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<DATE>2009-01-29</DATE>
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<NAME>Emma Leeson Huber</NAME>
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<P>

A LETTER WRITTEN To a Gentleman in the Coun|try, touching the DISSOLVTION of the late PARLIAMENT, AND THE REASONS THEROF.</P>
<BIBL>Senec. Troad.</BIBL>
<Q><L>Quaeris quo jaceas po&s;t obitum loco?</L>
<L>Quo non nata jacent.&mdash;</L></Q>
<P>LONDON, Printed by <HI>F. Leach,</HI> for <HI>Richard Baddeley</HI> at his Shop within the Middle Temple Gate 1653.</P>
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<HEAD>A Letter written to a Gentleman in the Country, touching the <HI>Di&s;&s;olution</HI> of the late PARLIAMENT, and the <HI>Rea&s;ons</HI> thereof.</HEAD>
<OPENER><SALUTE>SIR,</SALUTE></OPENER>
<P>_YOurs of the 27th pa&s;t came &s;afe, and with it your admiration of this <HI>great change</HI> which hath happened in the <HI>di&s;&s;olution</HI> of the late <HI>Parliament,</HI> which I not at all wonder at; for as this <HI>I&s;land</HI> hath afforded the grea|te&s;t <HI>Revolutions</HI> that I think any memory affords us, of any time or place, &s;o I believe this to be the greate&s;t of them; and &s;o much the greater, as that it was done, in a manner, in an in&s;tant, without <HI>con|te&s;tation,</HI> without <HI>effu&s;ion</HI> of blood, and, for any thing I can perceive, without the lea&s;t re&s;entment of tho&s;e whom it generally concerns. But when I &s;hall put you in remem|brance of what I have often enforc'd to you, or to &s;ay bet|ter di&s;cours'd, for the other is needle&s;&s;e, that the wayes of <HI>Providence</HI> are <HI>in&s;crutable,</HI> and &s;uch, as, though they &s;eem to us <HI>unexpected</HI> and <HI>temerarious,</HI> yet are carried on with &s;uch a &s;trange and &s;upreme kind of <HI>de&s;ign,</HI> it wilbe ea&s;ie for an <HI>humble</HI> and an <HI>acquie&s;cing</HI> mind to &s;ee, that by &s;everall invi|&s;ible degrees, they bring forth their <HI>la&s;t</HI> &amp; propos'd intend|ments, yea with tho&s;e in&s;truments which &s;eem and intend to do the contrary. What man could have &s;uppos'd, after the di&s;&s;olution of the Parliament preceding this la&s;t, to have had another &s;o &s;oon? and for this la&s;t, who could have i|magin'd that by <HI>Act</HI> it &s;hould have continued, much more
<PB N="2" REF="3">
gloriou&s;ly have undertaken the defence of an <HI>injured</HI> peo|ple by open arms again&s;t an <HI>Oppre&s;&s;or,</HI> and that the&s;e under|takings, with admirable variety of &s;ucce&s;&s;e, &s;hould have been crowned with the extirpation of <HI>Tyranny,</HI> and the de|collation of the per&s;on of a <HI>Tyrant;</HI> that that great <HI>Omni&s;ci|ence</HI> &s;hould &s;o ble&s;&s;e the endeavours of a <HI>Common-wealth,</HI> now as I may &s;ay in its very <HI>&s;wadling-clouts,</HI> as by them ab|&s;olutely to reduce tho&s;e dominions in 3 years, which a <HI>&s;eries</HI> of <HI>proud</HI> &amp; <HI>lu&s;ty</HI> Monarks could not in 6 Centurys do? Be&s;ides that <HI>navall</HI> oppo&s;ition &s;o fortunately &amp; gloriou&s;ly made a|gain&s;t the greate&s;t Maritime enemy in <HI>Europe,</HI> or to &s;peak with due acknowledgment, in the Earth. Yet are the&s;e men, after all the&s;e vigorous and happy actions, &s;uddenly di&s;|per&s;ed like Down blown off a Thi&s;tle, and their power de|volv'd into &s;uch hands, which a God hath made in&s;tru|mentall in the&s;e &s;trange <HI>Emanations</HI> of his Divine <HI>Will,</HI> &s;o we may humbly conceive, he intends to make further u&s;e of to the fini&s;hing of that <HI>great</HI> work, which by &s;uch vi&s;ible &s;igns, he hath mad appeare he hath in hand for the glory of his name, the felicity of the&s;e Nations, and I believe for the ble&s;&s;ed alteration of all <HI>Europe.</HI></P>
<P>I am neither <HI>Stoick</HI> to believe that all things are <HI>link'd</HI> by &s;uch a &s;trong <HI>chain</HI> of <HI>Fate,</HI> as that there is nothing left to man but <HI>Mechanically</HI> to act; nor yet can I re&s;ign my &s;elf to an ab&s;olute belief of that &s;aying of <HI>Plato,</HI> that <HI>To pray or fear is needle&s;&s;e, it being out of our power to prevail by either,</HI> but I &s;hal mode&s;tly affirm it, that as I ever u&s;e to &s;end up my pray|ers for the be&s;t things I could, upon the emergencies of the &s;everall times, &s;o upon the breaking out and di&s;covery of every hidden Councell of above by &s;ome illu&s;trious acci|dent, I have thrown my face upon the ground and &s;ubmit|ted to it, never examining the <HI>meanes</HI> by which it was brought to pa&s;&s;e, but the <HI>end</HI> to which it was brought; for
<PB N="3" REF="3">
