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<FRONT>
<DIV1 TYPE="title page">
<PB REF="1" MS="y">
<P><HI>The Royall Apologie:</HI>
OR,
AN ANSWER
TO THE
DECLARATION
OF THE
HOUSE OF COMMONS,
the 11. of <HI>February,</HI> 1647.</P>
<P>In which they expre&s;&s;e the Rea&s;ons for their
Re&s;olutions for making no more Ad|dre&s;&s;es,
nor receiving any from
HIS MAJESTY.</P>
<P><HI>AT PARIS,</HI>
Imprinted in the Yeere, 1648.</P>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="to the reader">
<PB REF="2" MS="y">
<PB REF="2">
<OPENER><SALUTE>TO MY
GOOD COUNTRY-MEN
of ENGLAND, and fellow-Subjects of
SCOTLAND, &amp; IRELAND.</SALUTE></OPENER>
<P>_I Shall not in this Epi&s;tle tell you, that by the
Word of God, he that re&s;i&s;teth the Powers or|dained
over us, &s;hall receive to him&s;elfe Dam|nation;
nor that by the Law of the Land, it is
High Trea&s;on to levy War again&s;t the King, to
depo&s;e Him from the Government, to impri&s;on
Him, to adhere to His Enemies, to reforme Him
by force, or to doe any thing with intention to alienate the Hearts
and affections of the People from Him; neither &s;hall I tell you that
it is Perjury, and again&s;t our &s;olemne Oathes and Prote&s;tations,
not to beare unto the King true Faith and Allegeance, and not to
defend His Per&s;on and Honour, and not to maintaine all His ju&s;t
Rights. I &s;hall onely put you in mind of that, which, if we were no
Chri&s;tians but Heathens, if we had no regard of Lawes or Oathes,
yet as <HI>Men,</HI> would bind us, which is the Law of Nature, by which
we are taught, <HI>to doe as we would be done unto.</HI> Let every man
in his owne particular con&s;ider, that if he were accu&s;ed of Tyranny
and Oppre&s;sion, of all &s;orts of cruelties, of intending bloody Ma&s;&s;a|cres,
of mercyle&s;&s;e Torturings, of Perjury, of a continued Track of
Fal&s;hood, and breach of Vowes and Promi&s;es through his whole
life, of conniving at his Fathers death, and di&s;honouring of his Mo|ther,
and in them all, not one word of truth; would he not think it
a mo&s;t barbarous, irrationall, and inhumane proceeding, that he
<PB REF="3">
&s;hould not onely be u&s;ed as if he were guilty of them all, but that he
&s;hould be rendred odious to the world, and infamous to po&s;terity,
without ever being heard or admitted to the means of making any
An&s;wer, whereby to cleare his Innocency and Honour? This is your
Kings ca&s;e, who notwith&s;tanding this libellous Declaration, and
His great misfortunes, is one of the mo&s;t pious, temperate, couragi|ous,
and ju&s;t Princes that our Nation ever had. If He may be affor|ded
no other right, let Him not be denyed that naturall Ju&s;tice which
every man would think due unto him&s;elfe, of not being condemned
unheard and undefended; for what&s;oever is &s;et downe in this An|&s;wer,
is but one private mans knowledg and information; But when
you &s;hall &s;ee the Kings owne perfect An&s;wer, I am mo&s;t confident
your hearts will be on fire to &s;ee &s;o good a King &s;o ill u&s;ed.</P>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="table of contents">
<PB REF="3">
<P>IN regard that &s;ome particulars relating to the &s;ame matter, are &s;poken
of in &s;everall places of this Declaration, for the avoyding of confu&s;ion
in the An&s;wer, they are an&s;wered together; &s;o that in &s;ome things the
place of them is not exactly kept, but &s;ometimes that which is before in the
Declaration, is after in the An&s;wer, therefore in this Index each particular
is &s;et down, and in what page the an&s;wer to it &s;hall be found.</P>
<LIST>
<ITEM>THe Introduction. <HI>Page</HI> 1, 2</ITEM>
<ITEM>That their former Addre&s;&s;es to the King have been fruitle&s;&s;e. 3</ITEM>
<ITEM>They could have no confidence that words &s;hould be more per&s;wa&s;ive with the
