&s;ed with Oligarchy, and alwaies tormented with Faction. Yet of all Government Kingly Government did mo&s;t excellently comply with the Laws, Genius, and Intere&s;t of this then flouri&s;h|ing Nation.</P>
<P N="2">2. Monarchy in the&s;e Nations is more ancient then Story or Record, and more venerable then Tradition it &s;elf; Our Lawes were born (as it were) under that Climate, grafted into that &s;tock and habituated in that ayre and Dyet; This made our Lawyers im|portune <HI>Oliver Crumwell</HI> to a&s;&s;ume the &s;tile and power of a King to which our Laws were &s;haped, rather then Protector a title un|known to the Law.</P>
<P N="3">3. Our old Kingly Government included all the perfections of a Free State, and was the Kernel, as it were, of a Common-wealth, in the &s;hell of Monarchy; the e&s;&s;ential parts of a Commonwealth are the&s;e, <HI>viz.</HI> The Senate propo&s;ing, the People re&s;olving, and the Magi&s;trate executing; for the Senate or Parliament, if ever a Free Parliament were, it was here, where the Deputies of the whole Nation, mo&s;t freely cho&s;en, did, with like Freedom, meet, pro|pound, debate and vote all matters of common Intere&s;t: No dan|ger e&s;caped their repre&s;enting; no grievence their complaint; no publick Right, their Claim, or good, their demand; In all which, the lea&s;t breach of Priviledge was branded as a civil Sacriledge. And though there lay no appeal to the di&s;p<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="OXF" EXTENT="1 letter">erced body of the peo|ple, (Elections being &s;o popular and A&s;&s;emblies frequent) yet the &s;ame end was attained with much more &s;afety and convenience. the Prince had likewi&s;e, in effect, but an executive power, which he exerci&s;ed by Mini&s;ters and Officers, not only &s;worn, but &s;everely accomptable: For though both he and the Lords had their Nega|tives in making Laws, yet (no Tax being impo&s;able, but by con&s;ent of the Commons) there was a wi&s;e and &s;weet neceffity, for the King and likewi&s;e for the Lords, who were but as a grain in the Royal Scale, to confirm all &s;uch Bills, as were convenient for the people, and not greatly hurtful to the Prince; And &s;o this Bug|bear Negative, was re&s;olved into a meer Target, to &s;helter and pre&s;erve the Government from being altered, at the will of the Commons, if at any time they &s;hould prove Factious which hath been confirmed by great experience: Our Kings having rarely, ob|&s;tructed any Bill, which they might &s;ufely grant; but on the other &s;ide, pa&s;&s;ed many high Acts of meer Grace, circum&s;cribing their Prerogatives, and clipping its Wings; Nay, I could wi&s;h they had not pierced its bowels.</P>
<P N="4">4. This was our Gold &s;even times refined, for every Bill, being thrice read, debated and agreed on in either hou&s;e, was at la&s;t brought to the King, for his Royal a&s;&s;ent, the Mint of our Laws: a tryal &s;o exact, that &s;urely, no dro&s;&s;e could e&s;cape it; &s;ince all In|tere&s;ts mu&s;t thereto concur, as truly it was but fit they &s;hould, in the e&s;tabli&s;hment of that which mu&s;t bind them all. This was that temperament which poi&s;ed our humours, and at once endued us with health, vigour and beauty; No Vote was precipitated, no Act was hudled up: as by &s;ad events we have &s;ince &s;een, that pow|er being engro&s;&s;ed by one of the E&s;tates, purged and modelled to the Intere&s;ts of a Faction.</P>
<P N="5">5. The Kirg indeed had the power of making War, but he had not the means; and therefore it &s;ignified no more than giving him leave to fly if he could get w<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="OXF" EXTENT="1 letter">ngs, or to go boyond Sea &s;o he went witbout &s;hipping: He had a Sword, but he alone could never draw it, for the Trained-bands were a weapon, which he decently wore, but the Nation only could u&s;e it: He cho&s;e Mini&s;ters, But alas he was accomptable for them to the Tryennial Parliament, which none but the &s;ounde&s;t integrity could abide.</P>
