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<DATE>2008-09-03</DATE>
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<NAME>John Pas</NAME>
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<TEXT LANG="eng">
<FRONT>
<DIV1 TYPE="title page">
<PB REF="1">
<PB REF="1" MS="y">
<P>POLITICK MAXIMS AND OBSERVATIONS Written by the mo&s;t learned <HI>H&V;GO GROTI&V;S</HI> Tran&s;lated for the ea&s;e and benefit of the Engli&s;h <HI>STATES-MEN.</HI></P>
<P>BY <HI>H.C.</HI> S.T.B.</P>
<P><HI>LONDON,</HI> Printed for <HI>Humphrey Mo&s;eley,</HI> and are to be &s;old at his Shop at the <HI>Princes Armes</HI> in Saint <HI>Paul</HI>'s Church-yard, 1654;</P>
<PB REF="2">
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="to the reader">
<PB REF="2">
<HEAD>To the Reader.</HEAD>
<P>I Shall not beg pardon for this Addre&s;&s;e to the <HI>Engli&s;h Readers.</HI> What is here pre&s;en|ted to view, is the <HI>Dige&s;t</HI> of the immortal <HI>HUGO GROTIUS.</HI> The <HI>Subject matter</HI> was fir&s;t lent by that learned Frier <HI>CAMPANELLA</HI> but hee was rather the <HI>Occa&s;ion</HI> than the <HI>Author.</HI> For <HI>CAMPA|NELLA</HI>'S &s;hare of this work, was onely a piece of his <HI>Philo&s;ophia realis,</HI> which had &s;lept forgotten, had not <HI>GRO|TIUS'</HI> wak'd it by the&s;e admi|rable <HI>Ob&s;ervations.</HI> And the&s;e &s;peak the Author &s;o fully, that you'l confe&s;&s;e he travail'd far|ther,
<PB REF="3">while he &s;ate &s;til, then ever <HI>Vly&s;&s;es</HI> was feign'd to do; and (without the Encounters of <HI>Circe</HI> and the <HI>Sirens</HI>) not one|ly <GAP DESC="foreign">, but<GAP DESC="foreign"></P>
<P>Now if you &s;u&s;pect the <HI>Engli&s;h</HI> falls &s;hort of <HI>GRO|TIUS</HI> own <HI>Latine,</HI> I would gladly know who it is that can reach it? but if you look for the &s;en&s;e faithfully ren|derd (and-rea&s;onably you can expect no more) I a&s;&s;ure you 'tis done; and that on his word who hath cho&s;en ra|ther to lo&s;e his livelyhood, than to &s;ub&s;cribe to a Lye.</P>
<CLOSER><SALUTE>Farewell.</SALUTE></CLOSER>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="encomium">
<PB REF="3">
<HEAD>To the mo&s;t learned <HI>HUGO GROTIUS</HI> the Author.</HEAD>
<L><HI>OUr Ages Wonder, by thy Birth the Fame</HI></L>
<L><HI>Of</HI> Belgia, <HI>by thy Bani&s;hment the Shame:</HI></L>
<L><HI>Who to more knowledge young|er did&s;t arrive</HI></L>
<L><HI>Than forward</HI> Glaucius, <HI>yet art &s;till alive:</HI></L>
<L><HI>Who&s;e Ma&s;ters oft (for &s;ud|denly you grew</HI></L>
<L><HI>To equall and pa&s;&s;e tho&s;e, and need no new;</HI></L>
<L><HI>To &s;ee how &s;oon, how far thy Wit could reach)</HI></L>
<L><HI>Sat down to wonder, when they came to teach:</HI></L>
<PB REF="4">
<L><HI>Oft then would</HI> Scaliger <HI>con|tented be,</HI></L>
<L><HI>To leave to</HI> mend all times <HI>to poli&s;h thee,</HI></L>
<L><HI>And of that paines effect did highlyer boa&s;t,</HI></L>
<L><HI>Than had he gain'd all that his Fathers lo&s;t:</HI></L>
<L><HI>When thy</HI> Capella <HI>read (which till thy hand</HI></L>
<L><HI>Had clear'd, grave and learn|ed did under &s;tand,</HI></L>
<L><HI>Though well thou might'&s;t, at &s;uch a tender age</HI></L>
<L><HI>Have made ten le&s;&s;ons of the plaine&s;t page)</HI></L>
<L><HI>That King of Criticks &s;tood a|maz'd to &s;ee</HI></L>
<L><HI>A work &s;o like his own &s;et forth by thee:</HI></L>
<L><HI>Nor with le&s;&s;e wonder on that Work did look,</HI></L>
<L><HI>Than if the Bridgroom had begot the book,</HI></L>
<PB REF="4">
<L><HI>To whome thy age and act &s;eem'd to unite,</HI></L>
<L><HI>At once the</HI> Youth <HI>of</HI> Phoe|bus <HI>and the</HI> Light.</L>
<L><HI>Thence lov'd thee with a ne|ver dying flame,</HI></L>
<L><HI>As the adopted heir to all his Fame.</HI></L>
<L><HI>For which care, wonder, love, the riper daies</HI></L>
<L><HI>Paid him with ju&s;t and with eternall prai&s;e;</HI></L>
<L><HI>Who gain'd more honour from one ver&s;e of thine,</HI></L>
<L><HI>Than all the</HI> Can&euml;s <HI>of his Princely line.</HI></L>
<L><HI>In that he joy'd, and that op|pos'd to all,</HI></L>
<L><HI>To</HI> Titius <HI>&s;pright, to hungry</HI> Schoppius <HI>gall.</HI></L>
<L><HI>To what (with cau&s;e di&s;gui&s;ed)</HI> Bonarcius <HI>writes,</HI></L>
<L><HI>To</HI> Delrio's <HI>rage, and all his</HI> Loyolites</L>
<PB REF="5">
<L><HI>But though to thee, each tongue, each art be known,</HI></L>
<L><HI>As all thy time that had im|ploy'd alone,</HI></L>
<L><HI>Though truth do naked to thy &s;ight appear,</HI></L>
<L><HI>And &s;carce can we doubt more, then thou can&s;t cleer,</HI></L>
<L><HI>Though thou at once do'&s;t dif|ferent glories joyne,</HI></L>
<L><HI>A lofty</HI> Poet <HI>and a deep</HI> Di|vine,</L>
<L><HI>Can&s;t in the pure&s;t phra&s;e cloath &s;olid &s;ence,</HI></L>
<L>Scaevola's <HI>Law in</HI> Tulli's <HI>elo|quence.</HI></L>
<L><HI>Though thy imployments have excel'd thy pen,</HI></L>
<L><HI>Shew'd thee much skil'd in Books, but more in men.</HI></L>
<L><HI>And prov'd thou can&s;t at the &s;ame ea&s;ie rate.</HI></L>
<L><HI>Correct an Author and uphold a State.</HI></L>
<PB REF="5">
<L><HI>Though rare prai&s;e, do a full truth appear</HI></L>
<L><HI>To</HI> Spain <HI>and</HI> Germany, <HI>who more do fear</HI></L>
<L>(<HI>Since thou thy aid did&s;t to that State afford</HI>)</L>
<L><HI>The</HI> Swedi&s;h <HI>coun&s;els then the</HI> Swedi&s;h <HI>&s;word.</HI></L>
<L><HI>All this yet of thy worth makes but a part,</HI></L>
<L><HI>And we admire thy head le&s;&s;e then thy heart;</HI></L>
<L><HI>Which when in want was yet too grave to clo&s;e</HI></L>
<L><HI>(Though woo'd) with thy un|gratefull countries foes.</HI></L>
<L><HI>When their chief Ministers &s;trove to entice,</HI></L>
<L><HI>And would have bought thee, at what ever price:</HI></L>
<L><HI>Since all our prai&s;e and won|der is too &s;mall,</HI></L>
<L><HI>For each of the&s;e, what &s;hall we give for all?</HI></L>
<PB REF="6">
<L><HI>Above the reach or stroke of Fortune live,</HI></L>
<L><HI>Not valuing what &s;he can take or give;</HI></L>
<L><HI>For low de&s;ires oppre&s;&s;e the loftie&s;t &s;tate,</HI></L>
<L><HI>And who lookes down on vice, looks down on Fate.</HI></L>
<CLOSER><SIGNED>FALKLAND.</SIGNED></CLOSER>
</DIV1>
</FRONT>
<BODY>
<DIV1 TYPE="text">
<PB N="1" REF="6">
<HEAD>MANIPVLVS POLITICVS <HI>OR,</HI> Politique Maxim's and Cautions.</HEAD>
<DIV2 N="1" TYPE="part">
<HEAD>PART I.</HEAD>
<DIV3 N="1" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. I. <HI>Of Politique Communities.</HI></HEAD>
<P N="1">1._THE Sen&s;e and Apprehen&s;ion of Mans &s;elf-in&s;uffi|ciency, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Aphor. 1.</NOTE> was the fir&s;t thing that link'd men in|to communities. For Man finding him&s;elfe unable to &s;tand alone, was compell'd by Nece&s;&s;ity to betake him&s;elfe to the &s;upport of others.</P>
<PB N="2" REF="7">
<P N="2">2. Dominion therefore re|quires the Union of many in|to one Body, which is called thence a Community, a Poli|cy or Body; becau&s;e no Man can Politically be his owne Lord nor the Lord of any one &s;ingular per&s;on.</P>
<P N="3">3. Dominion is two fold.</P>
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. Naturall, or</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Violent.</ITEM>
</LIST>
<P>By the Naturall, the Soule rules the Body, Parts, and Af|fections.</P>
<P>By the Uiolent, the Affecti|ons &s;ometimes Lord it over the Rea&s;on.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<P N="4">4. Man is borne to hold Society with All Men: an e|vident &s;igne whereof is, his Speech, and naturall tender affections, if they be not cor|rupted by Education.</P>
<PB N="3" REF="7">
<P N="5 6">5. 6. There is a threefold Community
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. Of Soules or Mindes.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Of Bodies.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. Of Fortunes.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P>Fir&s;t, the Community of Minds, which is call'd <HI>RE|LIGION,</HI> and that is the chiefe community, which is the very Soule of Policy, &amp; the &s;hield of Naturall Ju&s;tice: <HI>and it is the great Tye that links man to God, and man to man, whence Religion hath its name, &agrave; Religando.</HI></P>
<P><HI>Ob&s;ervat.</HI></P>
<P>This Religious Union, is evident among&s;t the <HI>Jewes,</HI> but more among&s;t <HI>True Chri|&s;tians:</HI> among&s;t <HI>Mahumetans</HI> very little: among&s;t <HI>Pagans</HI> none at all: unle&s;&s;e we rather regard the bare &s;ound of the Name, then any Morall ef|fect.</P>
<PB N="4" REF="8">
<P N="2">2. The Community of Bo|dies. This &s;tands in the &s;econd ranck of Tye's or Combina|tions. By this the Great Turk rules over <HI>Mahumetans, Iewes</HI> and <HI>Chri&s;tians,</HI> which under his Empire are united in Body, although in Soule and Religion far differing.</P>
<P N="3">3. Community of For|tunes or Goods, obtaines the third place. By this the <HI>Turk</HI> rules over the <HI>Turks,</HI> and <HI>Ra|gu&s;ians</HI> too, and the King of <HI>Spaine</HI> over the <HI>Genoe&s;e, Ne|apolitane</HI> and <HI>Spaniard:</HI> for the <HI>Geneoe&s;e</HI> have e&s;tates ly|ing in that Kings Territories, and traffique there.</P>
<P>Some Communities there are mixt of all the&s;e three.</P>
</DIV3>
<DIV3 N="2" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="5" REF="8">
<HEAD><HI>CHAP. II.</HI> Of the Function and Degrees of Lords and Rulers, whence flowes the divers kinds of Republiques and regiments, &amp;c. Of their Circulations, &amp;c.</HEAD>
<P>HEe Naturally Rules, that excells in vertue. <NOTE PLACE="marg">Max. 1.</NOTE> He na|turally &s;erves that is Inferiour in vertue, or has none at all. Where the contrary is, there the dominion is violent.</P>
<P N="2">2. Politique Excellency con|&s;i&s;ts either in the
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. Mind, or</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Body, or</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. Both.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P N="3">3. He rules be&s;t that excells in both, as <HI>CAESAR</HI> did.</P>
<P>He Rules next-be&s;t that ex|cells in Mind, as <HI>Vly&s;&s;es.</HI></P>
<P>Thirdly, He that excells in Body, that is, in &s;trength and activity, as <HI>Ajax.</HI></P>
<PB N="6" REF="9">
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<Q>But being it is Naturall for the Soule to excell the Body: He that by &s;trength of body over-rules them that excell in mind, rules violently: as of old the Giants, and afterwards <HI>Brennus,</HI> and <HI>Attila,</HI> and many more.</Q>
<P N="4">4. The fir&s;t thing that gained Dominion among&s;t Men, was
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. <HI>POWER.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>2. <HI>WISEDOME.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>3. <HI>LOVE.</HI></ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<Q><NOTE PLACE="marg">Addit.</NOTE><P><HI>The mixture of all three is rare, and admirable. Power without wi&s;dom is Bruti&s;hand Barbarous. Tyranny, this is Lyon-like Dominion. Wi&s;edome without Love, is but a Cheating Hypocri|tical Dommion. This is Fox|like.