King, then &s;ighs and groanes, &amp;c. 4</ITEM>
<ITEM>That they have made &s;even Addre&s;&s;es to the King. <HI>ibid.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>In what &s;ort the Scotch Commi&s;&s;ioners joyned with them; and the Rea&s;ons why
they conceal the Scots pre&s;ent di&s;&s;ent from them. 5, 6</ITEM>
<ITEM>That the King never made any offer fit for them to accept. 7</ITEM>
<ITEM>They &s;ay, they cannot expect that new ingagements &s;hould prevaile more with
the King then His Oath of Coronation, and &s;everall other Vowes which He
hath frequently broken. 8</ITEM>
<ITEM>That the King in His Speeches and Declarations hath laid a fit maxime for all
Tiranny, by avowing that He oweth account of His Actions to none but
God. 9</ITEM>
<ITEM>The match with Spain. 10</ITEM>
<ITEM>The Kings having an Agent at Rome. <HI>ibid.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>The pa&s;&s;ages concerning the death of King <HI>James.</HI> 10, 11, 12, 13</ITEM>
<ITEM>Touching the betraying of <HI>Rochell.</HI> 13, 14</ITEM>
<ITEM>The bringing in of <HI>German</HI> Hor&s;e. 15</ITEM>
<ITEM>Torturing of our bodies with rackes and pillories, &amp;c. 15, 16</ITEM>
<ITEM>The Lording over mens &s;ouls. 17</ITEM>
<ITEM>Searching of Cabinets. <HI>ibid.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Monopolies and Ship-money. 18</ITEM>
<ITEM>The Kings &s;ummoning this pre&s;ent Parliament to have a&s;&s;i&s;tance again&s;t the
Scots. 19</ITEM>
<ITEM>The King &s;o pa&s;&s;ionately affected to His malignant Coun&s;ellors, that He would
rather de&s;ert His Parliament and Kingdome, then deliver them to Law and
Ju&s;tice. 19, 20, 21</ITEM>
<ITEM>The bringing up of the Northern Army. 21, 22</ITEM>
<ITEM>The Rebellion of <HI>Ireland</HI> an&s;wered together. 23, 24, 25, 26</ITEM>
<ITEM>The Kings denying of Commi&s;&s;ions to the Lord <HI>Wharton,</HI> &amp; Lord <HI>Brook.</HI> 26</ITEM>
<ITEM>They &s;ay they need not tell the world how the Scots entred the Kingdom. <HI>ib.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM><PB REF="4">
The Lord Digby's attempting the Country with armed Troops. 26</ITEM>
<ITEM>The Lord Digby's man hiring a Skipper to be Pilot to a Fleet preparing in Den|marke.
27</ITEM>
<ITEM>The Kings Letters to the K. of Denmark touching the Queen his Mother. <HI>ib.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>That the King &s;ent away with the Qu. the ancient Jewels of the Crown. <HI>ib.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>The King &s;ent a &s;pecious Me&s;&s;age of renewing a Treaty, but His Me&s;&s;enger
was to have managed a bloody Ma&s;&s;acre. pag. 27, 28</ITEM>
<ITEM>Touching the Kings march to Brainford. pag. 28</ITEM>
<ITEM>The Kings denying to receive their Petitions. <HI>ibid.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>All things concerning the Queen an&s;wered together. pag. 28, 29</ITEM>
<ITEM>Touching the Letters written to the Pope. pag. 30</ITEM>
<ITEM>The Kings offer of the plunder of London, and foure Northerne Counties to the
Scots. pag. 30, 31</ITEM>
<ITEM>Fire works found in Papi&s;ts hou&s;es. pag. 31</ITEM>
<ITEM>Of putting the Tower into &s;uch hands at the City could not confide in. <HI>ib.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>The Track of open force begun in the Kings coming to the Hou&s;e, and charging
&s;ome Members of Trea&s;on. 32</ITEM>
<ITEM>That the King entred into the Councel-booke, that the calling of them a Parlia|ment
did not make them &s;o. 33</ITEM>
<ITEM>Their &s;tanding amazed at the Kings &s;olemne Protestation of having no thought
to make War against his Parliament, &amp;c. <HI>ibid.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>That the King endeavoured to get Powder and Cannon out of Hull. <HI>ib.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>That the King proclaimed them Traitors and Rebels, and &s;et up his Standard