I cannot deny unto you, that I have that reverence, and re|&s;ignation to my great Lord and Maker, that as I believe every di&s;pen&s;ation affords to me in particular, (be it bit|ter or be it &s;weet) a means of that grand con&s;ummation of felicity, which I am hereafter to endeavour and expect, &s;o even in politick bodies, wherein &s;o many dear to <HI>him</HI> are concerned, he &s;uffers not any Turn or Revolution, but his <HI>Omni&s;ciency</HI> directs it, to the bettering or more happi&s;ying of that people.</P>
<P>And truely in my apprehen&s;ion this is done at this &s;ea&s;on, and though you &s;eem to &s;tare at it, as being unwilling to acknowledge that his hand is wi&s;e and powerfull, yet me|thinks it were an argument wortheir of an <HI>Athei&s;t,</HI> to &s;ay, that <HI>irregular</HI> actions proceed from a carele&s;&s;ne&s;&s;e <HI>above,</HI> than for a Chri&s;tian to imagin that his de&s;ignations in the altering the affairs of any State &s;hould not tend to a bette|ring of that State, and that that power into which he puts it, is not, in his mind, more fit and proper to manage it than that from which he took it; for if a <HI>Fly</HI> fall not to the ground without his <HI>con&s;ent,</HI> I be&s;eech you what &s;hall we con|&s;ider of his <HI>care</HI> in the di&s;po&s;ition of Millions of <HI>men,</HI> things of his own image, without a high disbelief and contempt of his providence?</P>
<P>Though I am not ignorant what &s;ome people ignorantly, or peradventure <HI>&s;plenetickly</HI> and <HI>maliciou&s;ly</HI> &s;ay, that he may &s;uffer &s;uch things for the puni&s;hment of a people, and for their <HI>reduction,</HI> yet when I &s;eriou&s;ly con&s;ider it, that as no|thing but good can flow from that pure and <HI>&s;imple</HI> Foun|tain of goodne&s;&s;e, &s;o are his ways of <HI>Providence,</HI> &s;o far as pur|blind We can &s;ee. He cha&s;ti&s;es <HI>private</HI> men differently from <HI>publick bodies,</HI> &s;ome that he dearly <HI>loves,</HI> he <HI>afflicts, purges,</HI> and <HI>refines,</HI> gives them heavine&s;&s;e for a day, that they may hereafter have an everla&s;ting weight of glory. <HI>States</HI> he
<PB N="4" REF="4">
&s;ometimes afflicts for their own &s;ins, &s;ometimes for tho&s;e of their Governours, but &s;till out of his mercy he con&s;iders tho&s;e that are dear unto him, and &s;earches out if there be <HI>ten</HI> good in <HI>Sodom,</HI> which if there be, he carries them out of their Captivity into the Land of Promi&s;e.</P>
<P>Out of the&s;e con&s;iderations I for my part humbly &s;ubmit to this my&s;terious and &s;udden action; and becau&s;e I perceive you not &s;o well &s;atisfyed with it, am content with what pre&s;ent rea&s;ons I can, and out of my little intelligence, and &s;mall under&s;tanding of things, to give you an account.</P>
<P>And therefore we are to con&s;ider,</P>
<P>Fir&s;t, The manner of Government by the la&s;t Parliament;</P>
<P>Then the right of obedience to Superior Powers; And</P>
<P>La&s;tly, the effects, or events, that may come upon the late change.</P>
<P>For the fir&s;t, I confe&s;&s;e they were a people of <HI>miracles,</HI> God made them gloriou&s;ly in&s;trumental in the re&s;cuing of his people from bondage, yet many of them were content to <HI>&s;elf-centre,</HI> or to &s;ay better, lay little de&s;ignes for their own <HI>greatne&s;&s;es;</HI> &s;o that, while they &s;eemed to look <HI>direct</HI> upon the <HI>publick</HI> Intere&s;t, their bu&s;ine&s;&s;e was to look <HI>a&s;quint</HI> upon their <HI>own:</HI> as if they had been employ'd by their Country not to make up publick, but private Breaches. Be&s;ides that, the Hou&s;e being by the la&s;t <HI>purge</HI> made thin, and few in a capacity to &s;it, and fewer active, (unle&s;&s;e &s;ome that only trudg'd at Committees) there was an opportuni|ty given them to become &s;o familiar with one another, that what by their <HI>Ordinary</HI> at <HI>Whitehall,</HI> and what by their <HI>conferences</HI> at the <HI>Speakers</HI> chamber before the &s;itting of the Hou&s;e, little was determined but out of <HI>de&s;ign</HI> and <HI>faction: Oppo&s;itions</HI> and <HI>Conjunctions</HI> were laid, <HI>private intere&s;ts</HI> in|terven'd, (and the&s;e commonly by way of exchange,) need|le&s;&s;e things mightily in&s;i&s;ted upon, whil&s;t thou&s;ands of poor
<PB N="5" REF="4">
<HI>Creditors</HI> and <HI>Petitioners</HI> &s;tarved at their door with their printed Papers, unheard, unregarded, unle&s;&s;e a cra&s;ty <HI>Solli|citor</HI> had <HI>undertaken</HI> (for it is a term I hear as common as <HI>practi&s;e</HI> among <HI>Lawyers)</HI> to <HI>make</HI> &s;ome <HI>Members,</HI> and this with great expectation, and with &s;uch &s;ucce&s;&s;e, as common|ly taught them what it was to <HI>tru&s;t;</HI> whil&s;t all this time the Hou&s;e, under who&s;e hand this work lay, were laboriou&s;ly content to &s;it four times in a week, and that much about the rate of 2. or 3. houres a day, whereas the whole week had been time little enough for their work. And as for <HI>Commit|tees,</HI> unle&s;&s;e they were either very &s;tanding, or &s;ome Great Men notably engag'd, there have been &s;ome men have at|tended <HI>nine</HI> or <HI>twelve</HI> moneths to bring one together, and this po&s;&s;ibly for an adjournment of as long a time. And I be|&s;eech you, Sir, con&s;ider, that though &s;ome whole&s;om Laws they made, and many happy actions have been done under them, yet God hath &s;ome precious In&s;truments &s;till over-ru|ling the&s;e odd de&s;igns &amp; combinatons, which are otherwi&s;e privately hatch'd by &s;ome corrupt ones among them. What the&s;e men have done as to <HI>E&s;tabli&s;hment</HI> and <HI>Liberty,</HI> I am to confe&s;&s;e they have altered the Titles of <HI>Writs,</HI> they have told us we have a <HI>Commonwealth,</HI> but for any <HI>e&s;&s;ential</HI> fruits thereof, a man may <HI>(drolling)</HI> &s;ay, they have cut off the head of a <HI>King,</HI> and &s;et a <HI>Commonwealth</HI> upon his &s;houl|ders, which like <HI>Epistemon</HI> in <HI>Rabelais</HI> (who was beheaded in a fight) are &s;o finely <HI>&s;ewed</HI> together, that they return out of <HI>Hel,</HI> and tell things that they did there.</P>
<P>For to &s;peak freely, what they did for us was very incon&s;i|derable, and with &s;uch a <HI>Spani&s;h</HI> &s;lowne&s;&s;e, that unle&s;&s;e ei|ther &s;ome particular Intere&s;t, or &s;ome immediate Nece&s;&s;ity enforc'd them to ha&s;t, it was a common difficulty of a year or two to get pa&s;&s;e an <HI>Act.</HI> If this had been out of <HI>grave</HI> con&s;ideration, or any laudable and politick <HI>providence,</HI> the
<PB N="6" REF="5">
pre&s;ent Age might have been content, and Po&s;terity made happier: But it was either their work, or made it appear their work, to <HI>&s;pin</HI> out the time, wa&s;t the day in the to&s;&s;ing of a Feather, and then came in &s;ome motion of an old <HI>Gran|dee,</HI> who had &s;o much a year given him for re&s;igning up an <HI>illegal</HI> Office; or &s;tood up &s;ome other, who brought old <HI>ar|rears,</HI> (which it may be the poor <HI>Souldiery</HI> was never &s;atisfi|ed for) and for this, he mu&s;t have &s;uch a &s;um of money out of <HI>Di&s;coveries,</HI> by which &s;ome Countryman or other mu&s;t be brought into vexation, and forc'd to compound; The <HI>publick</HI> bu&s;ine&s;&s;e in the mean time was commonly <HI>pre-di&s;po|&s;ed</HI> on in the <HI>Speakers</HI> Chamber, and ordinarily at the &s;pea|king of the <HI>Cue,</HI> (which was the u&s;uall bu&s;ine&s;s of &s;ome &s;hal|low Fellow put upon it) confirm'd and tran&s;acted. And as for <HI>Petitions,</HI> they had &s;uch a rare and excellent faculty of di&s;patching them, that I believe there have been 10000. Petitions offered to them, that could never be read, half as many read, that received none but delatory an&s;wers at Committees, and I doubt as many more were deterr'd, out of the meer con&s;ideration of the &s;ucce&s;&s;e of others. But you will &s;ay, they &s;et up a <HI>Committee for Petitions,</HI> I grant you they did, but it was with &s;uch <HI>Rules,</HI> and &s;uch <HI>Re&s;trictions,</HI> that I believe it very impo&s;&s;ible to make any per&s;on appear that was thereby benefited.</P>
<P>Thus much to them as a <HI>Body,</HI> to break it in pieces, and look on it in the individual, he were a di&s;-ingenuous man that would not confe&s;&s;e, that there have been among them as <HI>brave</HI> men, as <HI>wi&s;e</HI> and worthy <HI>Patriots,</HI> as any Nation e|ver had. But yet if you will take into your Remembrance, that there have been many Lands &s;old, fir&s;t the <HI>Bi&s;hops,</HI> then the <HI>Dean and Chapters,</HI> then the <HI>King</HI>'s, <HI>Queen</HI>'s, and <HI>Prin|ce</HI>'s, then the <HI>Fee-farms,</HI> (the <HI>Fore&s;t Lands</HI> too coming on) then the <HI>Delinquents,</HI> and all the&s;e to be doubled upon (a
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touch whereof I &s;hall give you anon by way of digre&s;&s;ion) and all this to be di&s;patched by <HI>Trustees</HI> nominated by the <HI>Parliament;</HI> you mu&s;t needs think there was very notable carriage in this Bu&s;ine&s;&s;e, as to the Profit of the <HI>Common|wealth.</HI> For fir&s;t, 3 <HI>d. per</HI> pound mu&s;t be allowed in point of purcha&s;e; then you had <HI>Registers</HI> (who con&s;tantly di&s;|patched by Deputie) at <HI>high</HI> Fees, and their <HI>Under-Officers</HI> as <HI>cunning</HI> and as <HI>ravenous</HI> as tho&s;e of the <HI>old</HI> Courts. Then mu&s;t <HI>march</HI> forth an <HI>Army</HI> of ignorant and unlearned <HI>Sur|veyors,</HI> and the&s;e at 20 &s;h. <HI>per diem,</HI> to return Surveys &s;ome|times low, in the favour of &s;ome noble Gentleman, in who&s;e eye it was to purcha&s;e, and &s;ometimes exce&s;&s;ively high, for to over-ballance the other; (be&s;ides the <HI>Kings</HI> Lands, which being allotted for the payment of the <HI>Souldiery,</HI> were commonly over-valued by one half,) whil&s;t in the mean time a &s;ingle <HI>Mathematician</HI> did properly all their work to their hands; and all this, be&s;ides a pe&s;tilent &s;ort of people called <HI>Me&s;&s;engers,</HI> &amp;c. who <HI>intangled</HI> rights, <HI>di&s;tur|bed</HI> the people, and carried on the bu&s;ine&s;&s;e &s;o excellently well, that po&s;&s;ibly much about one half might by their en|deavours be brought into the Coffers of the Common|wealth.</P>