<PB N="7" REF="9">Hence</HI> Lewis <HI>the II. of France, gain'd the title of</HI> Lewis the Fox. <HI>But Love cements all, and makes Do|minion durable.</HI></P>
<P><HI>Hence Poets &s;ay that Cu|pid (or Love) is the Anti|ente&s;t of all the Gods, for indeed Love made the World and Harmony pre&s;erves it.</HI></P></Q>
<P N="5">5. The Supreme Power is the Power of the Sword, <HI>that is the Power of</HI> Life and Death, which re&s;ides in them to whom the la&s;t appeale in Criminalls is referred.</P>
<P N="6">6. Domini|on of one Good man is called <HI>Monarchy</HI></P>
<P>Domini|on of one Evill men, <HI>Tyranny.</HI></P>
<P>The Domini|on of many Good ones, <HI>Ari&s;tocracy.</HI></P>
<P>The Domini|on of many Bad ones, <HI>Oligarchy.</HI></P>
<P>The Domini|on of all Good ones, <HI>Policy.</HI></P>
<P>The Domini|on of all Bad ones, <HI>Democracy.</HI></P>
<PB N="8" REF="10">
<P>It is the Office (or Duty) of tho&s;e that Rule</P>
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. To teach and in&s;tiruct Their &s;ubjects</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Defend Their &s;ubjects</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. Nouri&s;h or Feede Their &s;ubjects</ITEM>
<ITEM>4. To maintaine the rights of Their &s;ubjects</ITEM>
</LIST>
<P>Which &s;eeing no King can undergoe of him&s;elfe alone, he does the
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. By Prie&s;ts, Doctors, and Lawes.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. By Souldiers.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. By Husband-men, Mer|chants and Artificers.</ITEM>
<ITEM>4. By Judges, that judge according to Law.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P>On the other &s;ide, the peo|ple owe to their Prince two things
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. Reverence &amp;.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Obedience.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P N="8">8. Tho&s;e are called <HI>Kings</HI> which preferre the publique
<PB N="9" REF="10">before their own private good: but <HI>Tyrants</HI> which doe the contrary.</P>
<P N="9">9. <HI>A Kingly Government, does very rarely degenerate (except by degrees) into a De|mocratique, yet in</HI> Athens <HI>it did &s;o: which Originally was a Monarchy.</HI></P>
<P N="10">10. When a Popular State, by Mi&s;-government, is cor|rupted; there &s;prings up in lieu of it, either a Tyrant, as <HI>Pi&s;i&s;tratus,</HI> at <HI>Athens,</HI> or a <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg"><HI>He was a Dubs equall to a King.</HI></NOTE> King: as <HI>Co&s;mo Medices,</HI> at <HI>Florence.</HI> Or Va&s;&s;alage under &s;trangers, tho&s;e of <HI>Pi&s;a,</HI> by this meanes, became &s;laves to the <HI>Florentines.</HI> Common|wealths by Luxury and Pride, &s;hrink and contract them&s;elves into an Oligarchy. So <HI>Some</HI> fell into the hands of a Dece|mvirate or Government by
<PB N="10" REF="11">Ten-Men: which la&s;ted not long, but was quelled (ob&s;erve it!) by the People Ri&s;ing un|der the conduct of <HI>Virginius:</HI> &s;o the <HI>Athenians,</HI> under the conduct of <HI>Thra&s;ybulus,</HI> cut off and &s;uppre&s;&s;ed the <HI>Thirtie Tyrants.</HI></P>
<P N="11">11. Strife betwixt Com|mons and Nobles, encrea&s;eth a Common-wealth: but if the Commons bee Con|querour, &s;o as <HI>To draw the Nobles to their Bent:</HI> The Republique goes to wrack: as it hapned in <HI>Flo|rence:</HI> a &s;tate of all others mo&s;t &s;ubject to changes. But if the Noble&s;t win the day, Tyranny forthwith &s;teps in: as heretofore in <HI>Genoa:</HI> and the Republique falls to ground. But Contentions about the Change of Religion, or the
<PB N="11" REF="11"><HI>Sharing</HI> of <HI>State</HI> (which by a new Name, we call <HI>Level|ling</HI>) is ever the utter undoing of all, e&s;pecially where the Conquerors are but few. Yet in <HI>Flanders, Holland,</HI> and <HI>Frie&s;land;</HI> they are not &s;o much wa&s;ted by varieties of Religion, as the <HI>French, Po|lack,</HI> and <HI>Engli&s;h</HI> are: be|cau&s;e they are compell'd into Union by the common enemy the <HI>Spaniard.</HI></P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<Q><P><HI>The &s;trife of Peares and people, &s;o long as they keepe from down-right blowes, may be reckoned in the num|ber of tho&s;e which</HI> Herod <HI>calles,</HI><NOTE PLACE="marg"><GAP DESC="foreign"></NOTE> <HI>Good and advant a|geous contentions: but when by Ambition and Avarice the Sedition of the</HI> Apuleij <HI>and the Gracchi, and after
<PB N="12" REF="12">them the warrs of</HI> Sylla <HI>and</HI> Marius <HI>crept in, the Repub|lique of</HI> Rome <HI>began to look Monarchi&s;h: which as</HI> Jul. Cae&s;ar! <HI>invaded upon a Po|pular Accompt: &s;o would</HI> Pompey <HI>have probably done, upon the SENATES.</HI></P>
<P><HI>In &s;ome places, &s;uch is the Education of divers that are called Noble-men; that you may expect Vertue from any men, &s;ooner then from Them.</HI></P>
<P><HI>Strifes about Religion are there mo&s;t Pernicious and De&s;tructive, where Provi|&s;ion is not made</HI> <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg"><HI>Grotius</HI> favours Tolera|tion</NOTE>, <HI>for Di&s;&s;en|ters:</HI></P></Q>
<P>That they may live &s;ecure: and the Supreme Ma|gi&s;trate makes not their &s;ecu|rity good to them in good Earne&s;t, whereupon Tumults and jarrs about Religion have
<PB N="13" REF="12">ri&s;en that have vexed <HI>Ger|many,</HI> but almo&s;t quite de|&s;troyed both <HI>France</HI> and the <HI>Netherlands.</HI></P>
<P>So much for Internal changes.</P>
<P>Externall follow. Such are Forraign Inva&s;ion, Plagues, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Corrupti|ons Ex|ternall.</NOTE> Inundations, and Conflagra|tions Uuniver&s;all.</P>
<P>Which Di&s;a&s;ters oft-times &s;o change the face of things, that Inhabitants are glad to begin the world again.</P>
<Q><P><NOTE PLACE="marg">Add.</NOTE> <HI>The&s;e we may not (as the Author here &s;eemes to do) impute to any Magicall Fatality, in the Numbers of 7. or 9. (which yet he laies, have been Experimentally found ominous) nor yet to the ill-complexion of &s;tarrs, that (as I may &s;ay) attend
<PB N="14" REF="13">the Horo&s;cope of &s;uch and &s;uch Kingdomes and Com|momvealths: (though I will not deny, but God</HI> (<HI>the great</HI> Demiurgus) <HI>brings many Plagues upon men, and Cities, by the Mi|ni&s;try of the Planets) but a&s;cribe the&s;e Calamities to the FINGER of GOD: which writ the PERIOD of the ASSYRIAN EMPIRE upon the Wall.</HI> Dan, <HI>5. and levell'd</HI> Sodom <HI>and</HI> Gomorrah, <HI>with the plain wheron they &s;tood.</HI> Gen. 19.25.</P>
<P><HI>Cities and Countries are &s;ometimes de&s;troyed by Na|turall Cau&s;es, but yet the hand of God may &s;et them on work: as if</HI> AEtna <HI>(by its Eruptions) &s;hould de&s;troy</HI> Sicily, <HI>or</HI> Ve&s;evo, Campa|nia:
<PB N="15" REF="13"><HI>(as it has &s;ometimes done) Earthquakes in</HI> Italy <HI>are Naturally frequent: by rea&s;on of the many hollow Grots and Mountaines in that Country, but if they bring de&s;truction to whole Countries, or Cities, (as they have not long &s;ince done)</HI> vere Digitus Dei&mdash; <HI>firy &s;ins of that</HI> Sodom, <HI>&amp;c.</HI></P></Q>
<P><NOTE PLACE="marg">Venice <HI>&s;ubject to Oblima|tion.</HI></NOTE> The City of <HI>Venice</HI> is &s;ub|ject to <HI>Oblimation:</HI> or the ca&s;ting up of Mud, and Sands; which may in time choake her up, and be her ruine: which of her &s;elf is &s;o admirably complexion'd, that &s;he can ne|ver Peri&s;h.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>Some remedies for this di&s;ea&s;e (though perhaps not &s;trong enough) shee
<PB N="16" REF="14">has already invented: and may devi&s;e more and better:</HI></Q> Yet this advantage her Seas bring, that they are her Bul|wark again&s;t &s;trangers: upon confidence whereof, &s;hee has no Militia of her own; yet fears a Tyranny from her own &s;trength: and hence perhaps it may fall out, that by hyring of forreign Commanders, &s;he may at la&s;t come to ruine.</P>
</DIV3>
<DIV3 N="3" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. III. <HI>Of the E&s;&s;ence, Con&s;titution, and Divi&s;ion</HI> &amp;c. <HI>Prince|dome and Dominion,</HI> &amp;c.</HEAD>
<P>THE <HI>Romans,</HI> upon the &s;uddain Emergencies of danger, by War, or &s;editions, did chu&s;e them&s;elves an ex|temporarie
<PB N="17" REF="14">Monarch: <NOTE PLACE="marg">Addit.</NOTE> which they called a Dictatour:</P>
<Q><P><HI>whence at la&s;t (by the Au|thors leave) we may inferre thus much: That a Mo+narch is the be&s;t &amp; &s;afe&s;ten|gine for any People, in time of War or Danger.</HI> Hence Homer <HI>makes his wi&s;e-man,</HI> [Ily&s;&s;es <HI>vote clearly for that; to carry on the</HI> Grecian <HI>Warre</HI></P>
<P><HI>&mdash; It is not good to have many heads (&s;ay's he) let there be one Chief, one King!</HI> For</P></Q>
<P N="1">1. The Dominion of one good man, is alwaies better then the Dominion of many, nay, of all good ones. Yea,</P>
<P N="2">2. The Male-admini&s;tration of One, is much to be de&s;i|red, rather then that of Many, or of all in a Princedome, or Rule.</P>
<PB N="18" REF="15">
<P N="3">3. Simply and naturally, God is the Sole Lord Para|mount: as having Power-Ab|&s;olute over all: who&s;e Will (as mo&s;t wi&s;e) is a law to it &s;elf, and tran&s;cends the whole Scale and Predicament of things. But</P>
<P N="4">4. Man is onely Lord in De|gree and Mea&s;ure: becau&s;e his Will cannot be a Law; unle&s;&s;e Regulated and bound up by the Law of God, either Natu|rall, or Po&s;itive.</P>
<P N="5">5. <NOTE PLACE="marg">An Ex|cellent Gradati|on.</NOTE> Hee knows not how to rule a Kingdome, that cannot manage a Province nor can he wield a Province, that cannot order a City; Nor he order a City, that knows not how to Regulate a Village: nor hee a Village, that cannot guide a Family: Nor can that man Govern well a Family that
<PB N="19" REF="15">knowes not how to Governe him&s;elfe: neither can any Govern him&s;elfe unle&s;&s;e his rea&s;on be Lord, &amp;<HI>c.</HI> Will and Appetite her Va&s;&s;alls: Nor can Rea&s;on rule, unle&s;&s;e her &s;elfe be ruled by God, and [wholy] be obedient to him.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ergo.</LABEL></P>
<P><NOTE PLACE="marg">Conclu&s;i|on there|upon.</NOTE> Without the Divine Rule, no Man is truely a King, or Prince, according to Na|ture, but rather to be counted, a Scourge of God, &amp;<HI>c.</HI> Execu|tioner of men.</P>
<P>But neither, according to the Divine Rule, is any Prince &s;imply a LORD: but a RULER and PASTOR of his People: <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Victrii Domini De, &amp;c.</NOTE> and the Vice-gerent of the LORD GOD by whom Kings Reign.</P>
<P N="6">6. Therefore ought a good
<PB N="20" REF="16">Prince &s;o farre to Excell his Subjects in Vertue, as the Shepheard does his Flock: who is of a Superiour &s;pecies to them: Now &s;eeing all men are equall as to the Spe|cies, it mu&s;t here follow that Princes (as &s;uch) mu&s;t have &s;omewhat of God, &amp;<HI>c.</HI> pecu|liar Impre&s;&s;es of <HI>Elohim,</HI> the Deity in them. Therefore</P>
<P N="7">7. Wi&s;dome alone Rules be&s;t of all: not Sophi&s;ticall, but Philo&s;ophicall [yet] not the wi&s;dome of the Cloi&s;ter, or the * Cell, but Civil Wi&s;|dome, not oppo&s;ite, but Sub|&s;ervient to God.</P>
<P N="8">8. The Dominion of The
<TABLE>
<ROW>
<CELL ROWS="5">The</CELL>
<CELL>1. Male</CELL>
<CELL ROWS="5">Over</CELL>
<CELL>1. The Female</CELL>
<CELL ROWS="5">is Naturall.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>2. Father</CELL>
<CELL>2. His Children</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>3. Oldmen</CELL>
<CELL>3. Young men</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>4. Strong</CELL>
<CELL>4. The weake</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>5. Schollars</CELL>
<CELL>5. Ma&s;ter</CELL>
</ROW>
</TABLE>
<LIST>
<PB N="21" REF="16">
<HEAD>Nature doth bring forth men.</HEAD>
<ITEM>1. Of &s;trong Intellectu|als, though weake in con&s;titution of Bodies to be Prie&s;ts, Philo&s;ophers, Councellors.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Active and &s;trong bo|dies, with couragious minds to be&mdash;Soul|diers.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. Gro&s;s braines and rude hands to be husband|men.</ITEM>
<ITEM>4. Heavy and robu&s;tuous for the Cavalry or Hor&s;emen.</ITEM>
<ITEM>5. Laborious and nimble|handed to weaving, and other Manufa|ctures.</ITEM>
<ITEM>6. Ready tongues, and learned, for Emba&s;&s;ies, and Orations.</ITEM>
<ITEM>7. Other &s;harp wits for Merchandize.</ITEM>
<PB N="22" REF="17">
<ITEM>8. Ju&s;t men for the Bench, or Tribunall.</ITEM>
<ITEM>9. Weak in Body and mind, for <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Ani|madvers. They are like to make but &s;orrie &s;er|vants and in&s;tru|ments: that are weak bath in body and mind.</NOTE> &s;ervice, and to be in&s;truments for their bet|ters.</ITEM>
<ITEM>10. Men of abilities both of body and mind, to be Commanders, Kings, and Ma&s;ters of the Militia.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P N="10">10. That therefore there is the be&s;t Republique, where e|very man bends him&s;elfe to tho&s;e duties and imployments which Nature hath fitted him for: For then Rea&s;on and Wi&s;dom bear &s;way: and that the wor&s;t, where men are put upon imployments, which are contrary to thein grain, and Genius: for then Fortune, and Chance, (that is the force of Ignorance) rule the ro&s;t.</P>
<PB N="23" REF="17">
<P N="11">11. Whence Magi&s;trates are cho&s;en, becau&s;e they are the Sons of Nobles, or Sons of &rindx; friends of &s;uch as are in pre|&s;ent power, or for their Wealth, or bought Honour, and not becau&s;e they are good, or wi&s;e men; There the Republique falls to ground.</P>
<P N="12">12. A Common-wealth goes to wrack &s;oone&s;t, when the Portion makes marriages, and Equality of Wealth, and not an equall <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Valor Lat.</NOTE> &s;trength of body and mind, whence (ac|cording to the Pythagorean) the be&s;t I&s;&s;ue is to be expected: <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Ob&s;erva|tor.</NOTE> though <HI>Plato</HI> think (more rightly) the be&s;t breed to be of &s;trong bodies, and good wits: or on the contrary.</P>
<P N="13">13. All mi&s;chiefs &s;way, where women have the Li|berty to do, and &s;ay what they plea&s;e, &amp;c.</P>
<PB N="24" REF="18">
<P N="14">14. The&s;e wee count CI|TIZENS who not onely are capable and partakers of dignities and honors, in the Republique, but &s;uch, as by any Function, be it never &s;o mean (as the members of the body) contribute to the u&s;e and advantage of the whole. The re&s;t wee count &s;trangers, Excrements of a Common|wealth: &s;uch as are many No|ble-men now adaies.</P>
<P N="15">15. The [true] Office of the Noblene&s;&s;e or Peereage [in any Republique] is to defend that, and private per|&s;ons.</P>
<P>The Office of the Com|mons to &s;eed, and &s;u&s;taine it.</P>
<P>The Office of the Wi&s;er &s;ort, to rule and In&s;truct it.</P>
<P>He that takes no pro&s;e&s;&s;ion,
<PB N="25" REF="18">or calling at all upon him is to be look'd upon, as an Excre|ment, or Drone: But they that mediate betwixt God and Man, are to to be e&s;teemed as the Diviner part of a Com|mon-wealth: Such are the Le|gitimate Prie&s;t-hood.</P>
</DIV3>
<DIV3 N="4" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. IV. <HI>Of Laws and Cu&s;tomes, and that which is called the Rea&s;on of State.</HI></HEAD>
<P N="1">1. THat <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Lat. Optimis na&s;cuntur.</NOTE> Good Men may be borne, and imploy|ed in tho&s;e Offices and Fun|ctions, to which they were born, every Community &s;tands ever in need of a <HI>Law.</HI></P>
<P N="2">2. As Virtue is the <HI>Private Law,</HI> of <HI>Individualls</HI> [or
<PB N="26" REF="19">&s;ingular Per&s;ons] &s;o <HI>Law</HI> is the Publique Vertue of a <HI>Commu|nity.</HI> Therefore being Virtue is the rule of Actions, and Af|fections in a particular Per&s;on, ordained by the Decree of a Potent and <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Volentis.</NOTE> pliant Rea&s;on, for a chief private good: &s;o <HI>Law</HI> is the <HI>Rule</HI> of affections, and Actions <HI>Publique:</HI> Con&s;titu|ted and publi&s;hed from the Dictates of Common Rea&s;on, which re&s;pect the chiefe&s;t common good.</P>
<P N="3">3. The chief good is Pre&s;erva|tion: &amp; that either Private or Publique. which is (as far as may be ga|thered) from Con&s;ervatives [&s;imply] or Expul&s;ives of De|&s;tructives. Simply to <HI>Co&s;erve</HI> is to <HI>Enternize</HI> [or perpetuate] Therfore &s;imply, both the Pri|vate
<PB N="27" REF="19">&amp; Publique chief good is from <HI>[GOD]</HI> that Eternall chief Entity. But partiall from other things: as namely, In|&s;trumentally and Di&s;po&s;itive|ly from the Rules of Rea&s;on.</P>
<P N="4">4. Wherefore&mdash;No Re|publiques &rindx; can make <HI>Laws,</HI> where there is not common Rea&s;on and common con&s;ent; unle&s;&s;e where by common Rea&s;on (and con&s;ent) The Matter is put into the hands of the Wi&s;e-men; Such as were <HI>Solon, Lycurgus,</HI> and <HI>Nu|ma.</HI></P>
<P>Or unto one whom God has Delegated [for his Vice|geret] as <HI>Moy&s;es, &amp;c.</HI></P>
<P>As for <HI>Minos</HI> and <HI>Maho|met,</HI> either Craft or the the Devill led them on, to be Apes of the true me&s;&s;engers from God, as <HI>Mo&s;es was.</HI></P>
<PB N="28" REF="20">
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervat.</LABEL></P>
<P>Here the Ob&s;ervator &s;teps in and &s;aies, <Q><HI>I &s;ee no rea&s;on why the Edicts of one or many Ru|lers may not de&s;erve the name of Lawes, not at all awaiting the Peoples Con|&s;ents: For neither in pre|&s;cribing medicines, do Phy|&s;icians require the con&s;ent of their Patients.</HI></Q></P>
<P N="5">5. <NOTE N="1" PLACE="marg">Yhe Divine Law.</NOTE> The Eternall and fir&s;t Law is that, whereby God did Fa&s;hion, Create, Govern, and change all things and bring them about to his own ends: Even changable things, unchangably.</P>
<P><NOTE N="2" PLACE="marg">Law Naturall.</NOTE> From this is derived the Law Naturall planted in the minds of men, and in the whole Volum of nature which
<PB N="29" REF="20">is * Gods Art, and Natures Di|rectory:<NOTE PLACE="marg">Qua e&s;t Ars Dei: Eju&s;dem|que Di|rectrix.</NOTE> Neither can it be vio|lated but by God: [and that by him] as a Lord, not as a Legi&s;lator.</P>
<P><NOTE N="3" PLACE="marg">Law of Nati|ons.</NOTE> From the Law Naturall is is derived the Law of Nations, Common to all men.</P>
<P><NOTE N="4" PLACE="marg">Po&s;i|tive Law.</NOTE> From the Law of Nations, the Po&s;itive Civill Law is de|rived, and &s;o farre as it is a|greeable to Nature, it is inva|riable: but as it &s;erves pre&s;ent nece&s;&s;ities, it may, and &s;ome|times ought, to be alte|red.</P>
<P>God him&s;elfe al&s;o gave a Po&s;itive Law&mdash;which is immutable, where it con|taines the Law of Nature, where our nece&s;&s;ities [onely] mutable, as the Law of <HI>Mo&s;es</HI> in the Decalogue, remains [in full force] for ever, but not in
<PB N="30" REF="21">the forbidding of Swines|fle&s;h: which was made on purpo&s;e to <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Lepram non] alendam. Lat.</NOTE> avoid Lepro&s;ie. Yet,</P>
<P>&rindx;No man can alter Lawes, but he that made them, or he that is Created his &s;ub&s;ti|tute, for that very purpo&s;e.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator. Note. This ob&s;er|vation cannot refer to any thing in the Antecedent Paragraph.</LABEL></P>
<Q><P><HI>Nature is the work of Rea&s;on without us.</HI></P>
<P><HI>Humane Rea&s;on, is the work of Nature within us</HI></P>.