against his Parliament. 34</ITEM>
<ITEM>That the King called a Mock-Parliament at Oxford. <HI>ib.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>The Kings breach of Tru&s;t with the Prote&s;tants of France, Scotland, Ireland,
&amp;c. and His endeavours to en&s;lave them by German, Spani&s;h, French, Da|ni&s;h,
&amp;c. 35</ITEM>
<ITEM>That the King having prote&s;ted that He would never con&s;ent to a Toleration
of the Popi&s;h Religion, nor taking away the Lawes against Recu&s;ants, did yet
by His Letters &s;ignifie His con&s;ent to the taking of them away. <HI>ib.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>That notwithstanding that the Hou&s;es and Scotch Commi&s;&s;ioners did declare
that they held a Per&s;onall Treaty not &s;afe, yet the Hou&s;es yeelded to it. 36</ITEM>
<ITEM>That they intimate that the &s;igning of the foure Bils was onely for their &s;ecurity
during the Treaty. <HI>ib.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Of the ju&s;tne&s;&s;e, honourablene&s;&s;e, and nece&s;&s;ity of the foure Bils. 37, 38</ITEM>
<ITEM>That in refu&s;ing this their last Application, the King hath forgot His duty to
the Kingdome. 39</ITEM>
<ITEM>That for the&s;e rea&s;ons they have taken the&s;e re&s;olutions and votes, to have no
more to doe with His Majesty, and to &s;ettle the Kingdom without Him. 40</ITEM>
<ITEM>The Conclu&s;ion, &s;etting down the fal&s;hood, fraud, and malice of all that is &s;aid in
this Declaration. 40, 41, 42</ITEM>
</LIST>
</DIV1>
</FRONT>
<BODY>
<DIV1 TYPE="treatise">
<PB N="1" REF="4">
<HEAD>The Royall Apology.</HEAD>
<HEAD>OR,
An ANSWER to the DECLARATION
of the Hou&s;e of Commons of <DATE>the 11. of Feb. 1647.</DATE> in which
they expre&s;&s;e the Rea&s;ons of their Re&s;olutions for making no
more Addre&s;&s;es, nor receiving any, From His Maje&s;ty.</HEAD>
<P>_WHen the Son of <HI>Croe&s;us</HI> who had never &s;poken (being borne
dumbe) &s;aw his father ready to be de&s;troyed, nature brake
open all tho&s;e ligaments that had formerly tyed up his
tongue, &amp; he cryed out, That his Father might be &s;aved: The
King that ought to be the common Father of us all, &amp; is &s;til
of his Loyall Subjects, is upon the point of being de&s;troyed; He is depo&s;ed
from his right of Governing, clo&s;e impri&s;oned, and no Addre&s;&s;es either to
Him, or from Him is admitted; and which is more, His honour and Inno|cency
which are dearer to him then his Life, are indeavour'd by this wicked
and fal&s;e Declaration (made by the Hou&s;e of Commons) to be bla&s;ted, and
Him&s;elf rendred to His people and to Po&s;terity, the mo&s;t odious and de|te&s;table
of Men, and the mo&s;t tyrannicall of Kings, whil&s;t He him&s;elf is de|tained
in clo&s;e pri&s;on, and in likelyhood kept ignorant of what is &s;aid, or
working again&s;t Him; Or if He (for His further vexation) have notice of
what He is accu&s;ed, all meanes of clearing Him&s;elf, and vindicating. His
honour are debarred Him; His Papers of the Tran&s;action of Affaires
kept from Him; the acce&s;&s;e of any of His Secretaries, or His Privy Coun|&s;ell,
or Coun&s;ell of Law not admitted.</P>
<P>The Hou&s;es when they impeach the mo&s;t capitall Offenders even of
high Trea&s;on, in &s;uch Ca&s;es the &s;uppo&s;ed Delinquents are allowed Tran|&s;cripts
of their Accu&s;ations, Coun&s;ell in the point of Law, and a convenient
time for the publi&s;hing of their An&s;wer; and this was afforded unto the
<HI>Earle of Strafford,</HI> the <HI>Arch-Bi&s;hop of Canterbury,</HI> and is now to the <HI>&s;ix Lords</HI>
impeached of high Trea&s;on; &amp; is a Ju&s;tice not denyed to Traitors &amp; Mur|derers?