<P N="6">6. Seeing his per&s;on was mo&s;t &s;acred, it was but needful to avoid circulation of accompt, rea&s;onable, &s;ince it carries with it the con|&s;ent of Nations; ju&s;t that he &s;hould not be the <HI>But</HI> of Faction and Malice, in wor&s;e condition than the ba&s;e&s;t of Va&s;&s;als; honourable, that the nakedne&s;s of Government might not daily be uncovered; Wi&s;e, in the con&s;titution, not at once, to tru&s;t and provoke by for|cing him to &s;hift for his own indempnity, no danger to the Pub|lick &s;eeming &s;o extream, as the Out-lawry of a Prince; no task by daily experience, &s;o difficult, as the arraigning of any power, whe|ther Regal or Popular, And &s;ince we make golden bridges for fly|ing enemies, much more may we afford them to relenting Sove|raigns.</P>
<P N="7">7. When the Prerogative of Kings was mo&s;t Rampant, then the greate&s;t of them could never prudently a&s;pire to make them|&s;elves &s;ole Legi&s;lators, nor pre&s;umed to maintain Red-coats in the times of Peace. If any &s;hould here object that Kingly power can no longer here &s;ub&s;i&s;t for want of a Revenue, I an&s;wer, That a King of <HI>England</HI> might and &s;till may (the &s;ale of Crown Lands, which exceeded not the value of 100000 <HI>li. per annum,</HI> being, me thinks, no matter of ruin, but rather of ea&s;ie compen&s;ation,) For the publick Revenue was proportioned according to the maintenance of Courts, not Camps or Fleets; a Gentleman of rea&s;onable E&s;tate might live well upon his Rents, without disbur&s;ments out of the publick Revenue.</P>
<P N="8">8. A Monarchical Government did provide greater freedom for their Citizens then any other, <HI>as Magna Charta,</HI> and the <HI>Petition of Right;</HI> hereby our Lives, Liberties, and E&s;tates were &s;ecured e&s;tabli&s;hed, I think, as well as any thing, on this &s;ide Heaven: it were no &s;oloeci&s;me to &s;ay, the Subject had his Prero|gative, as well, as the King; And &s;ure I am, he was as good (if not better) condition to maintain it, the dependance being le&s;&s;e on his &s;ide: Liberty was no le&s;&s;e &s;acred then Maje&s;ty; <HI>Nole me tangere,</HI> was likewi&s;e its Motto; And in ca&s;e of any, the lea&s;t in|fringement (as e&s;capes in Government may happen even in the mo&s;t perfect;) It was re&s;ented, as if the Nation had received a box on the Eare; If it be, as they &s;ay, the glory of a Free-Stat, to exalt, the &s;candall of Tyrany, to Emba&s;e our Spirits; doubtle&s;&s;e, this was our onely Common-wealth: For, ever &s;ince, me thinks, we have learned quietly to take the Ba&s;tonade.</P>
<P N="9">9. We can never hope under our Common-wealth, what ever promi&s;es may be made us, &s;o perfectly to di&s;tingui&s;h the Leg&s;lative from the Mini&s;teral Authority, as once we did; when the Hou&s;e of Commons had not the power of a <HI>Court Leet</HI> to give an Oath, nor of a Ju&s;tice of the Peace, to make a <HI>Mittimum:</HI> Which di&s;in|ction, doubtle&s;&s;e is the mo&s;t vitall part of Freedome, and far more con&s;iderable to poor Subjects, than the pretended Rotation; As on the contrary, the confu&s;ion of them is an accompli&s;hment of &s;ervitude; For which the be&s;t Republick, I fear, have more to an&s;wer, than any limited Prince can have: Certain, it is, that our King in his per&s;onal capacity as he made no Laws, &s;o neither did he by him&s;elf interpret Laws. His Privy Seal ever buckled to the great Seal, as being the Nations more than his.</P>
<P>La&s;tly, <HI>Charles Stuart,</HI> the Son of the late King, is the &s;irme&s;t adherer in the world to the true Prote&s;tant Religion, and continues immovable to the principles in which he was educated from his in|fancy: Therfore no way of Government can be &s;ettled &s;o preva|lent to the pre&s;ervation of rhe true, ancient Catholick, and Apo|&s;tolick Faith, and to re&s;tore the unity of the&s;e langui&s;hing Nat<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="OXF" EXTENT="1 letter">ons, as to e&s;tabli&s;h him in the Royal Throne and Dignity of his Father.</P>
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<P>LONDON, Printed for <HI>Theophilus Microco&s;mus.</HI> Anno Dom. 1660.</P>
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