<P><HI>The will [of man] is (of its own Nature) mutable: but Rea&s;on Immutable, except improperly: namely, when the matter about which
<PB N="31" REF="21">which &s;he is conver&s;ant is mutable.</HI></P></Q>
<P N="6">6. Politique Rea&s;on, which &s;ome call the Rea&s;on of State: and of old, was the &s;ame with Equity, does tran&s;gre&s;&s;e the [&s;trict] Letter of the Law, but not the &s;ence and &s;cope of it: becau&s;es it does not abro|gate or interpret, &amp;<HI>c.</HI> any thing but for a greater good: as in the ca&s;e of <HI>Fabius Vitu|lanus:</HI> to whom the Roman Senate granted his life which was forfeited to the Law: and <HI>Horace</HI> that &s;lew the three <HI>Curati&s;,</HI> <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">In the behalf of] or rather for the Empire.</NOTE> in the quarrell of the Roman Empire.</P>
<P>But the Rea&s;on of State, as it is now adaies, is nothing el&s;e but a devi&s;e of Tyrants, that carries the face of Equity, &s;uppo&s;ing it lawfull for them to tran&s;gre&s;&s;e, not onely their
<PB N="32" REF="22">owne, but even the Lawes of God, either to gaine or maintain their petty Domini|ons. But,</P>
<P>The difference between Rea|&s;on of State, and Equity is this. For Equity re&s;pects the Pub|lique Good and Truth: but Rea&s;on of State looks upon [onely] the private and &s;eem|ing good of the Power in be|ing.</P>
<P>Now &s;ince <HI>Machiavel</HI> was found to play <HI>Achitophel,</HI> the name being confe&s;&s;edly impi|ous, Princes began, (that they might cover the &s;hame of it) to call it the Rea&s;on of good Government. Which names though given by a kna|vi&s;h Godfather, may bear an hone&s;t meaning. As for exam|ple.</P>
<P><HI>Cleonymus</HI> put to death the
<PB N="33" REF="22"><HI>Ephori</HI> of <HI>Lacedamon</HI> by a right rea&s;on of State: but &s;o does not the [Great] <HI>Turk</HI> his Brethren: becau&s;e although he &s;eem to do it for the Com|mon good; yet being it is a|gain&s;t the Law of God, and &s;ome other way might bee found out to prevent their a&s;|piring to the Throne, the fact is [Barbarous and] unrea&s;on|able.</P>
<P N="7">7. A good Prince wants not this Rea&s;on of State, be|cau&s;e his owne goodne&s;&s;e is a perpetuall &s;hield unto him: and if any ri&s;e up again&s;t him: all the People &s;tand for him: as for <HI>David:</HI> whom his rebelli|ous Son had deprived of his Kingdom.</P>
<P>But a thou&s;and thou&s;and Machiavillian Arts cannot protect a wicked Prince: be|cau&s;e,
<PB N="34" REF="23">cau&s;e, he is [both] Odious to the People, and to God the King of all [the World]</P>
<P>Now, hee that jarrs with [God] the Prime Cau&s;e, does fooli&s;hly depend upon &s;econd cau&s;es: as it happen'd to <HI>Cae&s;ar</HI> <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Ca&s;ar, Valen|tine Bor|gia, Lat.]</NOTE><HI>Borgia:</HI> who under themo&s;t wary, and provident [Di&s;ci|pline and] Ma&s;ter&s;hip of Ma|chiavell, lo&s;t, both his life, and Fortune.</P>
<P>Thus are Machiavillians alwaies taken in their owne &s;nare: for want of Divine and Heavenly Knowledge, and by conceiting that by their owne Wi&s;dome they can Fa|thome, and fore&s;ee, all things.</P>
<P N="10">10. Tho&s;e Lawes are be&s;t, which are 1. &s;hort. 2. ea&s;ie. 3. few. and 4. fitted to the Manners [or Genius] of the
<PB N="35" REF="23">People and the Publique good. Tyrannical Lawes 02 are Many, and [tho&s;e] ob|&s;cure, difficult, like &s;o many &s;nares: that &s;erve the turnes of &s;ome one, or few, but not at all accommodated, either to the Manners, or advantage of the Publique.</P>
<P N="9">9. Where Lawes are often changed: they are the fore|runners of the in&s;tant raine of a Republique: as <HI>Florence</HI> found it therefore [by &s;ad ex|perience.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>Lawes belonging to Go|vernments, ought not to be alter'd unle&s;&s;e nece&s;&s;ity com|pell: nor yet others, but where the profit is [very] evident, and</HI> [very] Great.</Q></P>
<P N="10">10. Where there are more
<PB N="36" REF="24">Laws to <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Puniti|ve quam Instructi|ve.</NOTE> puni&s;h, then to direct or in&s;truct, it is a &s;ign of an ill tempered Government.</P>
<P N="11">11. The Acts of Laws are: to command what is good: to re&s;train what is evill: and to tollerate things indifferent.</P>
<P N="12">12. Reward, and Puni&s;h|ment are the two [2] &s;purrs of the Law [to prick men forward to ob&s;ervation] of them.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervat.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>No Law can &s;tand without puni&s;hment [of the tran&s;|gre&s;&s;ors of] and where no puni&s;hment is expre&s;&s;ed, there it is Arbitrary: other|wi&s;e it were rather a Coun|&s;ellthen a Law: but whe|ther a Rea&s;on ought to be annexed to every Law, it cannot univer&s;ally be de|fined:</HI> Saleucus, <HI>and</HI> Cha|rondas,
<PB N="37" REF="24"><HI>and</HI> Plato <HI>too, follow'd this cour&s;e; being to make Laws for Free Peo|ple, they thought good to u&s;e per&s;wa&s;ions. Where as</HI> Sene|ca (<HI>having an eye upon his</HI> <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg"><HI>Under</HI> Nero.</NOTE><HI>own Times) affirmes: A Law with a Preface to be a fooli&s;h thing: being a Law &s;hould command and not per|&s;wade: and</HI> Dio Chry|&s;o&s;tome <HI>compares Cu&s;tome, to a King, but Law to a Tyrant: in that Cu&s;tome gives Law to men willing [to receive it] but Law binds the unwilling al&s;o.</HI></Q></P>
<P N="13">13. The three Guardians or Keepers of Laws are,
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. Honour.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Love.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. Fear.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P>Hee that &s;ecures not his Law by the&s;e three, is either
<PB N="38" REF="25">a weak or Ignorant Lawgi|ver, or el&s;ea Tyrant <HI>&amp;c.</HI></P>
<P N="14">14. Where a thing which once was good, becomes hurt|full, it is to be forbidden: Where an Evill thing does pro&s;it [the Publique] if it be Evill of Puni&s;hment, and not Evill of Offence, it is to be Commanded. Where in its own Nature indifferent as it falls oui, Good or Evill to the Republique, it is to be [accor|ding] Commanded or For|bidden.</P>
<P N="15">15. The Laws of men make rather good Citizens, then &s;imply good men. Yet Princes [and Rulers]ought to be &s;imply good, becau&s;e they are the <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Aliorum Lux &amp; Lex.</NOTE> Light and the Law of others.</P>
<P N="16">16. The Law ought to make and ordain Equality as the
<PB N="39" REF="25">Nur&s;e of the Common|wealth, but not a Levelling; for as the Ob&s;ervator &s;aies ex|cellently, &s;uch &s;trings make no Harmony but an Equali|ty oppo&s;ite to that de&s;tructive <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Inequa|litas Con|&s;umptrix. Lat.</NOTE> con&s;iming inequality, which is fatall to Common-wealths. For example: Extrem Pover|ty makes Theeves, In&s;idious, Perjur'd, Ignorant, and In&s;tru|ments, of Rich wicked men. On the contrary, very Rich men are Proud, Luxurious, Unlearn'd, Contumelious, [<HI>and I may adde out of</HI> <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Rhe|tor.</NOTE> A|ri&s;totle, <HI>Injurious too</HI>]</P>
<P>Very cra&s;ty men are [com|monly] given to change. Ve|ry &s;tupid, are voluntarily &s;er|vants [or &s;laves] Onely mo|deratemen are Stable in their place, and &s;tations where they live.</P>
<PB N="40" REF="26">
<P>The Florentine Republique was ever the mo&s;t un&s;table, by rea&s;on of the &s;ubtlety of their wits: The <HI>Venetian,</HI> the mo&s;t firm and &s;table of all, by rea&s;on of a Mediocrity: and allay of Dullne&s;&s;e.</P>
<P N="17">17. A good Cu&s;tome is a &s;econd Law: which does more pre&s;erve a Common-wealth, then the Law it &s;elf.</P>
<P>Five Cu&s;tomes, made <HI>Rome,</HI> the Prince&s;&s;e of Republiques: as <HI>Cato in Salu&s;t</HI> witne&s;&s;|eth.
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. Publique Wealth.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Private Poverty.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. Ju&s;t Government a|broad.</ITEM>
<ITEM>4. Freedome of &s;peech at home.</ITEM>
<ITEM>5. Unliablene&s;&s;e to fears, or de&s;ignes.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P>All the&s;e [Cu&s;tomes] the
<PB N="41" REF="26">Commonwealth of <HI>Venice</HI> ob&s;erves as a Law: Except onely that &s;hee lies open to Fear: yet not in her Coun&s;els: but from Forraigners, through want of a <HI>Militia</HI> of her own.</P>
<P>For want of the fir&s;t [Pub|lique Wealth] the <HI>Genoe&s;&s;e,</HI> are not Lords of the Sea: nor of the new world, <HI>&amp;c.</HI></P>
<P>For want of the fifth [that is unliablene&s;&s;e to feare, and de&s;ire] the <HI>Genoe&s;&s;e</HI> are as it were fervants to Forraign Princes.</P>
<P>For want of the Third [<HI>vix,</HI> Ju&s;t Government abroad] the <HI>French</HI> could never fix their Dominion, without the Verge of <HI>France.</HI> In which the <HI>Spa|niard</HI> is peccant too: Every where &s;everely and ceremoni|ou&s;ly Lording it; not at all
<PB N="42" REF="27">regarding the manners, [and Temper] of the People [they rule over.]</P>
<P>For want of the Fourth [Cu&s;tome] [that is freedom of &s;peech] the Florentine Re|publique went to wrack.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>Manners doubtle&s;&s;e(i.e. Cu&s;tomes) can do more then Laws: and either add vigour to the, or take it from them.</HI></Q></P>
<P>Cu&s;toms have brought Laws under their &s;ubjection.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;.</LABEL> Cu&s;toms are either from
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. Di&s;po&s;ition of People or</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. In&s;titution and Edu|cation.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<Q><P N="1">1. <HI>For di&s;po&s;ition: The French now have much of the old Gaules in them: Humanity and Ficklene&s;&s;e &s;aies the Ob&s;ervator:</HI> give me leave to adde Feaveri&s;h
<PB N="43" REF="27">Valour in Warre: (which <HI>L. Florus</HI> ob&s;erves in their Progenitors the <HI>Gaules</HI>) <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Primus Impetus Major quam Vi|rorum; Secundus minor quam Pae|minarum. Flor.</NOTE> In their fir&s;t on&s;ets they are more then Men, in their &s;econd, le&s;&s;e then Wo|men.</P>
<P N="2">2. <HI>For Education: what power that has over Nature, con&s;ult</HI> Xenophon, <HI>about the</HI> Per&s;ians <HI>and</HI> Lacedomo|nians.</P></Q>
<P N="18">18. Good governors bring in good cu&s;tomes, ill men and women ill cu&s;tomes. <HI>Ergo,</HI> neither ill men, nor [any] wo|man are fit to rule: the law of Nations is the cu&s;tome of the whole &s;pecies. (1) All man|kind.</P>
<P N="19">19. Not a Rigid but ea&s;ie government fit the N<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 letter">rthern Nations, &rindx;as being by nature a fierce people, and will hardly
<PB N="44" REF="28">brook the Fetters of a Repub|lique; as Tartars, Mu&s;covites, Suedes, Germans, Switzers, &amp;<HI>c.</HI></P>
<P>Where they have Kings by &s;ucce&s;&s;ion, the people have much liberty, and the Prince little power; yet after the Ro|man Culture, they began to live more &s;everely [and regu|larly, then before.] But</P>
<P>For Southern People, e&s;pe|cially tho&s;e that live under the Tropiques, no Dominion fits them but the De&s;potique (1) Lordly Rule: and the &s;e|vere&s;t Lawes: becau&s;e they are weak in &s;trength: but &s;trong in &s;ubtlety. For which Rea&s;on they were ever [very much] addicted to Ceremonies, Su|per&s;titions, &amp;<HI>c.</HI></P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervat.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>The Mu&s;covite and Tar|tar are <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Addict&egrave; De&s;potic&egrave;.</NOTE> Slavi&s;hly Govern|ed:
<PB N="55" REF="28">for there the North bears Ea&s;terly. The King dome of</HI> Swethland <HI>is be|come Hereditary, by occa&s;ion of Religion: but under &s;uch Lawes, as are ob&s;erved in Elective Kingdomes.</HI></Q></P>
<P N="20">20. <HI>Ea&s;tern</HI> People incline much to the di&s;po&s;ition of the <HI>Southern:</HI> as the <HI>We&s;tern</HI> to to the <HI>Northern,</HI> by rea&s;on of the Sea adjoyning to them: and for other Cau&s;es: but the Spaniard is like in condi|tions to the <HI>African</HI> by his Vicinity, or Neighbourhood.</P>
</DIV3>
<DIV3 N="5" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. V. <HI>Of Legi&s;lators.</HI></HEAD>
<P N="1">1. A Legi&s;lator is he, who Foundeth a New Em|pire: commonly upon new Laws, Religion and Armes,
<PB N="46" REF="29">Rites, and Fortunate E&s;&s;ayes, or Enterpri&s;es: as <HI>Moy&s;es,</HI> a good Legi&s;lator, <HI>Mahomet</HI> a <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Perver|&s;us. L.]</NOTE> wicked one.</P>
<P>A Lawgiver therefore is either a God, as Chri&s;t: or the me&s;&s;enger of God as <HI>Mo&s;es:</HI> or a &s;ubtle Politician, &rindx;that can counterfeit the good ones: as <HI>Minos, O&s;iris, Jupiter, Maho|met, Zamolxis,</HI> and the like: who to gain belief and love from the People, feigned them|&s;elves to be &s;ent from God. For</P>
<P>&rindx; A Lawgiver &s;hould be mo&s;t renowned, mo&s;t wi&s;e, mo&s;t Divine, and mo&s;t Reverend.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>To pretend the Commands of God might perhaps bring &s;ome &s;ucce&s;&s;e to a <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Perito. Cunning]</NOTE> skillfull man, among&s;t a rude and ignorant People: as</HI>
<PB N="47" REF="29">Sertorius <HI>among&s;t the Spa|niards: or to the Spaniard (now <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Iam E|ruditis.</NOTE> grown civill, and learned too) among&s;t the Americans: by the help of Naturall Philo&s;ophie, Phy|&s;ick, and A&s;tronomic: But in a learned age, and place, This Plot and Artifice, is cold [and ridiculous.]</HI></Q></P>
<P N="2">2. Every Arti&s;t, becau&s;e is wi&s;e, is a King in his owne Art: for a Phy&s;ician, hee's Lord and Ruler over a &s;icke King: and &s;o a Mariner, in a Tempe&s;t, &s;aies to the Prie&s;ts and Captaines, and the prin|cipall men, Sit you here; &s;tand thou there, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> Therefore mu&s;t the Lawgiver be ver&s;ed in all the&s;e Arts: at lea&s;t un|der&s;tand their ends: how they conduce either to the pro&s;it, or prejudice of the
<PB N="61" REF="30">Republique&mdash;to purge out the &s;uperfluous and retain the nece&s;&s;ary. Hence it was <HI>Plato</HI> bani&s;h'd Poets out of his Republique: becau&s;e they were full of lies, and Ribaldry: and by crying up wicked men, cry'd down goodne&s;&s;e, and di&s;couraged vertue. Hence <HI>Moy&s;es</HI> expell'd fal&s;e Pro|phets and Painters (that pictured the Deity) and Huck|&s;ters, and whoremongers, <HI>&amp;c.</HI></P>
<P>A Legi&s;lator mu&s;t bee throughly skill'd, in the Tem|perament and manners of Countries, by the * Air and the Earth: as likewi&s;e happy or unhappy accidents that u&s;ually befall &s;uch and &s;uch a place, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> as Inundations, Fires, Lepro&s;ies, Famines, <HI>&amp;c.</HI></P>
<PB N="49" REF="30">
<P N="3">3. Legi&s;lators ought to re|form and purifie, not Exth pate Religion.</P>
<P N="4">4. The Noble&s;t Profe&s;&s;ion in Mountainous Countries, are, 1. Shepheards, as in <HI>Swit|zerland,</HI> and <HI>Scythia.</HI></P>
<P>In plain Conutries 2. Hu&s;|bandmen: as in <HI>AEgypt.</HI></P>