<P>After the return of this Survey, &s;o laudably perform'd as I have de&s;cribed to you, an hone&s;t <HI>Member</HI> ca&s;ts a <HI>&s;heeps-eye</HI> at &s;uch a Manour. Marry then he goes to <HI>Gurney-hou&s;e,</HI> &s;ends in <HI>his name,</HI> and tels them he was to attend the Par|liament immediately; upon that he is called in, though o|ther people had been de&s;ign'd, and other bu&s;ine&s;&s;e directed for that time; and by his <HI>authority,</HI> or <HI>friends</HI> at the Table (for he that had a hand in placing them there, mu&s;t needs have favour from them) makes a Contract as low as po&s;&s;i|ble, gets it may be &s;o long time, as that he may pay for the
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Manour out of the <HI>Man&s;ion-hou&s;e,</HI> or the <HI>Woods;</HI> and by this means it is incredible to what E&s;tates &s;ome have rai&s;ed them&s;elves. One of them who was a Brewers Clark, his man was heard to &s;ay, That he thank'd God his Ma&s;ter had now 800 l. a year. Another Gentleman having not an o|ver-con&s;iderable Fortune before, hath made it 10. or 12000 l. a year, and hath been heard to &s;ay, (as I am infor|med) That he had more Land than any man in <HI>England.</HI> Another comming out of a <HI>Draper</HI>'s &s;hop at <HI>York,</HI> hath con|vey'd him&s;elf into an E&s;tate in Po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ion and Rever&s;ion of above 5000 l. a year. But examples of this kind are innu|merable.</P>
<P>This brings me on to tell you, That the <HI>Commonwealth</HI> hath been as <HI>ju&s;t</HI> and as <HI>unju&s;t</HI> in point of their debts, as 'tis po&s;&s;ible for men to be; <HI>just</HI> they were in providing &s;atisfa|ction for their Creditors; <HI>unju&s;t</HI> they were in delay of time, and the little &s;atisfaction they received by it. For was it not an unrea&s;onable thing, that 20 l. really <HI>lent</HI> out, or (which is as good) <HI>earn'd,</HI> &s;hould be reduced to &s;o many Twenty-pences, or Two-&s;hilings's? yet the <HI>Commonwealth</HI> pays it to the <HI>full,</HI> with <HI>Intere&s;t,</HI> whil&s;t the <HI>needy</HI> Creditor happly is glad to pre&s;erve <HI>life</HI> by that means; whereas men that had money, <HI>doubling</HI> thus, (a way indeed at fir&s;t thought on for better advance, but &s;ince proving to the de|&s;truction of the Creditor) and <HI>traffiquing</HI> with accepted <HI>Bils,</HI> either made a &s;hift to make 70 or 80 <HI>per cent.</HI> of their moneys, or if they had any hearts for the Parliament (which was not common) were content to take <HI>improveable</HI> Lands as 5 years purcha&s;e, or thereabouts: So that many people of very incon&s;iderable Fortunes, have now prodigiou&s;ly ar|riv'd to va&s;t E&s;tates. I know one, formerly not worth 16 &s;core pounds in all the world, now by valuatio~ of the Coun|try
<PB N="9" REF="6">
where he lives, worth 1600 pound a year. Others I have known worth nothing at all, that now can reckon to 5 and 600 pound <HI>per annnm.</HI> But you may tell me again, that this is no Argument again&s;t a <HI>Government.</HI> I &s;ay it is a good one again&s;t the <HI>Governors,</HI> &s;ince they are &s;o palpably <HI>engag'd</HI> in it.</P>
<P>By this time I conceive you to be of opinion that things were not &s;o <HI>admirably</HI> well governed, yet many things be|ing matters of <HI>private</HI> &s;ufferings, many <HI>hone&s;t</HI> hearts were content to &s;it down, and <HI>groan</HI> under their own <HI>mi&s;ery,</HI> ra|ther than interrupt &s;uch <HI>publick</HI> proceedings, as they &s;aw God &s;o eminently glorified in. But when we had reduced our enemies abroad, and brought them upon their knees, and began to entertain hopes of a future peace, and e&s;tabli&s;hed liberty, we were diverted by other de&s;igns, and the bu&s;ine&s;&s;e was, how to continue a <HI>lazy</HI> unactive power, not to <HI>remedy</HI> the &s;ufferings of a Nation. This brought the <HI>Army</HI> into Con&s;ulation, a &s;ort of men whom God hath &s;o &s;ingularly own'd, and crown'd by &s;o many remarkable &s;uc|ce&s;&s;es, that it was ea&s;ily perceivable that God intended by them to do &s;trange things. The&s;e as free people fir&s;t de|clar'd, that they would a&s;&s;ert our liberties, and &s;ince did not only re&s;cue but protect the Parliament, and a&s;&s;i&s;t them in the late grand Negotiations. <HI>without</HI> them, they might have been expo&s;ed to the affronts of the multitude, and as in-effective as again&s;t the <HI>Prenti&s;es</HI> when they &s;hut up the door; <HI>with</HI> them they have done marvelou&s;ly. Now the ca&s;e &s;tands thus, The <HI>Liberty</HI> of the People being recovered by the <HI>Sword,</HI> that is to &s;ay by the <HI>Army,</HI> this Army continu|ing as a <HI>Mediator,</HI> or (if a man may &s;ay &s;o) a <HI>Supervi&s;or</HI> of the Peoples Liberties, it mu&s;t be proper for them to &s;ee that no encroachment may be done thereupon. But here