<P>In Maritime Countries 3. Seamen and Merchants: who for the profit they bring in; the monies that they returne [and exchange] and arts and Trades they bring from For|raigne Countries: have ever been held in highe&s;t place and e&s;teem. But Where other (e&s;pecially &s;uperfluous) Arts are preferred before the&s;e, Imminent, both lo&s;&s;e and ruine mu&s;t needs fol|low after.</P>
<P N="5">5. A Divine Legi&s;lator hath
<PB N="50" REF="31">the Idea of his own Repub|que in the Court of Heaven.</P>
<P>The Humane [Lawgiven] in the Government of the U|niver&s;e: and mans Body.</P>
<P N="6"><NOTE PLACE="marg">A body Politique how actu|teda.</NOTE> 6. Man (Male and Female) are the Elements of a Re|publique: who con&s;i&s;ts of
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. Soul.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Body, and External.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. Goods.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P N="1">1. The Soul of a Repub|lique, is Wi&s;dome and Reli|gion.</P>
<P N="2">2. The Body, a Senate or [Grand] Councell: or who|ever bear any Office advanta|gious to the Publique.</P>
<P N="3">3. For Externall good [the Republique hath] Souldiers, Mercenary, and Auxiliary: and Forraign Merchants and Artificers.</P>
<P>For &s;pirits, &s;he hath Lawes.</P>
<PB N="51" REF="31">
<P>For Eyes, the &s;earchers into Arts, and Sciences.</P>
<P>For ears, Spies and Mer|chants.</P>
<P>For a Tongue, Preachers, and Doctors, and Emba&s;&s;a|dors.</P>
<P>For hands, her own Militia:</P>
<P>For feet, Husbandmen and Trade&s;men.</P>
<P N="7">7. As naturally the Soul rules the <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Spiri|tus.] &s;ing, I at.</NOTE> Spirits Policically, but the Body De&s;potically [(1.) by an Imverious, and arbitrary way] and the Body rules the E&s;tate as the Soule dictates to it: &s;o Religion has a Politique Dominion over Lawes, and the Senate: but over Souldiers, Trade&s;man, &amp; &s;uch like, both *Senate, Law, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Pro rata.</NOTE> and Religion, rule proportio|nably.</P>
<P N="8">8. Goods of the Mind are
<PB N="52" REF="32">fir&s;t to be look'd after: next, tho&s;e of the Body. Tho&s;e of Fortune, in the third place.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervat.</LABEL></P>
<P>The Lawes of friend&s;hip, have a &s;tricter tie then tho&s;e of Civill &s;ociety.</P>
</DIV3>
<TRAILER>Here endeth the fir&s;t part of Politique Maxims and Cautions.</TRAILER>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="2" TYPE="part">
<PB N="53" REF="32">
<HEAD><HI>MANIPVLVS POLITICVS</HI> OR, <HI>Politique Maxim's and Cautions.</HI></HEAD>
<HEAD><HI>PART</HI> II.</HEAD>
<DIV3 N="6" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. VI. <HI>Of Colonies and Cities.</HI></HEAD>
<P>THey that Rule over Countries lying un|der &s;everal Climes, mu&s;t either govern them by di&s;tinct Laws, or make exchanges of Inhabitants, by mutuall tran&s;plantations. So the <HI>Romans</HI> (to &s;ecure their Empire) carried Colonies o|ver into <HI>Germany,</HI> that by
<PB N="54" REF="33">their example, the <HI>Germanes,</HI> (unaccu&s;tomed to <HI>Romane</HI> Lawes,) might be the better acquainted with, and &s;ubject to them:</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>The Tran&s;-Rhine (which are the true, and proper) Germanes, for the much greate&s;t part, were never Conquer'd by the Romans: but retain'd (&s;ans mixture) their own Language, and Manners, till, under</HI> Lo|tharius, they <GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 letter">oluntarily <HI>&s;ubmitted to the Romane Yoak. You &s;hall find more Germane Families in</HI> Italy, <HI>then Roman Families in</HI> Germany.</Q></P>
<P N="2">2. Colonies are be&s;t made up of Citizens bred up in the Metropolis of the Kingdome: or in the Neighbouring
<PB N="55" REF="33">Towns: for example either of Romans or Latines; and be|cau&s;e &s;o many be planted, as will be able to defend the Province [and any Enemy whatever]</P>
<P N="3">3. If Colonies be &s;ent from a Free-State, it is good to build their Cities on the tops of the Hills, for defence of their Li|berty: if from a Monarch, bet|ter in the Plain.</P>
<P N="4">4. That Cities may wax great, 'tis expedient they be Situate [either] upon the Banks of Rivers, or [neare] the Sea-&s;hore, and in a Plain; Where nece&s;&s;aries for life are ea&s;ie&s;t to be had: &amp; commerce with &s;trangers is mo&s;t con|venient: But, for the Defence of Liberty and Lawes, and the Non-impayring of Valour, they are more commodiou&s;ly
<PB N="56" REF="34">&s;eated upon Mountaines and Rocks. Withall great re&s;pect is to be had to the whole&s;om|ne&s;&s;e of Water and Air, and Winds, and the Pro&s;pect to the &s;everall Quarters of the Heavens.</P>
<P N="5">5. Planters of Colonies are to be divided&mdash; into
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. Governors: as Prie&s;ts, and Judges.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Protectors: as Soul-diers and Comman|ders.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. Artizans: and &s;uch as <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Nutri|tios] Reip. L.</NOTE> feed the Repub|lique.
<P>As Husbandmen, Shepherds, and the like.</P></ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>Nothing hinders but he that V&s;es Husbandry, may al&s;o follow a Trade, ei|ther
<PB N="57" REF="34">by him&s;elfe, or his Wife</HI></Q></P>
<P>Rules that pre&s;cribe exact proportions of allowances for every per&s;on in a Plantation, do often faile in the Pra|ctique.</P>
<P>Plaines bear mo&s;t Corn, Mountaines mo&s;t Wool, &amp;<HI>c.</HI> Hence came Chaffering, and Exchanging and Merchan|dizing, and &s;tamping of Goynes, &amp;<HI>c.</HI> and for want of Souldery [hereupon] were Forts, and Guns invented.</P>
</DIV3>
<DIV3 N="7" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="58" REF="35">
<HEAD>CHAP. VII. <HI>Of the in&s;truments to gain &amp; keep Kingdomes,</HI> &amp;c.</HEAD>
<P>TO gain, keep and govern Kingdomes, there are three [principal l]in&s;truments: The
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. Tongue,</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Sword,</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. Trea&s;ure.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P N="1">1. For the Tongue; tis the in&s;trument of Religion, and Prudence. That is, of the Goods of the Minde.</P>
<P N="2">2. The &s;word is the [pro|per] In&s;trument of the Body and its Goods.</P>
<P N="3">3. Trea&s;ure is more [the In|&s;trument] of Fortunes, and E&s;tates: which &s;erves the Bo|dy
<PB N="59" REF="35">and Minde [onely] Se|condarily: but the true In&s;tru|ments are the Tongue and the Sword.</P>
<P N="2">2. They that u&s;e the &s;word only, founding their power upon that, tho&s;e quickly lo&s;e their dominion; as <HI>Tamber|laine, Attila,</HI> and <HI>Brennus,</HI> and mo&s;t of the Northern nations.</P>
<P>The Je&s;uites in <HI>Japan</HI> gaine [fir&s;t] &s;oules, then Kingdomes to <HI>Spaine</HI> and the Papacy, by their tongues.</P>
<P>There be that gaine Do|minion by crying up &s;ome new &s;ect, built upon &s;ome &s;pecious colour of truth, by &s;owing di&s;cord betwixt the old Religion, &amp; the new Sect, which &s;hall be attempted and fitted to the gu&s;t and palate of the multitude: But &s;uch Do|minion is of it &s;elfe not very long liv'd.</P>
<PB N="60" REF="36">
<P>Ring-leaders of Here&s;ies, although [commonly] they gain much, they keep little: as for example, <HI>John</HI> of <HI>Ley|don, Dulcinus &amp; Theudas.</HI></P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervat.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q>John <HI>of</HI> Leydon <HI>was an ignorant fellow, a per&s;on of of no worth at all, who through the hatred again&s;t the Prie&s;ts of his time (who&s;e lives were abominable in the eyes of all men) gathered to|gether a rabble of the ba&s;e&s;t people.</HI></Q></P>
<P>They that u&s;e well the &s;word and tongue, do lay the foun|dations of durable Domini|on; but then the &s;word mu&s;t be ju&s;t, and the tongue vera|cious. Thus did <HI>Mo&s;es</HI> build the Empire of the Jews, [namely, in veracity and ju|&s;tice,] which impious <HI>Machia|vell</HI>
<PB N="61" REF="36">never took into con&s;ide|ration. <HI>p.</HI> 147.</P>
<P>The Law of <HI>Moi&s;es</HI> &s;urvi|ved the Empire of the Jews, but <HI>Mahomets</HI> Laws &s;hall &s;ink with his Empire: Thus fell the laws of <HI>Alexander</HI> with his per&s;on and power; Thus <HI>Numa's, Belus,</HI> and <HI>Minos, Pythagoras,</HI> and <HI>Zamolxis</HI> his lawes are extinct, even for want of ju&s;tice and veraci|ty. He, that knows not how to give lawes to tho&s;e he con|quers, doth quickly lo&s;e the Kingdome he has gain'd. Thus <HI>Charles</HI> the fifth lo&s;t <HI>Tunis</HI> and <HI>Germany</HI> which he had wonne, for want of skill to &s;ecure his conque&s;t by the addition of Lawes and Colo|nies. This misfortune often befell King <HI>Pirrhus;</HI> but not &s;o the Romans.</P>
<PB N="62" REF="37">
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;erv.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>He had need be a very wi&s;e man, that can give lawes to men of a different Religion, that &s;hal be la&s;ting and fitted to the di&s;po&s;ition of them that receive them, as it appears by the Romans in</HI> Jewry, <HI>who did the ut|mo&s;t of their endeavour, &amp; with all their skill &s;trived, to e&s;tabli&s;h the &s;tate and tranquility of that untracta|ble people, by lawes, conforme to their tempers and humors, as the excellent orations of King</HI> Agrippa, <HI>and</HI> Jo&s;ephus <HI>made to their Countrymen, [the Jews] do witne&s;&s;e.</HI></Q></P>
<P N="5">5. he that defends his Domi|nions by &s;word and tongue, pre&s;erves them better and more &s;afely, then he that makes u&s;e but of onely one. For</P>
<PB N="63" REF="37">
<P N="6">6. Men of Arts are [u&s;ually] oppre&s;&s;ed by Men of Armes. Thus <HI>Saturn</HI> (being a Prie&s;t, as antient Kings were) left his Kingdome to <HI>Jupiter;</HI> and <HI>Per&s;eus</HI> the Warriour, de|thron'd <HI>Atlas</HI> the [Scholler and] A&s;trologer: Thus was <HI>Pythagoras</HI> &s;upported by &s;ouldiers; <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Of Cro|ton<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 letter">.</NOTE> and the Pope, till &s;uch time as he felt the u&s;e of his weapons, was often made a prey to his enemies, and many times (good man) to his friends.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>Here the thrice worthy</HI> Grotius, <HI>notes well upon this late pa&s;&s;age, concerning the Bi&s;hop of</HI> Rome; <HI>that the benigne a&s;pects of opportuni|ty, made way for that power which the Pope now enjoyes: as for in&s;tance, the Chri&s;tian
<PB N="64" REF="38">World &s;plit into many petty Kingdomes,</HI> Italy <HI>torn in pieces, and &s;luggi&s;h with|all: an age too dull to ap|prehend the meaning of that Artifice in due time, and diver&s;e other cau&s;es, which you may find in</HI> Guicciardin, <HI>and</HI> Machiavell.</Q></P>
<P N="7">7. He that u&s;es only Armes for the defence of his Em|pire, and neglects witt and eloquence, makes but a paper building, rules but weakly: and this is the rea&s;on why the Emperor of <HI>Germany</HI> pre|vailes no more, having a peo|ple of different per&s;wa&s;ions in Religion to rule over: and u&s;ually &s;uch Princes become a prey to tho&s;e that make the be&s;t u&s;e of their witts. Hence came it that the Popes did &s;o frequently make and un-make
<PB N="65" REF="38">Emperors at their plea&s;ure. Therefore (as <HI>Salu&s;t</HI> ob&s;erves) did the Romans [wi&s;ely] e|ver exerci&s;e both mind and body together. For,</P>
<P>He that exerci&s;eth both, makes his Empire la&s;t longe&s;t, as the King of the Turkes, and Aba&s;&s;ines, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Dux. Lat.</NOTE> and the Dake of <HI>Mu&s;covy.</HI> Fabulous Philo&s;o|phy affirms as much, whiles it gives <HI>Pallas</HI> (the Godde&s;&s;e of wi&s;dome) a Book and a Spear to make her invincible; but to <HI>Mars</HI> only Arnour, who (as the Poets &s;ings) was therefore often Conquered. Hence was it that</P>
<P N="9">9. The Northern Nations that fell like &s;warms of Bees upon the Southern Regions, who excell'd them in religion and Policy, received Laws from them they had conquer|ed:
<PB N="66" REF="39">So the Tartars and the Turks a Northern people, had lawes from the conquered A|rabians, and Religion too; and the Hunns, Vandals, Lombards, and Goths, from the Romans, who&s;e Territo|ries they had invaded.</P>
<P><HI>Here the ob&s;ervator ju&s;tly</HI> <Q><HI>gives a check to the Author, and &s;aies that, Both the Goths that rul'd in</HI> Italy <HI>and</HI> Spain, <HI>and the Vandals in</HI> A&s;rick, <HI>to alienate and e&s;trange the minds of their own people from the Romans,</HI> Jeroboam-<HI>like, en|d: avoured with barbarous cruelties to promote the A|rian Here&s;ia, by all po&s;&s;ible means they could</HI></Q>.</P>
<P N="10">10. God that he might plant Religion and Learning among the Northern people,
<PB N="67" REF="39">and Armes and Numbers a|mong&s;t the Southern, did of|ten make an enterchange, and engrafted them one into an other, like Plants to make them the more generous; but in both de&s;troyed the degene|rous Plants from the &s;onnes of <HI>Japhet:</HI> Empires de&s;cended from <HI>Sem,</HI> Prie&s;thood and Laws from <HI>Cham,</HI> Servants, and as the Author (but mi|&s;takingly) affirms, Tyrants; <Q>for (as the ob&s;ervator notes) <HI>the greate&s;t Tyrants that ever were, came rather out of</HI> A&s;ia, <HI>then</HI> Africa, <HI>which was</HI> Chams <HI>portion</HI></Q>.</P>
</DIV3>
<DIV3 N="8" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="68" REF="40">
<HEAD><HI>CHAP. VIII.</HI> Of the cau&s;es of policies, and fir&s;t of the fir&s;t cau&s;e, God, and Religion.</HEAD>
<P>THere are three cau&s;es (if we &s;peak politically) which found and govern Em|pires, that is
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. God.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Prudence.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. Occa&s;ion.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P>But in &s;ome, one is more e|vident then the other. As</P>
<P>In the Kingdome of the Jews, God was mo&s;t evident; in that of the Romans Pru|dence; in that of the Spaniard occa&s;ion: albeit (to &s;peak Phy|&s;ically) God is the cau&s;e of all cau&s;es.</P>
<P N="2">2. All Dominations (except impious <HI>Machiavels</HI>) have
<PB N="69" REF="40">confe&s;&s;ed, that prudence hath not power &s;ufficient to fore&s;ee the good and evill, which all waies and in all things do a|wait them: Therefore did all Nations fly to God, &s;ome by a &s;traight, others by a crooked way. Therefore,</P>
<P>The A&s;&s;yrian, AEgyptian, and Per&s;ian Kings, con&s;ulted the will and plea&s;ure of God, and implored his ayde, by A|&s;trology in the &s;tarres: The Greeks by Oracles of the Si|bylls: The Romans by &s;ooth|&s;aying and Auguries, whom the Bra&s;ilians do but a little recede from: but the <HI>Chri&s;tians</HI> in a direct path [&s;eek God] and fly to the &s;pirit of God in his Prophets, <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Vica|rium, &amp;c. Papam.</NOTE> and councel|lors, and his Mini&s;try.</P>
<P N="3">3. Every Princedome is protected by its own proper
<PB N="70" REF="41">Angell, and every Law as it is good is from God, neither can their be any Law e&s;tabli&s;hed which is void of all good; as Divines and Nature teach us.</P>
<P N="4">4. The Prie&s;thood &s;upplies the place of God in every Do|minion, and therefore no Common-wealth, no a&s;&s;em|bly of men, either was, or can be, without a Prie&s;thood, be|cau&s;e not without God.</P>
<P N="5">5. Prie&s;ts ought to be wi&s;e, but rather in contemplatives then practicalls; Valiant, but mo&s;t in &s;uffering; &s;ober, libe|rall, ingenious, true, not ly|ing &s;o much as in jea&s;t, faith|full, cheerfull, but enclining more to au&s;terity, then &s;cur|rillity; gentle, prone rather to meekne&s;&s;e then Ru&s;ticity, who&s;e Character &s;hould be Piety, Wi&s;dome, Charitie,
<PB N="71" REF="41">and tender-heartedne&s;&s;e, with|out hypocri&s;ie.</P>
<P>Prie&s;ts con&s;ult what is to be done, Rulers command that to be done, which is contem|plated or cou&s;idered, and &s;ouldiers and artificers put commands and con&s;ultations in execution.</P>
<P N="6">6. Religion ever ought to be had in high e&s;teem and ve|neration, not in vulgar and mean account.</P>
<P N="7">7. The Prie&s;thood ought not to be pro&s;titute to the people, le&s;t it lo&s;e its honour and reverence.</P>
<P>Therefore <HI>Ari&s;totle,</HI> no le&s;s ignorantly then impiou&s;ly, would make old Souldiers Prie&s;ts. <HI>Here the Author puts the foole upon the Calvi|ni&s;ts (under which notion he comprehends the wor&s;t of
<PB N="72" REF="42">Schi&s;maticks) who (&s;aith he) both all and &s;ome, count them|&s;elves Prie&s;ts, which the fa|mous</HI> Ob&s;ervator <HI>here &s;eems to prove, to defend, out of places (with reverence be it &s;poken) mi&s;-urged both out of the Scripture and Fathers, in de|fence of common or univer&s;all</HI> Unction. <HI>and (by an injurious Conce&s;&s;ion) makes the Calvini&s;t guilty of the Schi&s;matiques Phren&s;ies: whereas 'tis mo&s;t evident, both out of</HI> Calvin, <HI>and</HI> Beza, <HI>in their &s;everall di&s;cour&s;es, and conflicts with the Antimini&s;teriall Enthu&s;i|a&s;ts, that they were quite of an other temper, and opinion; ever bearing high for an Ordinate Mini&s;try: though they brought not clean, or Primitive hands, to that great Work.</HI></P>
<P N="8">8. That Religion which
<PB N="73" REF="42">contradicts Naturall Policy, ought not to be retained. Therefore the <HI>Maccabees</HI> in time of nece&s;&s;ity taught, that Warre might be piou&s;ly made on the Sabbath day, when the <HI>Jewes</HI> under <HI>Pompey</HI> and <HI>Antiochus</HI> (being that day a&s;&s;ailed) not defending them|&s;elves, peri&s;hed. God gives no Law to his People, [whereby his People &s;hould be de&s;troy|ed] which is oppo&s;ite to their own being.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<Q><P><HI>Rituall Lawes, do ea&s;ily give place to Occa&s;ions, and Times: whence comes the Hebrew Proverb: The life endanger'd, violates the Sabbath: and that [other] The Sabbath was given in|to the hands of man, and not man into the Hands of the
<PB N="74" REF="43">Sabbath: Yet the fooli&s;h glo&s;s of &s;ome Jewes was &s;uch, that &s;ome of them kept them&s;elves in the &s;elf &s;ame Po&s;ture, both night and day: and therefore paid dear for their Super&s;tition; being not onely by</HI> Pompey, <HI>but by</HI> Nebuchadnezzar, So&s;&s;ius, <HI>and</HI> Titus, <HI>taken Captives upon the Sabbath day.</HI></P></Q>
<P N="9">9. The Doctrine of fatall Nece&s;&s;ity is pernicious, in, and to Commonwealths: for it makes Subjects &s;editious, and Princes Tyrannous: both pleading <HI>Nece&s;&s;ity</HI> for the <HI>Mi&s;chief</HI> they <HI>Act:</HI> and thus much <HI>Cicero</HI> acknowledged. But</P>
<P N="10">10. This Doctrine of <HI>Ne|ce&s;&s;ity</HI> does no hurt among the <HI>Turks,</HI> becau&s;e they are rude, and illiterate, and are kept
<PB N="75" REF="43">within compa&s;&s;e by force, not by Law. But in <HI>Italy,</HI> where they are a &s;harp witted Peo|ple, it would make them &s;tark mad, and all turne Libertines, and lay all their &s;inns upon Gods &s;core, as the Author of all Evill: but above all, it would make their Princes Tyrants, in Imitation (for&s;ooth!) of God, craftily imputing their own offences to their &s;ubjects, that they might [God-like] Torment them, to their owne glory: Then which, what can bee more de&s;tructive to a Com|monwealth?</P>
<P N="11">11. Sophi&s;ticall Sciences that thwart Religion, ought to be Bani&s;h'd the Common|wealth: as <HI>Plato</HI> teacheth.</P>
<P><HI>Ari&s;totle</HI> his School, did the <HI>Jewes</HI> much mi&s;chiefe,
<PB N="76" REF="44">under <HI>Antiochus;</HI> and now to Chri&s;tians: as <HI>Averroes</HI> did too, both to us, and his own Saracens. See <HI>S. Vin|centius [Lirinen&s;is,]</HI></P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervat.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>What is &s;poken here of</HI> Ari&s;totle <HI>does very well a|gree with the opinion of the antient Chri&s;tians. In who&s;e Iudgement</HI> Ari&s;totle <HI>was ac|counted Impious. In the judgement of all the Greeks, and (among&s;t the Latines) Saint</HI> Au&s;tin, Plato's <HI>Phi|lo&s;ophy is more con&s;onant to Chri&s;tianity:</HI> Ari&s;totle <HI>com|ing but very lately into e&s;teeme, and reputation, with the World.</HI></Q></P>
<P><LABEL>Animadver&s;ions.</LABEL></P>
<P><HI>What the Fryer, or</HI> Groti|us <HI>affirme of</HI> Ari&s;totle <HI>is onely true, Accidentally,</HI> &amp; Vitio
<PB N="77" REF="44">Utentis: <HI>and &s;o all the Sect of Philo&s;ophers fall (as well as</HI> Ari&s;totle) <HI>under</HI> Tertullians <HI>Character, that they are PA|TRIARCHS of HE|RETIQUES: but I am clearly of opinion, that</HI> Pla|to's <HI>Idea's in the head of an ENTHUSIAST, or NATIONAL THE|OLOGUE, have done much more hurt to Chri&s;tianity, then</HI> Ari&s;totles <HI>&s;ubtleties ever did: who being (as him&s;elf ju&s;tly boa&s;ts) the Father of Syllo|gi&s;me, and the fir&s;t di&s;coverer of Fallacy, might advance all Truths (both Natural, Mo|rall, and Sacred) more, (did not men abu&s;e him to Sophi&s;ti|call ends) then all the whole RACE of Philo&s;ophers e|ver did, or will do.</HI></P>
<P N="12">12. Religion that is repug|nant
<PB N="78" REF="45">to common Policy, al|though it be beneficiall to one particular City or Province, is &s;ubject to a change, or Re|formation: and therefore can|not la&s;t long, as the decree of <HI>Moy&s;es,</HI> about the choi&s;e meates: and the Apo&s;tles, of ab&s;taining from Idols, and things &s;trangled.
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. There are therefore &s;ome <HI>Lawes,</HI> convenient for time, and Place, [and Per&s;on] as ab&s;tinence from &s;wines fle&s;h, for the <HI>Jewes,</HI> &s;ubject to Le|pro&s;ie.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Other Lawes are eter|nall, profitable for all Nati|ons: as to Honour our Pa|rents.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. Some againe are pernici|ous to all places, and times: as that a man doth &s;in by de&s;ti|ny, and does profit in any
<PB N="79" REF="45">thing without liberty [in &s;ome degree] of his own Wil.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<Q><P><HI>Here</HI> Grotius <HI>affirmes that the Law of not eating Swines fle&s;h is of &s;o long con|tinuance, that it not onely remaines in u&s;e among&s;t the</HI> Jewes <HI>at this day, but with the Mahometan Arabians, and Aba&s;sin Chri&s;tians: and not without good cau&s;e: for that food in tho&s;e Regions begets the Scab.</HI></P>
<P><HI>As for that antient cu|&s;tom of ab&s;taining from blood and &s;trangled things, it was a long time ob&s;erved by the Chri&s;tians, either out of hope to gaine the</HI> Jewes, <HI>or out of Reverence to An|tiquity: and that it has no|thing
<PB N="80" REF="46">in it contrary to Re|publiques, or Communities, the continued ob&s;ervation of it, through Chri&s;tian</HI> Greece, <HI>and all the</HI> Ea&s;t, <HI>and the Edict of</HI> Leo <HI>the Emperor, make evident.</HI></P></Q>
<P N="13">13. All Religions and Sects have their proper Circles and Revolutions; as Republiques have from Monarchy into Tyranny: thence into <HI>Ari|&s;tocracy,</HI> thence into <HI>Oligar|chy,</HI> from that into a <HI>Polity,</HI> and &s;o into a <HI>Democracy;</HI> and then revert back again into <HI>Monarchy</HI> at la&s;t: either by the &s;ame, or &s;ome other Track.</P>
<P>So, when <HI>Sects</HI> arrive at <HI>Athei&s;me,</HI> the very Extremes of all mi&s;chiefe fall upon the Peoples head: and the fierce|ne&s;&s;e of Gods wrath breaks in upon them: upon which, (but
<PB N="81" REF="46">through many affections) they return to their Pri&s;tine good Condition.</P>
<P>&rindx; But when once they come to that pa&s;&s;e, that they deny the Providence of God, and the Immortality of the &s;oule, they mu&s;t needs &s;uffer either an [ab&s;olute] change, or a Re|formation: becau&s;e the Curb of Con&s;cience is taken out of the peoples mouth: and &s;o being them&s;elves wicked, they become a prey to no le&s;&s;e wicked Princes: and thereup|on, tyred with evils pa&s;t, they gladly embrace any Lawgi|ver, whether hee be good or bad.</P>
<P N="14">14. The <HI>Sects</HI> of Philo&s;o|phers, pa&s;&s;ed not from one opinion to an other, &rindx; any fur|ther then <HI>Epicurus:</HI> and there they &s;topt: who denying
<PB N="82" REF="47">God, and Providence, all their <HI>Sects</HI> were utterly de|&s;troy'd, as <HI>Laertius</HI> [excel|lently] ob&s;erves.</P>
<P>The Religion e&s;tabli&s;hed by <HI>Moy&s;es,</HI> when once the Sadduces crept in, that denyed the Immortality of the Soul, &s;uffer'd a Reformation by our Lord <HI>CHRIST</HI> <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">The Lat. is ambi|guous.</NOTE> who brought immortality to all our &s;oules.</P>
<P>When the Gentiles fell into down-right Athei&s;m, they fell into a world of mi&s;eries: as appears under the Romane Emperors: who&s;e lawle&s;&s;e Li|centiou&s;ne&s;&s;e marr'd all: as <HI>Cato</HI> in <HI>Salu&s;t,</HI> and <HI>Lucan,</HI> the Poet, ob&s;erve.</P>
<P>The <HI>Sect</HI> of the <HI>Libertines,</HI> that held &s;in to be no &s;in, &s;pring out of the Calvini&s;ts, as the Author (but mo&s;t
<PB N="83" REF="47">&s;landerou&s;ly) affirmes.</P>
<P>Mo&s;t of the <HI>Tran&s;ylvanians,</HI> deny the Immortality of the Soul, and the Holy Trinity.</P>
<P><HI>That mo&s;t impious Book of the three Impo&s;tors, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Add.</NOTE> the Fry|er would gladly fa&s;ten al&s;o upon the Reformed Churches:</HI> <Q>But, as <HI>Grotius</HI> notes, it was Father'd long &s;ince up|on the Emperor <HI>Frederick</HI> the &s;econd: but adds with|all, that hee never &s;aw the man, that &s;aw that Book.</Q></P>
<P N="15">15. <HI>The Author (as it becomes a Fryer to do,</HI> Ex Officio) <HI>Pleados high for the Temporall &s;word of the Pope, and an armed Prie&s;thood:</HI> affirming that the great <HI>Turk,</HI> the King of <HI>Per&s;ia, Tartarie, Moors,</HI> and the King of <HI>Fez,</HI> living all under an unarmed, naked Prie&s;thood, are, by that
<PB N="84" REF="48">meanes, &s;plit into &s;o many Hereticall opinions: whereas the Kings of <HI>France, Spain, Germany,</HI> and the Republique of <HI>Venice,</HI> and [many] other potent Princes united in one Religion under an armed Prie&s;t, the Pope, have no He|re&s;ies &s;tarted among&s;t them, but with manife&s;t hazard of their Crownes and King|domes.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervator.</LABEL></P>
<Q><P><HI>The Sophie</HI> [<HI>of</HI> Per&s;ia] <HI>after many years, began to innovate &s;ome thing in the rites of Prayer and Fa&s;ting: &amp; made white hats (or Tur|bants) for the Cognizance of his Faction:&mdash;But at long running, the Po&s;terity of this Sophy, by pretences of Sanctity, &s;o bewitch'd the people, that in the end, they
<PB N="85" REF="48">Tran&s;lated the Crown of</HI> Per&s;ia <HI>from the A&s;&s;umbetan Kings, to their own.</HI></P>
<P N="16 17"><HI>16.&amp;17.</HI><HI>The&s;e two Pa|ragraphs, &s;avour altogether of the Cell, and the Cowle: a&s;&s;erting the nece&s;&s;ity, (at conveniency) of the Papall Power, in Temporalls, over Chri&s;tian Princes.</HI></P></Q>
<P>Becau&s;e (&s;aies he) The Pope
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. Poyzes the differences of Chri&s;tendome, being Umpire of Peace and War.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. That he [alwaies] takes part with tho&s;e that &s;uffer wrong: neither permits he any King to invade an other Chri&s;tian Kings Dominion.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. Hee links and unites Chri&s;tian Princes, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cruciatus Lat.</NOTE> again&s;t the [Common] Enemies of the Chri&s;tian faith. And,</ITEM>
<ITEM>4. By his * Cru&s;ado's and
<PB N="86" REF="49">Indulgences and Excommuni|cations, for good, and again&s;t evill Rulers, he does erect and defend the Chri&s;tian Com|monwealth.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P>So that without that Pope (to &s;peak as a man, and Poli|tiquely) Chri&s;tianity had, ere this, gone to utter ruine. And the Author adds his opinion (in fine) That all Chri&s;tian Princes, would be as one: &s;e|cure from one an other, and from &s;trangers too, and bee alwaies Victorious: would they but once make one Grand <HI>Senate</HI> at <HI>Rome.</HI> And, that the rea&s;on why never any one Prince could attain an U|niver&s;all Monarchy, over the re&s;t of Chri&s;tian Princes, was no other, then the Temporall Power of his Holine&s;&s;e; which was a Curb in their months.
<PB N="87" REF="49">But (&s;aies hee in the clo&s;e of all) 'Tis likely that the Mo|narchy of <HI>Chri&s;tendom,</HI> will by little, and little, fall totally into the Popes hands.</P>
<P>The Ob&s;ervator an&s;wers thus, to the&s;e two Para|graphs.</P>
<P><Q><HI>He that, with care and diligence, will look into &s;tory, &s;hall find that [farre] more Warrs have been rai|&s;ed among&s;t Chri&s;tians by the Popes of</HI> Rome, <HI>then have been compo&s;ed. But &s;o farr is it from them, that they either could or would oppo&s;e them&s;elves again&s;t the</HI> Spaniard (<HI>that glutton of Empires) that, on the contrary, the Papall Au|thority [alwaies] gave colour and countenance to the Spani&s;h avarice; as</HI> Na|varre
<PB N="88" REF="50"><HI>can [&s;adly] witne&s;&s;e: and</HI> France, <HI>in the times of</HI> Henry <HI>the third. And lately, with most notorious inju&s;tice, Armes were rai&s;ed again&s;t the Duke of</HI> Mantua; <HI>yet would h<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 letter">e receive no A&s;&s;istance at all from the Pope, although no bad man.</HI>
<HI>The Papall [Bulls and] Edicts if they availe any thing at all, it is with &s;uch as are not able to re&s;i&s;t them. They catch poor flyes, but Eagles break through them.</HI>
<HI>That Chri&s;tendom fell not long &s;ince into the hands of an Univer&s;all Monarch, it was no thanks to the Papall Power, that hindred it: but the</HI> Germanes <HI>were hindred by their own Di&s;cords, and</HI> Germany <HI>hindred</HI> France,
<PB N="89" REF="50"><HI>and</HI> France Spain, <HI>ju&s;t as the Per&s;ian and Tartar keep the Turk [from being Emperor of the World.]</HI></Q></P>
<P N="18">18. <HI>Charles</HI> the great, and <HI>Con&s;tantine</HI> declared them|&s;elves <HI>Defenders</HI> of the Pope; but <HI>Henry</HI> and <HI>Frederick</HI> enemies: for under <HI>Frede|rick</HI> tho&s;e pernicious factions of <HI>Guelfes &amp; Gibellines</HI> (that is, <HI>Imperiali&s;ts,</HI> and <HI>Pontifi|cians</HI>) aro&s;e in <HI>Italy.</HI></P>
<LIST>
<ITEM><HI>Julian</HI> [the Apo&s;tat] endea|voured to make Gentili&s;me and Judai&s;me aemulate one the other, and vie for the Ma&s;tery, but peri&s;hed under the attempt.