<PB N="10" REF="7">
comes the pinch, the <HI>Parliament</HI> have not &s;ati&s;fied the <HI>Peo|ple,</HI> neither by effectuall Laws, nor vigorous proceedings, the People are di&s;contented; the Army want not their re|&s;entments, they are moved for a new Parliament, (but <HI>irregular</HI> motions move &s;lowly) they trifle it off two or three years, and frivolou&s;ly <HI>debate</HI> it into a nece&s;&s;ity, and at la&s;t provide the bu&s;ine&s;&s;e &s;o, as that their Kingdom may &s;tand, and others &s;it with them upon the Throne, that is to &s;ay, like <HI>The&s;eus</HI> his &s;hip, perpetually to be peeced, and made into the &s;ame. But this neither &s;tands with the <HI>fundamentall</HI> right of a <HI>Parliament,</HI> nor e&s;tabli&s;hed <HI>Liberty.</HI> For if you will allow a <HI>Common-wealth,</HI> you cannot allow any thing more <HI>de&s;tructive</HI> to it, than the Continuation of many men in the &s;ame power, e&s;pecially unlimited and &s;u|preme. For otherwi&s;e knowledg of <HI>Faces, Acquaintance, Familiartty,</HI> and tho&s;e little <HI>intrigues</HI> men will make, though they hate one another, will bring all to Ruine.</P>
<P>But yet &s;uch a <HI>de&s;ign</HI> as this were they about, and when they &s;aw that a <HI>nece&s;sity</HI> was upon them for to break up at la&s;t, they then came down to the third of November this year, but the <HI>Act</HI> which had been 3 years a ham|mering, was &s;o warily provided, that what in point of <HI>E|lectors</HI> and <HI>Elected,</HI> we &s;hould have been within a month af|ter the <HI>new</HI> Parliament in a wor&s;e condition than we had been during the &s;itting of the <HI>old.</HI> They that were to be <HI>E|lectors,</HI> were People that had not <HI>forfeited</HI> their <HI>Liberty,</HI> which in Engli&s;h is rendred thus, People it may be <HI>un<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="OXF" EXTENT="1 letter">ble, unca|pable, malignant,</HI> and <HI>malicious</HI> enough, though &s;uch as ne|ver offended the State, but in their Ale; the&s;e to be <HI>Elected, men that had con&s;tantly been true to the Common-wealth.</HI> This if the malice and cunning of men can do any thing, will a|mount
<PB N="11" REF="7">
to as much as to &s;ay, that many <HI>Malignants</HI> who from their very hearts and &s;ouls hated the <HI>Cau&s;e,</HI> and all its Dependances, yet in point of Intere&s;t and profit, having en|gaged in it, might have been brought in. Be&s;ides that the <HI>Presbyterian</HI> Party (which is meerly a <HI>Je&s;uit</HI> in a <HI>Genevah</HI> cloak, but &s;omewhat more in&s;upportable) may by this rule all come in. For they may have vigorou&s;ly acted at the fir&s;t, whil&s;t they thought the Beer which was a brewing might be their own mornings draught, but &s;eeing it was provided for others, they took <HI>&s;nuff,</HI> and for&s;ook the <HI>Hou&s;e,</HI> nay and are become enemies; &s;o that upon this account, in&s;tead of bringing a &s;elect Company of hone&s;t Gentlemen to debate together, we &s;hould have brought &s;o many Bandogs to have travers'd Factions. For what other could we expect when men of &s;uch humors and tempers &s;hould nece&s;&s;arily meet?</P>
<P>This you will &s;ay, might be prevented by examining the returns of the <HI>Writs.</HI> Suppo&s;e it. But here is fir&s;t, an im|po&s;&s;ibility to that end, as who can di&s;cover a mans heart? who a mans ways? who can judge that a Convert is reall, or ab&s;olutely a&s;&s;ure him&s;elf, that another man is not an hy|pocrite? for things of another mans bo&s;om is matter of the nice&s;t &s;cruple in the World; and an exact hypocrite may deceive the mo&s;t cautious and nice Coun&s;ail that can be made among men. Yet &s;uppo&s;ing this bu&s;ine&s;&s;e fea&s;ible, here ari&s;es another que&s;tion, Whether the Peoples right or no, in point of Election, be not extingui&s;h'd by this <HI>&s;u|pervi&s;ing?</HI> (for as yet I cannot find any other word for it.) For either they have a right of <HI>liberty</HI> to choo&s;e, or not, but both <HI>Parliament</HI> and <HI>Army</HI> have declared they have; there|fore their election is good: But if there be a power <HI>para|mount</HI> to <HI>allow</HI> or <HI>di&s;allow</HI> of this Election, (which &s;uppo&s;ing an examination of the returns of the <HI>Writs,</HI> you mu&s;t needs
<PB N="12" REF="8">
grant, otherwi&s;e it will be in vain to examine them) then that <HI>Election</HI> of theirs &s;ignifies nothing; For if I in a <HI>Ca&s;e of Law</HI> choo&s;e my <HI>Arbitrator,</HI> and the Judge, or a third par|ty hath power to <HI>allow</HI> or <HI>di&s;allow</HI> him, I cannot properly be &s;aid to have a <HI>choice,</HI> becau&s;e <HI>choice</HI> is an effect of <HI>Free|dom,</HI> and <HI>Freedom</HI> and <HI>Controlment</HI> are things that cannot con&s;i&s;t together. So that hence it will amount, that this provi&s;ion was weak and not of a&s;&s;urance enough to our purpo&s;e, and if two inconveniences were to be run upon, it were much better to run upon the le&s;&s;e.</P>
<P>This is an Hypothe&s;is, I &s;ee not how it could be &s;alved otherwi&s;e than by choo&s;ing &s;uch <HI>idoneous</HI> per&s;ons, and that in &s;uch a number as might carry on the work; for though <HI>multitude of Coun&s;ellors</HI> is &s;trength and &s;afety, yet in <HI>di&s;tem|per'd</HI> and turning States it is weakne&s;&s;e and <HI>di&s;traction;</HI> And the&s;e &s;uch kind of men as are fit to have the reigns of a Na|tion in their hands, and &s;uch as by a &s;wift and due pro&s;e|cution of <HI>Ju&s;tice</HI> &s;hould &s;atisfie the people, what it is to be free. This is a bu&s;ine&s;&s;e either to be done by the <HI>Parlia|ment,</HI> by the <HI>People,</HI> or by the <HI>Army.</HI> The fir&s;t like cun|ning <HI>Brokers</HI> would not do it; The &s;econd like trouble&s;ome <HI>Ideots</HI> cannot do it, and the third as wi&s;e Guardians mu&s;t do it.</P>
<P>And therefore though this <HI>change</HI> may carry much in it as to appearance of <HI>fear</HI> and <HI>terror,</HI> yet when a man will con&s;ider the&s;e two things, that the Liberty of his Nation ought to be the deare&s;t thing to him under Heaven, and that without the&s;e men and means it cannot be pre&s;erved, (for take away the force that protects us, all our enemies &s;hall flow in upon us) he mu&s;t nece&s;&s;arily grant a &s;ubmi&s;&s;i|on to what they do. For he that hath power to <HI>command,</HI> hath al&s;o power to <HI>guide,</HI> theone without the other being in&s;ignificant.</P>
<P><PB N="13" REF="8">
And therefore &s;ince we are in a Tempe&s;t, let us come to this Rock (to &s;peak at the har&s;hlie&s;t) rather than peri&s;h. For you cannot conceive but the wor&s;t Go|vernment in the world is infinitely better than none at all; or to &s;peak a little clo&s;elyer, an ill Government well ma|nag'd, may be much better than a completer form of Go|vernment ill manag'd, people &s;till judging by their <HI>Safety,</HI> or <HI>Liberty,</HI> or <HI>Civill</HI> advantages, the effects not only of their Government but Rulers.</P>
<P>For matter of <HI>change</HI> of <HI>Government,</HI> le&s;t you may be di&s;&s;atisfied, I have thus much briefly to &s;ay, that con&s;ide|ring the actions of the late <HI>Parliament,</HI> and their <HI>di&s;&s;olution,</HI> we are to remember by what means they were called, and for what end. They were called at fir&s;t by a <HI>Writ</HI> of the King, and that by the ordinary &s;ummons of a Writ, and that on the Kings part compul&s;ively. But God that hath a mind to do much out of little, &s;o pro&s;pered them, that by an Act of the whole Parliament as then it &s;tood, they were enabled to &s;it till they &s;hould di&s;&s;olve them&s;elves. Tis a que&s;tion worthy the re&s;olution of a <HI>Lawyer,</HI> whe|ther the&s;e men &s;itting by <HI>that</HI> Authority, were not tyed to follow exactly the <HI>Rules</HI> of it? For certainly every <HI>Law</HI> or <HI>Commi&s;sion</HI> ties according to the <HI>Intent.</HI> They thought fit to throw out the Lords <HI>&s;pirituall, alias Bi&s;hops;</HI> they manage a War again&s;t the <HI>King</HI> upon their own <HI>Authority,</HI> and by vertue of <HI>that</HI> Act; they were purg'd of <HI>Malignant</HI> or <HI>Ill|affected</HI> Members, by the Army, (who&s;e duty it was to interpo&s;e in &s;o dangerous a time) and at la&s;t declared and e&s;tabli&s;hed a <HI>Common-wealth.</HI> Thus did they act, and that to the eternall Renown of the Nation, for four years toge|ther; But, when diea&s;es grew upon them (as all <HI>&s;edenta|ry</HI> Bodies are &s;low and <HI>unactive)</HI> there appear'd &s;uch a lazi|ne&s;&s;e
<PB N="14" REF="9">
in the execution of that power, &s;uch a <HI>Lethargy</HI> as to Act in the <HI>right</HI> of the <HI>Nation,</HI> that <HI>the&s;e</HI> immortal per&s;ons, who&s;e blood had been &s;tirr'd or &s;pill'd in their <HI>Cau&s;e,</HI> be|gan to awake, and remember for whom they had done &s;o great things, that is to &s;ay, for the People. And there|fore, they being (as I have &s;aid) <HI>Arbitrators,</HI> men who&s;e eys were open, and Con&s;ciences not branded, ri&s;e up, and begun to look and con&s;ider in what condition the People was, whereof they were a part; and therefore, when neither <HI>Addre&s;&s;es, Rea&s;ons, propo&s;alls,</HI> nor <HI>Petitions,</HI> of a long time could prevaile, it is not &s;trange at all if they were forced to that of the Phy&s;ician <HI>Vre &amp; Seca.</HI></P>