<P>The Mahometan Sect has many defects in it.</P>
<P>Fir&s;t, becau&s;e if their armes faile, they fall.</P></ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Becau&s;e it admitts not of divers Princes.</ITEM>
<PB N="90" REF="51">
<ITEM>3. Becau&s;e in many things it oppo&s;es God. And.</ITEM>
<ITEM>4. Becau&s;e it is as a place of torture to all its enemics.</ITEM>
</LIST>
<P>The Duke of <HI>Mu&s;covy</HI> (a Country a&s;&s;ailed by no man) defends him&s;elfeby his &s;citu|ation and &s;chi&s;me; and &s;tands rather by the di&s;cords of Chri|&s;tendome, then upon his own bottom, as indeed the Turk him&s;elfe partly doth.</P>
<P><Q>Charles <HI>the fifth, was a man that bid faire&s;t for the</HI> Univer&s;all Monarchy. <HI>When</HI> Con&s;tantius <HI>countenunced the Arians, and</HI> Julian <HI>Pagani&s;me, the Pope was not a man in power, had no dominion then. Here therefore then is an error [or fallacy] of no cau&s;e, put for a cau&s;e</HI></Q>.</P>
<P><HI>Here in this Paragraph, the fryar &s;eems to dream of the
<PB N="91" REF="51">return of a</HI> Golden age, <HI>of Innocence, under one (I know not what)</HI> Monarch <HI>of all, as</HI> Adam <HI>was at fir&s;t, and &s;eems to point at the</HI> Spaniard <HI>for the man: the Ob&s;ervator &s;u&s;|pects &s;ome poi&s;on here; but I think there is much more va|nity then venome.</HI></P>
<P N="20">20. That the world may be governed by one man, the Empire of <HI>Augu&s;tus</HI> does partly prove it.</P>
<P>That the Spaniard does rule the 2 Hemi&s;phears by Re|ligion, which is the very &s;oule of an Empire, and Dominion, being all in the whole, and wholly in every part.</P>
<P N="21">21. If the World were go|verned by one man, as <HI>Alex|ander</HI> &s;aid by one Sun, warres would cea&s;e, and Pe&s;tilence, by communication of Arts
<PB N="92" REF="52">and Medicines, and by tran&s;|migration from infected into whole&s;ome ayre: By the &s;ame tran&s;migrations might Inun|dations and fire be avoided; &s;o famine likewi&s;e might be averted, by tran&s;portation of provi&s;ion from plentifull into needy Countries, &amp;c.</P>
<P><LABEL>Animad.</LABEL></P>
<P><HI>The&s;e are but the fumes &amp; fancies of an idle braine, do|ting upon the Spani&s;h intere&s;t, and the Papall; and &s;o I di&s;|mi&s;&s;e them proceeding to</HI></P>
</DIV3>
<DIV3 N="9" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD><HI>CHAP. IX.</HI> Of the &s;econd cau&s;e of gaining and governing Kingdomes, which is prudence.</HEAD>
<P>A Monarchy is fitter to gain a Common-wealth
<PB N="93" REF="52">then to con&s;erve Dominion.</P>
<P>Monarchy is &s;ooner de|praved then many Rulers. Grotius <HI>confe&s;&s;es then a few (as Oligarchy) which</HI> I <HI>un|d&egrave;r &s;tand not; neither of them gives their rea&s;on, nor</HI> I <HI>my a&s;&s;ent.</HI> The <HI>Ob&s;ervator</HI> adds.</P>
<P><Q><HI>For duration, no Common-wealth in the world is worth the naming, but the</HI> Veneti|an: <HI>and yet the</HI> Egyptian, A&s;&s;yrian, <NOTE PLACE="marg">France|runs Franks.</NOTE><HI>and</HI> French <HI>King|domes have la&s;ted longer then that.</HI></Q></P>
<LIST>
<HEAD>Some are Kings</HEAD>
<ITEM>1. By Nature Rationall [as it were Kings of wi&s;dome] as <HI>Socrates</HI> and <HI>Cato.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>2. By Fortitude, as <HI>Domitian</HI> and <HI>Vitcllius.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>3. By both, as <HI>Alexander. Augu&s;tus.</HI> and <HI>David.</HI></ITEM>
<PB N="94" REF="53">
<ITEM>4. More by Nature then Fortune, as <HI>Scipio,</HI> and <HI>Hannibal</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>5. More by Fortune then Nature, as <HI>Tiberius &amp; Galba.</HI></ITEM>
</LIST>
<P N="3">3. Prudence (the &s;econd cau&s;e of Dominion) does pro|perly belong to tho&s;e that are truely Kings; and to &s;uch next under God, is <HI>Dominion</HI> due which prudence is direct|ly oppo&s;ite to <HI>Craft</HI> or <HI>Sub|tlety,</HI> which is proper only to <HI>Machiavels Tyrant.</HI></P>
<P>Prudence is con&s;onant to God, that is to eternall wi&s;|dome.</P>
<P>Craft agrees to nothing but a mans own will and plea&s;ure: that is, acts all Arbitrarily.</P>
<P>Prudence is magnanimous, Craft ba&s;e, yet proud.</P>
<P>Prudence [alwaies] advan|ces wi&s;e and valiant men, and puts them in place of power
<PB N="95" REF="53">and tru&s;t. Craft depre&s;&s;es and de&s;troyes them, that &s;he may rule over Ba&s;tard-Subjects, when the Legitimate are cut off.</P>
<P>Prudence trea&s;ures up riches for the good of mens &s;ouls and that their numbers may en|crea&s;e: Craft aymes at money and &s;trong holds, and rejoyces in the Diminution and le&s;&s;en|ing of her &s;ubjects.</P>
<P>Prudence even in lo&s;ing con|quers, Craft by conquering is a lo&s;er.</P>
<P>Prudence is mercifull, Craft is cruell.</P>
<P>Prudence is that of prin|cipall men and Chieftaines, &s;uch as <HI>Ce&s;ar,</HI> craft belongs to &s;ervile per&s;ons, &s;uch as <HI>Davus.</HI></P>
<P>Prudence has an eye to the Stern, but Craft to the Oare.</P>
<P>Prudence makes Lawes for
<PB N="96" REF="54">every mans good, but Craft only for her own.</P>
<P>Prudence puni&s;hes, and gains good-will by it, and makes &s;ubjects the better; Craft pu|ni&s;hes and becomes odious, and the people the wor&s;e for't. It is proper to magnanimity and valour, to gain Domini|ons, as to <HI>Ce&s;ar,</HI> and <HI>Charles</HI> the fifth; but to ju&s;tice and temperance to pre&s;erve them, as to the <HI>Venetians:</HI> and he that is adorned with all ver|tues, is fit for both, as <HI>Au|gu&s;tus.</HI></P>
<P N="5">5. He that acquires Do|minions, mu&s;t have &s;uch a Prudence as is magnanimous, &s;tout, liberall, ju&s;t, &amp;c. but &s;omewhat inclining to pride, boldne&s;&s;e, prodigality; but &s;everity mixt with it, &amp;c.</P>
<P>He that keepes and pre&s;erves
<PB N="97" REF="54">Dominions, mu&s;t have the &s;ame prudence, but inclining to Pu&s;illanimity, to fear, Tenacity, and [&s;ome] Licen|tiou&s;ne&s;&s;e, <HI>&amp;c.</HI></P>
<P N="6">6. Hee that gaines a King|dome, different from him in Religion: mu&s;t either Tran|&s;late the Seat of his Empire thither: as the <HI>Turk</HI> did into <HI>Constantinople:</HI> or el&s;e Tran|&s;late the Inhabitants into an other Region, as <HI>Nebuchad|nezzar</HI> did the <HI>Jewes,</HI> into <HI>Babylon:</HI> and plant new Co|lonies, in the Metropolitane Cities of the Conquer'd Pro|vince; which &s;hall be of thine own Religion, and Laws; place [new] Preachers there, change Laws, and bring down the chief of the People; as <HI>Cyrus</HI> did in <HI>Lydia,</HI> and the <HI>Spani|niard</HI> in <HI>America:</HI> But if they
<PB N="98" REF="55">will buckle to thy Religion: thou mai&s;t make them Arti&s;ts, and Mechanicks, &s;erviceable to thy Colony: if not, doom them to &s;lavery, and Tran&s;|plant them farre enough [be &s;ure] from thy &s;eat Imperi|all.</P>
<P>But if they embrace the &s;ame Religion with thee (as the <HI>Neapolitanes</HI> with the <HI>Spaniards</HI>) treat them gently, receive them into Common friend&s;hip, and change not their Cu&s;tomes, nor Polirie, but by degrees: let the Supreme Judges be made out of thine own men; the inferiour out of theirs. If they did violently op|po&s;e thine entrance, Levell the <HI>Peers,</HI> with the People: but if they did receive the as friends: Tran&s;plant them out of their Native &s;oyle, and drill them
<PB N="99" REF="55">with Honors, Rewards, and Promotions; but be &s;ure let not the chief heads be left be|hind: for they will either grow in&s;olent, upon Familia|rity, and render thee odious to the People, or el&s;e they will rebell. By the&s;e defects, <HI>Pyr|rhus</HI> and <HI>Charles</HI> the fifth, lo&s;t all the Provinces they had gain'd, on a &s;uddain. But be|ware, le&s;t by Calumnies, and fraud, you depre&s;&s;e any man; for by that meanes you [on|ly] prepare Ruine and Con|&s;piracies again&s;t your &s;elf, and &s;o alienate their Affections, that upon the lea&s;t occa&s;ion, they will rebell again&s;t you.</P>
<P N="7">7. He that invades an others Kingdome, mu&s;t not &s;tick at the mi&s;chiefs following. <HI>viz.</HI> To &s;trike at the Head, change Lawes, pull down Forts, and
<PB N="100" REF="56">Ca&s;tles; Extingui&s;h the Blood-Royall, or Tran&s;late it.</P>
<P><LABEL>Animad.</LABEL></P>
<P><HI>This &s;avours of</HI> Machiavel: <HI>whom the Fryer &s;o much de|te&s;ts: or (which is wor&s;e) of the Je&s;uit.</HI></P>
<P N="8">8. A Prince &s;hould be known to do no evill, except that of puni&s;hment: and that too, &s;uch as the People wi&s;h: as to Fleece U&s;urers, and ra|venous Magi&s;trates, to bani&s;h Superfluous, and effeminate Arts: doom the &s;luggi&s;h to the Oare: to puni&s;h Adultery, Pride, and all Enormous &s;ins and &s;inners.</P>
<P N="9">9. The People are kept in obedience, by [plenty of] Provi&s;ions, Souldiers by good Pay: Nobles by Honors.</P>
<P N="10">10. For the advance, and encrea&s;e of Republiques, and
<PB N="101" REF="56">Kingdomes; the&s;e Rules fol|lowing are to be ob&s;erved.</P>
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. All per&s;ons mu&s;t take upon them tho&s;e Functions and callings, for which Na|ture has fitted them.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. Magi&s;trates are to be cho|&s;en, rather by Nature then Fortune.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. The greater good is ever to be preferred before the le&s;&s;e, and the Common before the Private.</ITEM>
<ITEM>4. Let there be a free Commu|nity of Goods, of Knowledge, and of Religion.</ITEM>
<ITEM>5. Foment the Emulations of a&s;piring to Honors, by Ver|tue.</ITEM>
<ITEM>6. Preferre ever Divine things before Humane.</ITEM>
<ITEM>7. Let every man learn this Logick. <HI>viz.</HI> That God is: <HI>Ergo,</HI> He is wi&s;e, and good:
<PB N="102" REF="57"><HI>Ergo,</HI> He has a tender care o|ver us: <HI>Ergo,</HI> he is ju&s;t: And we are his Children, and therefore after death, will reward or puni&s;h us. If this be not &s;o, <HI>Ergo,</HI> God is not ju&s;t, not good, <HI>Ergo,</HI> nei|ther is he God: The contrary whereof; All Nature, the Fa|brick of the Univer&s;e, and its &s;everall Parts, and the u&s;e. Order and function of cach Particle of it, do wonderfully [and loudly] proclaim. As al&s;o his revealing him&s;elfe to his Saints [on Earth] An|gells, and Devills, and Poli|cies, and all Sciences in the World, [confe&s;&s;ing it.]</ITEM>
</LIST>
</DIV3>
<DIV3 N="10" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="103" REF="57">
<HEAD>CHAP. X. <HI>Of the third Cau&s;e,</HI> &amp;c. viz. <HI>Occa&s;ion.</HI></HEAD>
<P>THE occa&s;ions of acqui|ring Dominion, are in|numerable. But the chief are,
<LIST>
<ITEM>I. Thine own Valour, and Numbers; and the Imbecillity of thine Enemies, and their A&s;&s;ociates.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. The Divi&s;ion of the Province to be &s;urprized, into petty Kings, or jarring. Re|publiques; but e&s;pecially into various <HI>Seots,</HI> and Schi&s;ms.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. But mo&s;t of all, if any man call thee in, for his Pro|tectour.</ITEM>
<ITEM>4. If the Rulers Son be in his Minority.</ITEM>
<ITEM>5. If the Ruler be hated of his People.</ITEM>
<PB N="104" REF="58">
<ITEM>6. If the People be covetous of change.</ITEM>
<ITEM>7. If the Nobles [or Patri|cians] may be bought and &s;old [<HI>as tho&s;e of</HI> Rome <HI>were, in</HI> Jugurths <HI>daies.</HI>]</ITEM>
<ITEM>8. If there be any <HI>Inter|regnum,</HI> &amp;c.</ITEM>
<ITEM>9. All gro&s;&s;e and Enormous &s;ins, and Vices, are &s;o many Inlets, and doors for a Con|queror, to come in by: as Ido|latry, and Anthropophagie above the re&s;t.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
</DIV3>
<DIV3 N="11" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. XI. <HI>Of the Decay, Downfall, and Change of Monarchies: and the cau&s;e and remedies thereof.</HI></HEAD>
<P>ALL Monarchy dies, or &s;inks [at lea&s;t] either</P>
<PB N="105" REF="58">
<P N="1">1. Through want of Vertue in him that &s;ucceeds in it: &s;o the <HI>A&s;&s;yrian</HI> Monarchy ended in <HI>Sardanapalus.</HI> Or</P>
<P N="2">2. For want of a Succe&s;&s;or; which evill <HI>Augu&s;tus</HI> preven|ted, by adopting Sons, to &s;ucceed him.</P>
<P N="3">3. By Divi&s;ion, or Di&s;cord of many &s;ucce&s;&s;ors: &s;o the Romane Monarchy under <HI>Con|&s;tantius,</HI> became a Dyarchy under <HI>Con&s;tantine,</HI> and <HI>Con|&s;tance,</HI> and afterwards, in <HI>Arcadius</HI> and <HI>Honorius,</HI> and the Spani&s;h Monarchy was Rivall'd by <HI>Alonzo, Ferdi|nand,</HI> and <HI>Sanctius.</HI></P>
<P>The <HI>Turk</HI> prevents this mi&s;chief by killing his Bre|thren: but the King of <HI>China</HI> by bani&s;hing them into &s;ome Mountain: which the King of the <HI>Aba&s;&s;ines</HI> does likewi&s;e.</P>
<PB N="106" REF="59">
<P N="4">4. Becau&s;e the Kings Son is young and contemptible, as the Son of <HI>Scanderbeg,</HI> and <HI>Antiochus,</HI> and <HI>Alexander</HI> the Great: and the la&s;t Duke &s;ave one, of the line of <HI>Sforza</HI> Duke of <HI>Millaine:</HI> who all being Minors and Pu|pills, were commited to Guar|dian Kin&s;men, or Tutors, or &s;trangers, and &s;o, were either murther'd or depo&s;ed.</P>
<P N="5">5. The Election of a King, if it be made by Souldiers, is dangerous, and Schi&s;maticall; becau&s;e they are [ea&s;ily] car|ried from one to another, in their affections. For,</P>
<P>Souldiers are naturally a dull kind of People: and value them mo&s;t, who pay them be&s;t, at pre&s;ent: not at all con|&s;idering, the Publique good: as it happen'd in the times of
<PB N="107" REF="59"><HI>Galba, Vitellius, Ve&s;pa&s;ian,</HI> and <HI>Otho</HI> in the Romane &s;tate; and under <HI>Omri</HI> in <HI>I&s;ra|el:</HI> with very much dammage [to the Publique.]</P>
<P N="6">6. Election al&s;o made by all the People, is dangerous: for they under&s;tand not the deep de&s;ignes, of hidden, and di&s;gui&s;ed Tyrants: but are di&s;tracted, and carried away with &s;mooth Orators, whi|ther&s;oever they plea&s;e to lead them. Be&s;ides, the People are ever at odds, with one ano|ther, and alwaies changing opinions. Hereupon <HI>Florence</HI> by &s;uch Popular Elections, &s;u&s;tained a world of dam|mage, and prejudice. Nei|ther does the Populacy con|fide in their Nobles, but call in &s;trangers to pacifie their Tunmults; So the Florentines