<P>I know your Objection before hand, that the action of the <HI>Lord Generall</HI> in the Di&s;&s;olution was &s;omewhat <HI>rough,</HI> and <HI>Barbarous,</HI> and I &s;hall not trouble you with a long An|&s;wer, That, as to his <HI>Per&s;on,</HI> as he hath in the Field de|clared him&s;elf one of the Noble&s;t <HI>a&s;&s;ertors</HI> of our <HI>Liberty,</HI> and as great an enlarger of our Territories as ever was, &s;o as for any particular <HI>de&s;igns</HI> of his own in point of <HI>Govern|ment,</HI> it mu&s;t be a <HI>&s;crutiny</HI> greater than <HI>humane</HI> that can di&s;cover, how he either intended to <HI>invade</HI> us, or to make us a prey to any <HI>ambition</HI> of his. And therefore if upon this grand <HI>Revolution,</HI> he might appear to his enemies <HI>pa&s;sionate,</HI> yet con&s;idering the <HI>extremities</HI> that <HI>great</HI> minds fall into, and the great <HI>trust</HI> committed to him, it will appear nothing but the di&s;charge of that <HI>duty</HI> that lay upon him. To have done &s;uch a thing as a <HI>&s;ingle</HI> Generall, wants neither exam|ple nor pre&s;ident (but I would not injure an argument in a Letter by the by, which I could make good in a whole Treati&s;e.) For you may remember that of <HI>Cae&s;ar</HI> to <HI>Metel|lus</HI> the <HI>Tribune, Young man</HI> (&s;ayes he) <HI>'twas ea&s;ier for me</HI>
<PB N="15" REF="9">
<HI>to &s;ay this than to do it,</HI> a &s;peech (&s;ayes Sir <HI>Francis Bacon)</HI> both the proude&s;t and the milde&s;t that e|ver came out of the mouth of Man: For at that time he was breaking open the <HI>Sacred Trea&s;ury,</HI> which by&punc; the Lawes was not to be broken open. But it is otherwi&s;e here, this was not a ra&s;h preci|pitate Act of his, but a <HI>Tru&s;t,</HI> and <HI>Re&s;ult</HI> of tho&s;e under him. Twas fit he that was the mo&s;t emi|nent &s;hould appear, and he as civilly without noi&s;e or di&s;turbance did it. And therefore Acting by their <HI>Votes,</HI> and by their <HI>con&s;ents,</HI> it was <HI>their</HI> action as well as <HI>his;</HI> and it was no more <HI>his</HI> action than it is the action of the <HI>Head</HI> moved by <HI>Tendons</HI> and <HI>Mu&s;|cles</HI> which are parts of the Body, and without which the Head it &s;elf could not po&s;&s;ibly at all move.</P>
<P>So that here it comes to a Que&s;tion, Whether it be better for us to be in <HI>Slavery</HI> under the name of <HI>Liberty,</HI> or in <HI>Liberty</HI> under the <HI>effects</HI> of <HI>Sla|very.</HI> I have told my thoughts before, in what condition I conceiv'd our Liberty was, and I repeat it once again, that I think this pre&s;ent is the bet|ter expedient. For &s;uppo&s;ing that the &s;everall <HI>Coun|ties</HI> &s;hould withdraw their &s;everall <HI>Members</HI> (for I &s;uppo&s;e they could not of late pretend to &s;it by <HI>VVrit)</HI> certainly they would never have made a <HI>Quorum</HI> in Parliament; and &s;uppo&s;e they &s;hould call them to account, where had one Authority without the con&s;ent of all the Counties, or rather all People capable to demand it from them? And if you will &s;ay that the <HI>Liberty</HI> of the <HI>People</HI> by this meanes is <HI>&s;tifled,</HI> I mu&s;t tell you again, it is
<PB N="16" REF="10">
only <HI>&s;u&s;pended,</HI> 'tis a Sword taken out of a <HI>Mad</HI> Mans hand, till he recover his <HI>&s;en&s;es;</HI> and there|fore, till we be <HI>S<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="OXF" EXTENT="1 letter">lted, Coagulated,</HI> or <HI>Centred,</HI> (call it what you plea&s;e) it is <HI>Tantum non impo&s;|&s;ibile</HI> for to lo&s;e &s;uch a <HI>Liberty</HI> of choo&s;ing a <HI>Re|pre&s;entative</HI> as a Rationall Man may expect good from.</P>
<P>It is a &s;cruple that hath vex'd many People, how and in what manner, or whether or no, we are to obey new Governments, (this is the &s;econd point I propo&s;ed) and this comes by rea&s;on of <HI>Oathes</HI> impos'd by Governours, who think there|by to chain Men to them, whereas if we con&s;i|der it, promi&s;&s;ory and obligatory, Oathes tye pri|vate men, <HI>Semper &amp; ad &s;emper,</HI> (as the <HI>School-men</HI> tell me) whereas <HI>obedience</HI> to a <HI>Sovereignty</HI> (which being plac'd in one or more is the &s;ame) extends, nor can extend no further than during the <HI>protection</HI> thereby received. For to put the Ca&s;e at the wor&s;t, I am among a Company of Theeves commanded upon my life not to di&s;cover, the <HI>Ca&s;ui&s;ts</HI> &s;ay, that this &s;ecrecy of mine, though they be <HI>Outlawes,</HI> and per&s;ons under the heavie&s;t cen&s;ure of <HI>Iu&s;tice,</HI> ought to be perform'd, for this is but a price of my life (be&s;ides my promi&s;e) and in that con&s;ideration I ought to forbear it. But I'l take it at the be&s;t &s;en&s;e, in&s;teed of falling into the hands of Theeves, I am under the protection of tho&s;e that protect me from them, and then I mu&s;t &s;ay that I owe the&s;e Men the very &s;ame o|bedience, but much more <HI>Religiou&s;ly</HI> and with a greater deal of honor and <HI>veneration</HI> than the o- <PB N="17" REF="10">
other.
The <HI>first</HI> may take away my life if they plea&s;e, the <HI>&s;econd</HI> cannot only &s;ecure me, but avenge my blood upon the Murtherers. The <HI>first</HI> are unaccountable, unle&s;&s;e by their private puni&s;h|ment, <HI>The&s;e</HI> re&s;pon&s;ible. For I remember a thing that <HI>Bodin</HI> &s;aid excellently, that <HI>The King though he make Lawes, it tied to tho&s;e Lawes;</HI> and there|fore <HI>accountable. They</HI> are invi&s;ible, <HI>The&s;e</HI> vi&s;ible. And therefore a man would rather chu&s;e his &s;ecu|rity of &s;uch as he knew where to repair to, and by who&s;e means he might be redre&s;&s;ed, than &s;uch a one as could not own it &s;elf. For let men ima|gin what they will, yet upon large&s;t con&s;iderati|on, and deepe&s;t experience, they mu&s;t find, that <HI>Allegiance</HI> and <HI>Protection</HI> are &s;o <HI>related</HI> that they cannot be &s;eparated one from another, and that the ab&s;urdities of the contrary are &s;uch as cannot rationally be avoyded.</P>
<P>For I mu&s;t nece&s;&s;arily &s;wear either to <HI>Per&s;on</HI> or <HI>Place;</HI> by the <HI>Per&s;on</HI> I under&s;tand a Man <HI>Gover|ning,</HI> or claiming to Govern, either by him&s;elf or Succe&s;&s;ors; by <HI>Place</HI> I under&s;tand a particular Mans <HI>Va&s;&s;alage, Liberty,</HI> or <HI>Privilege</HI> in any one <HI>Coun|try.</HI> As to the fir&s;t, it concerns not me by what <HI>name</HI> any Man is di&s;tingni&s;hed, the determination of his <HI>power</HI> determines my <HI>obedience,</HI> which (as I have &s;aid) is <HI>correlative</HI> to <HI>protection.</HI> As if <HI>Charles Stuart</HI> &s;hould enjoyn me a Command I &s;hould pe|ri&s;h in, I ought not by any Law of God or Man to obey, unle&s;&s;e he could protect me in the execution <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="OXF" EXTENT="1 letter">hereof. Or &s;uppo&s;e the King of <HI>France</HI> &s;hould com|mand me to Proclame the &s;ame per&s;on King here,
<PB N="18" REF="11">
I &s;hould be &s;o con&s;iderate as to remember a <HI>Hurdle</HI> and <HI>Tyburne,</HI> and therefore di&s;obey. For if the <HI>Civilians</HI> allow it, and that Generally, that a <HI>stranger</HI> doing a mi&s;demeanour in another Coun|try, though properly he is not tryable by the Lawes of that Country, yet thereby ought to be puni|&s;hed; I &s;ay it is as much rea&s;on that a <HI>Native,</HI> doing again&s;t the Lawes of his own Country, be they in who&s;e hands they will, &s;hould be ten times more puni&s;hed (if it were po&s;&s;ible) as a breacher of <HI>Faith,</HI> and a <HI>de&s;ertor</HI> of that <HI>protection</HI> by which he lives. Hone&s;t men may di&s;&s;ent in lit|tle things, and it may be their wayes of rea&s;oning are not the &s;ame, but for any man under what pretence &s;oever, to act again&s;t the grand de&s;ign of the happine&s;&s;e of his Nation, is &s;uch a matter, as whoever would tell me, that a Man were a peaceable Man, and withall a&s;&s;aulting me with a <HI>Stilletto.</HI></P>
<P>There is yet another thing that may &s;tick in your Stomach, (which is the la&s;t thing propo&s;ed by me) which in re&s;pect you have urged with a little ear|ne&s;tne&s;&s;e I am content to clear you of, and that is, the great lo&s;&s;e of <HI>Reputation</HI> which you &s;uppo&s;e we may receive from our <HI>Neighbours</HI> and <HI>Corre&s;pondents</HI> abroad. Certainly, Sir, if you would but remem|ber, that in matter of publick <HI>Treaties, Per&s;ons</HI> are not dealt with, but <HI>Nations;</HI> (for our <HI>late</HI> King Treated with <HI>Don JOHN</HI> of <HI>Portugall,</HI> and yet this was no breach of the League between him and <HI>Spain)</HI>
it can &s;ignifie no more than the Alteration of the Title of their <HI>Credentialls;</HI> For all Treaties
<PB N="19" REF="11">
between <HI>States,</HI> are between the <HI>Powers</HI> of tho&s;e <HI>States.</HI></P>
<P>And though <HI>U&s;urpation</HI> or <HI>Election</HI> appoint one Name, yet &s;till it amounts to this, that the State is concerned, and that only. Friend&s;hips in <HI>private</HI> men are different from tho&s;e of <HI>Princes,</HI> and that as much as the Mariages of <HI>Princes</HI> one to another: <HI>Princes</HI> are Married by <HI>Intere&s;t</HI> and <HI>Pictures, private</HI> Men by <HI>acquaintance</HI> and <HI>affection,</HI> and no doubt if <HI>Boccalini</HI> were alive, and &s;hould hear any Man af|firm that they did otherwi&s;e, he would &s;ay they were <HI>Tramontani,</HI> and not allow them <HI>Portar la dot|trina &s;opra le &s;pali.</HI></P>
<P>But this doth not come home to my que&s;tion, that which I would particularly in&s;i&s;t on is this, that I believe this <HI>change</HI> or <HI>event</HI> will contribute more to our <HI>happine&s;&s;e</HI> than if we had &s;till <HI>langui|&s;hed</HI> under our former &s;ufferings. I have told you what the <HI>Head</HI> of the <HI>Army</HI> is, to tell you of the re&s;t were a<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="OXF" EXTENT="1 letter"> vain <HI>flattery</HI> and <HI>incon&s;ideracy;</HI> but &s;ince God hath <HI>own'd</HI> them as &s;uch Excellent and Wor|thy per&s;ons, and made them glorious in their &s;e|verall Generations, I mu&s;t be content to look up and reverence them. 'Tis true, <HI>great</HI> Births are hard in the <HI>Labour,</HI> and many Glorious men have been cut out of the Womb, Therefore wonder not, if the account that they may give you be &s;low, or po&s;&s;ibly &s;lower than you expect. I am no <HI>Member</HI> of their <HI>Councills</HI> and by a late infirmity le&s;&s;e able to attend them, yet if I can believe any thing; or under&s;tand Men when they make the cleare&s;t <HI>profe&s;|&s;ions,</HI> they intend all noble things, both as to the
<PB N="20" REF="12">
glory of our good God, the making happy of this poor Nation, &s;etling the Liberties of it, and re|ducing of us into one mind, and one way. But the&s;e are not only wi&s;hes of mine, but hopes, and certain expectancies, and I believe they will con|vince the&s;e men to be lyars that &s;peak again&s;t them. But now I think I have put you to all the tryalls of your patience, which if my infirmity had not been, which confin'd me to my Chamber, I could not have done, but I rely &s;o much on your Can|dor, and I believe you think &s;o well of my vera|city, as I want not the impudence to affirm my &s;elf (however you take it)</P>
<CLOSER><SIGNED>Your affectionate Servant N. LL:</SIGNED> <DATELINE>London <DATE>May 3. 1653.</DATE></DATELINE>

</CLOSER>
<TRAILER>FINIS.</TRAILER>
</DIV1>
</BODY>
</TEXT>
</EEBO>
</ETS>