<PB N="108" REF="60">call'd in the Commander of <HI>Athens:</HI> by whom, they were more devour'd then before.</P>
<P>The remedy is: if onely the heads of Families be &s;um|mon'd to Election: but this is a weak one.</P>
<P N="7">7. Elections are be&s;t made by a prudent Senate: out of the body of the Senate it &s;elf; as the Pope, out of the Con|clave of Cardinalls.</P>
<P N="8">8. If an Election &s;uffer a Schi&s;m in it, or Fracture, <HI>viz.</HI> an <HI>Interregnum</HI> (or as they cal it) a <HI>Vacant</HI> See; the Empire may go to wrack; and there|fore the <HI>Germane</HI> Emperor doth make choice of his Suc|ce&s;&s;or before his death; as al&s;o the King of <HI>Fez,</HI> before he dies, advances one of his own Sons into his Throne.</P>
<PB N="109" REF="60">
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervat.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>It often falls out other|wi&s;e: for the Romane Empe|rour of time dies and ap|points no Succe&s;&s;or: and the</HI> Polack <HI>cannot endure any &s;uch thing &s;hould be done in that Kingdom.</HI></Q></P>
<P N="9">9. The be&s;t is not alwaies elected: but he whom the dy|ing King loves be&s;t: as <HI>Solomon</HI> cho&s;e <HI>Rehoboam.</HI></P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervat.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>The odd number over does be&s;t in Elections: and ther|fore the King of</HI> Bohemia <HI>was &s;uperadded to the &s;ix old Electors of</HI> Germany.</Q></P>
<P N="10">10. A Monarchy may bee ruin'd likewi&s;e, by the in&s;o|lency and pravity of a mans Children <HI>[as in Tarquin the proud]</HI> or of his wife: who often hates the be&s;t de&s;erving
<PB N="110" REF="61">men: as <HI>Sophia,</HI> the Wife of <HI>Ju&s;tinian</HI> the Emperor, hated <HI>Nar&s;es [the Gallant Eunuch]</HI> who therefore call'd in the <HI>Lombards</HI> into <HI>Italy,</HI> to the hazard of the whole Empire.</P>
<P N="11">&rindx;11. Monarchy may be in danger al&s;o, and be ruin'd by the Authority of &s;ome Pro|phet, or [bold Popular] Preacher: that dares cry it down. <Q><HI>The in&s;tance here is made in</HI> Samuel, <HI>and the Pope: which is an hand&s;ome compari&s;on indeed. Here the Fryer draws the Curtain, and laies open the whole &s;cene of the Popes Encroach|ments upon Temporall Prin|ces: which part I leave the Fryer to Act by him&s;elf, and thither referre the Reader:</HI></Q> only he tells us (<HI>pag.</HI> 198.) that never any Prince pro&s;|per'd
<PB N="111" REF="61">that oppo&s;ed his Holi|ne&s;&s;e, but fell at la&s;t; as <HI>Frede|rick</HI> of <HI>Swevia, Roger Gui&s;|cand,</HI> &amp;c. Yet</P>
<P>Some Princes call'd a councell again&s;t <HI>Julius</HI> the &s;econd, and Pope <HI>Eugenius</HI> the fourth.</P>
<P>All Clergy-men (under the Papacy) love the Pope in their heart, Princes only for pre|ferment. Armed Religion was alwaies <HI>Invincible, Vid. ani|mad &s;upr.</HI></P>
<P>It is better for a Prince to yeeld to the Prie&s;t, as <HI>Theodo|&s;ius</HI> did to <HI>Ambro&s;e,</HI> then to treat him ill, as <HI>Eudoxa</HI> did <HI>Chry&s;octome;</HI> For he was con|firmed in his Throne, whereas &s;he dyed an infamous death.</P>
<P N="12">12. Divi&s;ion in Religion, albeit Monarchy be not preached downe, does de&s;troy
<PB N="112" REF="62">&rindx;it, as it appears in <HI>France, Germany,</HI> and <HI>Poland, &amp;c.</HI> for it divides mens minds; and therefore both their bo|dies, and fortunes, and armes, and both parties hate the King: The evill, becau&s;e he favours the good, and the good, becau&s;e he does not extingui&s;h the evill.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;er.</LABEL></P>
<P><HI>Here</HI> Grotius <HI>(the great e&s;t advocate and favouror of to|leration that lived in our age) oppo&s;es the Fryar, and affirms,</HI> <Q><HI>That there does not upon difference in opinions, &s;eem &s;o much hazard of divul&s;i|on (as he calls it) of minds, or animo&s;ity among&s;t men, if the</HI> Magi&s;trate <HI>would compell the</HI> Mini&s;try <HI>to forbear mu|tuall and publique railings,</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg">Condem|nationes <HI>Lat.</HI></NOTE> <HI>and re&s;utations one of ano|ther,
<PB N="113" REF="62">and if by a publique Law of State, every man might be &s;ecure in the u&s;e and exerci&s;e of his own re|ligion, as it is in</HI> Japan <HI>and</HI> Poland; <HI>which liberty the reformed Churches of</HI> France <HI>being abridged of, Tumults and Warrs, were occa&s;ioned by it.</HI></Q></P>
<P N="13">13. A <HI>Monarchy</HI> al&s;o failes by its own va&s;tne&s;&s;e and bulk, for which rea&s;on it cannot [well] be governed by <HI>One,</HI> and he is therefore faine to call to his a&s;&s;i&s;tance &s;ome to lend their &s;houlders to this great burthen, who afterwards will admitt no &s;uperiours, and &s;o &s;hare the government; as we have often &s;een it fall out in the Roman Empire.</P>
<P>The Remedy for this is, to keep an Empire within its
<PB N="114" REF="63">own bounds, le&s;t the com|manders and governors, be|ing at too great a di&s;tance, u|&s;urpe the Dominion: As the Monarch of <HI>Japan</HI> [is a great example of this] who never &s;ets foot beyond his &s;ixty &s;ix Kingdomes; and the King of <HI>China</HI> can <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">or po&s;se&s;s</NOTE> claime nothing beyond tho&s;e bounds which he hath &s;et him&s;elfe, by walls and Rocks, Woods, and Seas. Another remedy for this di&s;|ea&s;e is, for a Prince to keep the Wives and Children of Go|vernors and Provincialls [a|broad] at home with him [as pledges] and engage them by Oath to Fidelity and Allegi|ance, &amp;c. which in part the King of <HI>Spain</HI> ob&s;erves.</P>
<P N="14">14. Sometimes a Kingdom's lo&s;t for want of provi&s;ions, be|cau&s;e it has no fruitfull &s;oyle
<PB N="115" REF="63">about it: This is the condi|tion of <HI>Genoa,</HI> and <HI>Venice,</HI> and therefore they provide again&s;t this [mi&s;chief] by Merchants and Factors, and exchangers of commodities, by Granaries, Munitions, &amp;c.</P>
<P N="15">15. A Monarchy may al|&s;o fall by <HI>Pe&s;tilence;</HI> again&s;t which, <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Civita|tem portat idem. L.</NOTE> the King of the <HI>Aba&s;|&s;ines</HI> has provided a movable City, and &s;o removes his <HI>Seat</HI> at plea&s;ure for the bene|fit of whole&s;omer Ayre; which thing the Tartars [now] and heretofore the <HI>Veientes</HI> ob|&s;erved; nay the very Birds do the &s;ame: But with us there be Officers for health purpo&s;e|ly appointed, which the Au|thor calls <HI>Magi&s;tratus Sani|tatis, like our Ma&s;ters of the Pe&s;t hou&s;es</HI></P>
<P N="16">16. A Monarchy likewi&s;e is
<PB N="116" REF="64">ruined by inva&s;ion of forraign Princes, that over-power the right owner; as the King of <HI>Per&s;ia</HI> was by <HI>Alexander</HI> of <HI>Macedon;</HI> and the <HI>Sultan</HI> of <HI>AEgypt</HI> by <HI>Selemus</HI> the great <HI>Turk.</HI></P>
<P>The be&s;t remedy again&s;t this, is the love of the &s;ubjects to their Prince, &amp; their gallantry on his behalfe; next is, to pro|cure a &s;trong &amp; ready Militia, and to enter into league with many Princes, that may over|power the Rivall of his Crown: as the <HI>Macchabees</HI> did with the Romans, being affraid of <HI>Antiochus,</HI> and the <HI>Venetian</HI> with the <HI>French</HI> when they fear'd the <HI>Spaniard.</HI> Neither is it ami&s;&s;e to &s;ow &s;eeds of di&s;cord and hatred among&s;t the powers you &s;tand in fear of; as the Spaniard
<PB N="117" REF="64">does betwixt the Turk and Per&s;ian, ths Aba&s;&s;ine and Mu&s;covite, Polack and Tran|&s;ilvanian, all around, &amp;c. and among&s;t the Nobles of <HI>France,</HI> which is his Rivall.</P>
<P>When the <HI>Nobility</HI> grow too rich and potent, as the Nobles of <HI>Iapan,</HI> and often tho&s;e of <HI>Naples,</HI> and the French likewi&s;e and the Ger|man <HI>Peers,</HI> they have de&s;troy|ed the Monarchy under which they lived, defining every one to live for him&s;elfe. The remedy for this is, to cut off Entailes <HI>of Land &amp; Honours; The Author means in the words, Ne feuda tran&s;eant ad Haeredes</HI> that they be not e|&s;tabli&s;hed, as the Turk does. Next is to levell their Forts and &s;trong holds with the ground, or garri&s;on them
<PB N="118" REF="65">with the Princes own &s;ouldie|ry, and then under pretence of advancing, to humble the Nobles.</P>
<P N="18">18. A Kingdome may be lo&s;t too, by the treachery of a Kings owne Souldiers, as it happened to <HI>Antiochus.</HI></P>
<P>The remedy again&s;t this is, to keep them in their dutie by art and cunning, and divide them; and to fortifie thy &s;elfe with a &s;trong guard of thy be&s;t friends, whom thou mu&s;t oblige with perpetuall fa|vours, and benefits, as the Turk does his <HI>Janizaries.</HI></P>
<P N="19">19. A Crown may be lo&s;t by the &s;uddain <HI>incu<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 letter">&s;ion</HI> of Barbarous people.</P>
<P>The remedy again&s;t this is, to oppo&s;e wi&s;dome and reli|gion to barbarous folly: So Pope <HI>Leo</HI> oppo&s;ed <HI>Attilla,</HI>
<PB N="119" REF="65">and <HI>Jaddus</HI> the high Prie&s;t in <HI>Hieru&s;alom,</HI> clad in his Prie&s;tly Robes, met, and a|dored, and &s;o pacified <HI>Alex|ander</HI> the great.</P>
<P N="20">20. A man may lo&s;e his Kingdome too for want of Souldiery of his owne, and by entertaining too many Auxi|liaries and Mercenary men; which was the ruine of <HI>Lodo|vick Sforza,</HI> Duke of <HI>Mil|laine, &amp;c.</HI></P>
<P>The Remedy of this is to have a choice Militia of thine owne alwaies in readine&s;&s;e; to arme and unite thine own men, but to di&s;arme and di&s;|&s;ipate the &s;trangers. For this rea&s;on al&s;o it is expedient, that none [of any Family] but the fir&s;t-born inherit any e&s;tate, and let the re&s;t be made Souldiers; or el&s;e do as the
<PB N="120" REF="66">Turk does, keep Schooles or Colledges of Cloi&s;tered boyes, to be trained up in <HI>Military Di&s;cipline,</HI> which &s;hall know no other Father but the Mo|narch.</P>
<P N="21">21. Sometimes a Kingdome is lo&s;t after a <HI>Victory,</HI> by the in&s;olency of the Conquering Army; or after a truce [or league] as it happened to <HI>Car|thage</HI> after the fir&s;t punick warre, under <HI>Hamilcar.</HI></P>
<P>The remedy for this is, on a &s;udden to divide the Ar|my into di&s;tant quarters: and not to be embodyed till the Generall commands.</P>
<P N="22">22. A Kingdome may bet lo&s;t for want of pre&s;ent pay for the Souldiery, when the Warre is on foot, as it fell out to <HI>Maximilian</HI> of <HI>Au&s;tria.</HI></P>
<P>Publique trea&s;uries are the
<PB N="121" REF="66">be&s;t remedy again&s;t this. Be|&s;ides the Rich (at &s;uch a pinch) are to be compeli'd by Religion] <HI>be meanes &s;ure Anathema's and Terrors of Ecommunication</HI>] and other Penalties, to throw all their Money and Plate into the Publique Trea&s;ury: For &s;o, neither can they rebell, and hereby is the Kingdome con|firm'd, and E&s;tabli&s;hed: which was u&s;uall at <HI>Rome,</HI> and <HI>Ve|nice.</HI> And it is lawfull too, in extreamity, to melt down Con&s;ecrate Church Plate: and to make the very Souldiers them&s;elves part with their Gold to this publique pur|po&s;e: but to &s;weeten them with fair hopes, and the Pil|lage of the Field. Thus did <HI>Cae&s;er,</HI> in the beginning of the Civill Warre: and thus did
<PB N="122" REF="67"><HI>Henry (the third I take it)</HI> King of <HI>France</HI> the Frer ad|vi&s;es too: to make leaden Coin (if need be) to be cur|rant as long as the War &s;hall la&s;t, as the <HI>Venetians</HI> have done.</P>
<P N="23">23. Kingdomes are lo&s;t too, by the Luxury of the conque|ring Army, that does breake and effeminate it &s;elf: by the &s;poiles, and delicates of Con|quer'd Provinces: as it fell out, to the <HI>Lombards, Goths, Huns,</HI> and <HI>Gaules;</HI> who po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ing them&s;elves of <HI>Sou|thern</HI> Kingdomes, full of de|lights and plea&s;ures. They [quickly] lo&s;t, both their &s;trength and Empire: Which happen'd al&s;o to all Kings of <HI>Naples;</HI> by rea&s;on of the &s;oft delicacies of Air, and Soyle. <HI>Jo&s;uah</HI> found out a good re|medy
<PB N="123" REF="67">for this; who would not quite extingui&s;h all the Na|tives, [of <HI>Canaan</HI>] that his People might [&s;till] have &s;ome body, whereon to whet, and exerci&s;e their Valour. So <HI>[Scipio] Na&s;ica</HI> advis'd [the Romanes] not quite to de|&s;troy <HI>Carthage,</HI> le&s;t <HI>Rome</HI> &s;hould grow effeminate [by lo&s;ing her Rivall.]</P>
<P N="24">24. By joyning in Com|merce and Traffique, &amp;<HI>c.</HI> with two potent Princes. Thus came the <HI>Ragu&s;can</HI> to &s;erve the <HI>Turk,</HI> and thus the <HI>Geno|e&s;&s;e,</HI> to be under the <HI>Spaniard:</HI> But the [Wi&s;e] <HI>Venetian</HI> prevented this. For he would never put to Sea with the <HI>Spa|niard;</HI> neither would he ever Traffique with him, nor hold any thing by way of Tenure or Homage, in the King of
<PB N="124" REF="68"><HI>S'pains</HI> Dominions, [as the <HI>Genoe&s;&s;e</HI> and others do]</P>
<P N="25">25. Heavy Taxes, and Im|po&s;itions, often lo&s;e King|domes, and enrage the People into Mutinies, and Rebellion; as it hapned in <HI>I&s;rael</HI> under <HI>Rehoboam;</HI> and the Duke of <HI>Alva</HI> in <HI>Flanders.</HI></P>
<P N="26">26. The Cruelty of Provin|cialls: may be the lo&s;&s;e of a Kingdom: which rule by pride and Avarice. This the Axe mu&s;t cure, as <HI>Goe&s;ar Bor|gia</HI> did by <HI>Orcus</HI> of <HI>Ce&s;ena.</HI></P>
<P>Puni&s;hments mu&s;t ever be exacted by the &s;word, Tri|butes by the tongue; the Mili|tia by both.</P>
<P N="27">27. A Crown gain'd, may be lo&s;t, if the I&s;&s;ue Royall find friends to help them to their right: as in the ca&s;e of <HI>Ioas:</HI> who was e&s;tabli&s;h'd in his
<PB N="125" REF="68">Throne by the high Prie&s;t: again&s;t <HI>Athaliah</HI> and her u&s;ur|pation, &amp;<HI>c.</HI></P>
<P N="28">28. A Kingdome may be lo&s;t by the con&s;piracy of &s;trong and Potent men; as the <HI>Tar|quins</HI> were Erected by <HI>Bru|tus,</HI> and <HI>Lucretius,</HI> and the <HI>Magi</HI> of <HI>Per&s;ia</HI> by <HI>Darius</HI> and his Complices.</P>
<P>Hidden Vertue in any man is a dangerous thing, e&s;pecially if it be afraid of the Prince that rules: for it will at la&s;t break out to the Princes lo&s;s, if not Ruine: as it did in <HI>Bru|tus</HI> and his confederate. Va|lour and Light mu&s;t be ever &s;et high on a Candle&s;tick. Smother'd Fire may do, and indeed ever does, mo&s;t mi&s;|chief.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervat.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>How dangerous it was for</HI>
<PB N="126" REF="69">Tiberius <HI>to advance</HI> Seia|nus <HI>[him&s;elfe a well born Per&s;on] to &s;o great Honor: the Frince perceived and remedied: but not without hazard. Therefore both hee from that time forward and others, took a cou&s;e to ca&s;t Honors upon meaner Per&s;ons: and tho&s;e but Tem|porary.</HI></Q></P>
<P><LABEL>Animad.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>This ob&s;ervation becomes a man born in a popular &s;tate: But God him&s;elf &s;eems to make it a cur&s;e: when the Honorable per&s;on is over|top'd by mean fellowes.</HI></Q> I&s;a. 3.1, 2. &amp; 3.</P>
<P>The con&s;piracy of one man with him&s;elfe to murder a King, &amp;c. is Inevitable, as that of <HI>Adad</HI> again&s;t the <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg"><HI>He means.</HI> Ehud &amp; Eglon. lud. 3.6.20.21.</NOTE> King of <HI>Edom:</HI> and <HI>Pau&s;anias</HI> again&s;t
<PB N="127" REF="69" MS="y"><HI>Philip</HI> of <HI>Macedon:</HI> and Frier <HI>Clement</HI> again&s;t <HI>Henry</HI> the third of <HI>France.</HI></P>
<P>A con&s;piracy of many is hardly to be avoided: There|fore Probity and the Peoples love [when all is done] is the &s;tronge&s;t Guard a Prince can have.</P>
<P N="26">26. La&s;tly, a Kingdome may be lo&s;t, when the Sub|ject are wa&s;ted by Warre: and &s;o through want of Defen|dants, it lies open to Inva&s;ion; as now (&s;aies the Author) <HI>Spaine</HI> does.</P>
<P>Enfranchizing, or Endeni|zation, is the onely cure for this di&s;ea&s;e: by admitting Forreigners into your Free|dome: as the Romans did the Latines: and &s;o fill up your number.</P>
</DIV3>
<DIV3 N="12" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="128" REF="70">
<HEAD>CHAP. XII. <HI>Of the fall and change of Re|publiques where many Go|vern, &amp;c.</HI></HEAD>
<P N="1">1. TO take off the di&s;&s;enti|ons, between Peers, and People, the Author would have them all participate of Honors: as, at this time, it is among&s;t the Bi&s;cainers: Or, as among&s;t the Jewes, that one Family cho&s;en out of all the re&s;t &s;hould rule.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;ervat.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>'Tis expedient, that be|twixt the Peers, and the Plebeians, there &s;hould be a middle &s;ort, and degree of Per&s;ons, as a Seminary of Nobility: &s;uch as were the Knights and Gentlemen of
<PB N="129" REF="70">Rome: for this degree is a kinde of tye, or Ligament of both the other</HI></Q>.</P>
<P N="2">2. The Peeres contend with the people [u&s;ually] about ho|nours, Offices, Tributes, and Matrymonie, and Lands, and the like: and if the Nobility get the day, the Republique is ruin'd; for it is nece&s;&s;ary for them to keep under a jea|lous and &s;u&s;picious people, and thence comes their downfall. But if the people gain the day, the matter's wor&s;e then before, for either the Nobles are driven into bani&s;hment, or el&s;e they call in &s;trangers, and &s;o the people become a prey to every crafty Citizen, or for|reign potentate, or valiant Commander.</P>
<P>If once the Nobles mix and couple them&s;elves with the
<PB N="130" REF="71">Plebians, to the end they may partake of the government with them; they grow vile and de&s;picable both together, and &s;o the common-wealth falls to ground; as it alwaies happen|ed in the Florentine repub|lique, and divers times in that of <HI>Genoa.</HI></P>
<P>The remedy is, if the <HI>Peo|ple</HI> (of a middle Size betwixt the Nobles and the pelting Plebeian) get the upper hand, and &s;hare Magi&s;tracies and honours now and then, and Lands and Provinces al&s;o, By &s;uch contentions <HI>Rome</HI> flouri&s;hed and grew great, and yet granted the honour of Victories, and the credit of them, to the Commons: but <HI>Florence</HI> peri&s;hed under them.</P>
<P N="3">3. A republique is often de|&s;troyed, when Lawes are made
<PB N="131" REF="71">to the advantage of <HI>great ones,</HI> and pre&s;&s;ure of the peo|ple.</P>
<P N="4">4. When the <HI>Powers</HI> in be|ing, <HI>u&s;urpe Anthority</HI> [over the people] and keep guards for their defence; as the <HI>De|cemviri</HI> did at <HI>Rome,</HI> and the <HI>Thirty Tyrants</HI> at <HI>Athens.</HI></P>
<P N="5">5. The <HI>Luxury</HI> of the <HI>No|bles,</HI> and their neglect of Armes [and Arts] makes them vile and cheap in the peoples eyes; and &s;o makes a repub|lique &s;ink into a ba&s;e <HI>Demo|cracy.</HI></P>
<P N="6">6. When a <HI>Patrician</HI> grows too rich or potent, and E|mulations grow rife about priority, then the republique's lo&s;t: So <HI>Sylla</HI> when he had &s;ubdued <HI>Marius,</HI> and <HI>Ce&s;ar</HI> when <HI>Cra&s;&s;us</HI> was &s;laine, and <HI>Pompey</HI> conquered (who were
<PB N="132" REF="72">then Rivalls in the Empire) carried all before them, and were Tyrants at plea&s;ure.</P>
<P N="7">7. Corre&s;pondency with &s;ome forraign Prince, of any per&s;on in power, may ruine a republique.</P>
<P N="8">8. When any fawning Poplicola, in a time of Famin, or other occa&s;ion, endeavours to gain the people by oppor|tunity and advantage, and by &s;uch arts, gets the power into his own clutches; the&s;e mu&s;t be lookt to, and &s;uppre&s;&s;ed, as <HI>Metius</HI> was in <HI>Rome,</HI> &amp;c. and <HI>Manlius</HI> &amp;c. which King <HI>David</HI> neglecting in <HI>Ab&s;o|&s;om,</HI> run the hazard [of his life and Crown.]</P>
<P N="9">9. A <HI>Republique</HI> falls: to ground oft-times, becau&s;e it wants a <HI>Militia;</HI> when the people &amp; Patritians mutually
<PB N="133" REF="72">fear one another, and there|upon call in forraign Com|manders, which is u&s;uall in <HI>Venice.</HI></P>
<P>Which commanders after &s;ome &s;ignal Victory obtained, either them&s;elves &s;eize upon the common wealth (as <HI>Sfor|za</HI> did at <HI>Millain,</HI> <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">or Colion.</NOTE> and <HI>Bar|tholomew Coline</HI> might have done at <HI>Venice</HI>) or el&s;e they be|tray it to forraign Princes, as <HI>Malate&s;ta</HI> did <HI>Florence.</HI></P>
<P N="10">10. The faction of Citizens, that bear affection to &s;ome faction of &s;trangers, ruine a republique; &s;o all the repub|liques of <HI>Italy</HI> &s;plit them&s;elves into <HI>Guelfes</HI> and <HI>Gibellins,</HI> or (which was wor&s;t of all) into <HI>Neuters;</HI> whereupon dire and di&s;mall &s;laughters and times en&s;ued.</P>
<P>A Republique mu&s;t never
<PB N="134" REF="73">be <HI>Neutrall,</HI> becau&s;e it mu&s;t nece&s;&s;arily be a prey to the Conqueror, not being &s;up|ported either by friends or enemies <HI>[Nec amicis nec ini|micis fota Lat.]</HI></P>
<P N="11">11. A <HI>Republique</HI> falls, when the <HI>People</HI> confide not in the <HI>Nobility,</HI> nor the <HI>Nobi|lity</HI> in them; and therefore they call in a forraign <HI>Umpire,</HI> that will devour them both: as <HI>Florence</HI> call'd in King <HI>Ro|bert,</HI> &amp; <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">or Gene|rall Dux.</NOTE>, the Duke of <HI>Athens.</HI></P>
<P>The remedy is, to com|mit the Vmpirage of the quarrell (not to &s;trangers, but) to religious men, Prie&s;ts that are Natives; as <HI>Moi&s;es</HI> did by Gods command, and as the <HI>Ob&s;ervator</HI> well notes, <Q><HI>The old Gauls did to the Dru|ides, and oft times both they and the Germans, to [godly
<PB N="135" REF="73">and] grave Matrons. But this latter is a crude ob&s;er|vation.</HI></Q></P>
<P N="12">12. Changes of Republique are innumerable, as their cau&s;es are. Read the Floren|tine Hi&s;tory (for that City ran through all varieties of change) and in oppo&s;ition to that the Roman.</P>
</DIV3>
<DIV3 N="13" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. XIII. <HI>Of the Fate and change of Po|pular, or</HI> Democratique <HI>&s;tate, &amp;c.</HI></HEAD>
<P N="1">1. A <HI>Democracy,</HI> or <HI>Po|pular State</HI> a&s;&s;u|redly goes to wrack, when <HI>Ignorant Plebeians</HI> rule, that canno agree among&s;t them|&s;elves, and determine all things
<PB N="136" REF="74">&rindx;by chance or affection.</P>
<P N="2">2. Popular elections are e|ver attended with jarring, and noi&s;e of the multitude, and ob&s;treperous rabble.</P>
<P N="3">3. In the Senate or Parlia|ments of Popular States, he that has the &s;moothe&s;t tongue, is likelie&s;t to cheat the peo|ple, and make him&s;elfe be e|lected, [rules in chief]though he be the verie&s;t <HI>Knave</HI> in the <HI>Pack</HI></P>
<P N="4">4. It marres a Popular State, when the poore&s;t of the people endeavour to grow rich by publique Offices, and the wealthier &s;ort grow Ty|rannous by their riches.</P>
<P>It is dangerous to call in a &s;tranger to the admini&s;tration of ju&s;tice, as the <HI>Florentines</HI> u&s;ed to do; for this is a &s;ym|ptome of di&s;&s;ention among&s;t
<PB N="137" REF="74">the Natives, and oft brings ruine with it, <HI>[yet has it been practi&s;ed el&s;e-where of late, but with like &s;ucce&s;&s;e.]</HI></P>
<P N="5">5. <HI>This Paragraph about provi&s;ions and &s;upplying the publick nece&s;&s;ities by Corn, &amp;c. is treated of in the precedent Chapter.</HI></P>
<P N="6">6. The next Barre of a Democratique State is, the <HI>Generall</HI> that fights their Battails abroad, and returnes home a King as well as a Conqueror; as <HI>Sforza</HI> return|ed to <HI>Millain,</HI> and <HI>Ce&s;ar</HI> to <HI>Rome,</HI> &amp;c.</P>
<P><LABEL>Ob&s;erv.</LABEL></P>
<P><Q><HI>The Romans provided ex|cellently again&s;t this mi&s;|chief, they had ever at hand good &s;tore of &s;itt and able men for the conduct of any Warre, and ever and anone
<PB N="138" REF="75">changed their Commanders, whereby they both &s;ecured their liberty, and by emu|lation provok'd them to ver|tue and valour.</HI></Q></P>
<P N="7">7. An other Engine to bat|ter down Democracy, is a <HI>Publique Benefactor:</HI> that has got Power into his hands: and pretends him&s;elf in hazard of his life by Con&s;pirators: and thereupon de&s;ires a kind of Life Guard for the &s;afety of his Per&s;on, again&s;t his accu&s;ers &amp; tho&s;e he would accu&s;e, and &s;o being thus well provided, hee invades the Throne, (if I may &s;o &s;ay) and dubbs him&s;elf King; &s;o did <HI>Pi&s;istratus</HI> at <HI>Athens.</HI></P>
<P>To prevent this: The Peo|ple mu&s;t commit them&s;elves, to the care and Providence of wi&s;e and religious men: repo|&s;ing all tru&s;t, and confidence
<PB N="139" REF="75">in them: For by not believing <HI>Solon</HI> the Philo&s;opher, who di&s;cover'd to them the de&s;ign of <HI>Pi&s;i&s;tratus,</HI> the Athenians lo&s;t their Liberty.</P>
<P N="8">8. A Common wealth may fall, by the approach of &s;ud|dain [and unexpected] dan|gers: the Common people be|ing dull &amp; heavy in deliberati|ons. So the Romanes lo&s;t <HI>Sa|gunt um</HI> whil&s;t they [&s;lowly] con&s;ulted, how to get it: and the Venetians <HI>Cyprus,</HI> whil&s;t they coldly deliberate how to relieve it.</P>
<P>In this ca&s;e a <HI>Dictator</HI> mu&s;t mu&s;t &s;peedily be pitch'd upon: to Rule, and di&s;patch every thing as him&s;elf &s;ees mo&s;t Ex|pedient, without Coun&s;ell or controll of any man. Nece&s;&s;ity it &s;elf will compell the people to pitch upon none, but the
<PB N="140" REF="76">be&s;t and able&s;t man for that &s;ervice: as the Practice of the Romanes [in that ca&s;e] does witne&s;&s;e.</P>
<P N="9">9. A <HI>Popular</HI> State may mi&s;carry too by &s;ome wealthy Citizen: who does favour and fo&s;ter Poets and Oratours, and Preachers, &amp; Grammari|ans, and all &s;orts of men, that have Eloquence or wit, and by his riches, keeps an <HI>Academy</HI> in his own hou&s;e: of men that can Blazon, &amp; Trumpet forth his prai&s;es and worth to the People <HI>&amp;c.</HI> Thus became <HI>Co&s;|mo Medices</HI> Dake of <HI>Florence.</HI></P>
<P>Let no man, that &s;ets his wits and tongue to &s;ale, have any pare in any Senate or Par|liament. <HI>Greece</HI> quite lo&s;t her &s;elf, by the <HI>Liberty</HI> of <HI>Orati|ons:</HI> &s;o did <HI>Germany</HI> and <HI>France</HI> [by &s;ermons] and the
<PB N="141" REF="76"><HI>Switzers</HI> too late provided a remedy again&s;t this di&s;ea&s;e.</P>
<DIV4 TYPE="section">
<P><HI>The La&s;t Paragraph concer|ning the danger of change.</HI></P>
<P>All <HI>Change</HI> (be it never &s;o little) of the Antient &s;tate of things, in a Commonwealth, or Kingdome is either, a Sign, or Cau&s;e, or Con-Cau&s;e, or Preparation, to an Univer&s;all change of minds: and (by con&s;equence) of all the Re|publique, or Princedome re|volting from its own Princi|ples. As new meates, and new Exerci&s;e, beget a new habit of Body. So</P>
<P><HI>Darius</HI> by affecting to wear a <HI>Macedonian</HI> &s;word, did fore|tell that his Kingdome &s;hould be ruin'd by the armes of <HI>Ma|cedon.</HI> Therefore the change
<PB N="142" REF="77">even of old Fa&s;hions in Appa|rell, of Banquets and <HI>Marri|ages,</HI> and of womens behavi|our, and of old Di&s;cipline, and the Pravity and corruption of youth (as <HI>Cen&s;orinus</HI> notes) new <HI>Lawes</HI> and <HI>Tributes</HI> ought ever to be avoided: for they either &s;uddenly, or to|tally, de&s;troy a Kingdom: Whereupon the <HI>Venetian</HI> will not change &s;o much as his old Originall Garbe in his cloths for (as <HI>Solomon</HI> &s;aies) <HI>Hee that failes in the lea&s;t things, &s;hall by degrees come to nought.</HI></P>
</DIV4>
</DIV3>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 TYPE="conclusion">
<P>The <HI>COROLLARIE,</HI> and Conclu&s;ion.</P>
<P><HI>It is Probitie, and Pietie, that pre&s;erves a King and Peo|ple: and not the unlearned Craft, and &s;ubtlety of</HI> Machi|avell:
<PB N="143" REF="77" MS="y"><HI>For all Vertue, and Power, derives its Originall from Hun: who is the E&s;&s;en|tiall Power, and Wi&s;dom of his Father that Governs all things. To whom be all Glory.</HI></P>
<TRAILER>FINIS.</TRAILER>
</DIV2>
</DIV1>
</BODY>
</TEXT>
</EEBO>
</ETS>