But how it can be afforded to the King, I cannot &s;ee, &s;ince He him|&s;elf
can make no addre&s;&s;e whereby to obtain it, and no man el&s;e may upon
<PB N="2" REF="5">
Paine of death make any Addre&s;&s;e unto him to receive his directions.</P>
<P>This certainly may be a &s;ufficient motive to any man, nay to all men, as
it hath been to me, in this di&s;tre&s;&s;e and oppre&s;&s;ion of the King, to &s;et down
what is in their knowledge and rea&s;on toward the confuting of tho&s;e ma|licious
A&s;per&s;ions ca&s;t upon him by this Declaration, untill God &s;hall give
the King means by his own full and perfect An&s;wer to blow back the poy|&s;onous
and infectious vapours into the faces of that prevalent Party (that
with Art and Terrour carried this Declaration) to their perpetuall infamy
and &s;hame: And in the interim, I &s;hall de&s;ire that this may be received
but onely as a preparative to keep the mindes of men from being too much
carried away with one &s;tory untill the other Tale be told.</P>
<P>THe Scope of this Declaration is expre&s;&s;ed to be, to &s;et down the Rea|&s;ons
for the&s;e en&s;uing Re&s;olutions.</P>
<LIST>
<ITEM>1. That they will make no farther Addre&s;&s;es nor Applications to the King.</ITEM>
<ITEM>2. That no Application nor Addre&s;&s;es be made to the King by any Per&s;on
what&s;oever, without the leave of both Hou&s;es.</ITEM>
<ITEM>3. That they will receive no more any Me&s;&s;age from the King, &amp; do enjoyn
that to Per&s;on what&s;oever do pre&s;ume to receive, or bring any Me&s;&s;age from the
King to both or either Hou&s;e of Parliament, or to any other Per&s;on.</ITEM>
<ITEM>4. That the Per&s;on or Per&s;ons that &s;hall make breach of this Order, &s;hall in|cur
the Penalties of high Trea&s;on.</ITEM>
</LIST>
<P>So that it may be ju&s;tly expected that this Declaration &s;hall lay down
unto the people whom they intend to &s;atisfie, &s;uch Rea&s;ons as may ju&s;tifie
the &s;aid Votes, with the Con&s;equences and proceedings thereupon.</P>
<P>And the way to make plaine the &s;trength of their Argument, is, to &s;et it
down plainly, which mu&s;t run thus;</P>
<P>A King having committed tho&s;e crimes which are &s;et down in this De|claration,
the Hou&s;es may remove from the Government, impri&s;on Him,
and debar all Addre&s;&s;es to him and from him, as they have done.</P>
<P>But King CHARLS hath committed the&s;e crimes; and &s;o the Hou&s;es
may proceed again&s;t Him, as they have done.</P>
<P>When a clear An&s;wer &s;hall be made unto this Argument, the debate will
be brought unto a &s;horter i&s;&s;ue, and the people before whom the &s;eene now
lieth, will have an ea&s;ie way to frame a Judgement, whether they ought to
be &s;atisfied with the proceeding of the Hou&s;es, [as is pretended by this
Declaration,] or whether they &s;hall not have ju&s;t cau&s;e to dete&s;t and abo|minate
both their Declaration and their Proceedings.</P>
<P>The An&s;wer briefly is, That both Propo&s;itions are fal&s;e; The fir&s;t, that
a King doing tho&s;e things laid down in this Declaration may be removed
from the Government, impri&s;on'd, &amp;c. by the Hou&s;es.</P>
<P>The &s;econd is, That King <HI>Charls</HI> hath done the things alleadged in this
Declaration; But becau&s;e the &s;econd Propo&s;ition is that which this De|claration
endeavours cheifly to infer and make good, This An&s;wer &s;hall
<PB N="3" REF="5">
fir&s;t in&s;i&s;t upon the truth or fal&s;ehood of the matters of fact; viz. <HI>Whether
the King have done the things &s;ugge&s;ted?</HI> And afterward &s;hew briefly, the
Impiety, danger, and Trea&s;onablene&s;&s;e of the fir&s;t; viz. <HI>That &s;ubjects may
upon Sugge&s;tions, if true as they are fal&s;e, depo&s;e their King.</HI></P>
<P>THE entrance into this Declaration is in the&s;e Words; <HI>How fruitle&s;&s;e
our former Addre&s;&s;es have been to the King, is well known unto the World.</HI>
It is willingly left unto the Judgement of the World to whom they ap|peal,
whether the Addre&s;&s;es of the Hou&s;es [whil&s;t their Addre&s;&s;es were
made unto the King in &s;uch dutifull and &s;ober manner as Subjects, yea even
the Hou&s;es them&s;elves ought to addre&s;&s;e them&s;elves unto their King] were
fruitle&s;&s;e, when &s;o many things have by the King been this Parliament con|de&s;cended
unto, as have enforced them to acknowledge in &s;ome of their
Publike Declarations, That the King hath granted more for the liberty and
ea&s;e of his people, then had been granted by any of his Predece&s;&s;ors; I think
with truth it might have been &s;aid, then all of them; and it will not be ami&s;s
to &s;et down &s;ome of them; The high Court of Star-Chamber; The high
Commi&s;&s;ion, and five Courts more of Ju&s;tice, all e&s;tabli&s;hed by Law (pre|tended
to be for the ea&s;e of the people, but apparently much to the le&s;&s;e|ning
of the Authority of the Crown) have been wholly aboli&s;hed; an Act
for a trienniall Parliament; another for the taking away of the Kings un|doubted
Power of di&s;&s;olving this, without the Con&s;ent of the Hou&s;es; an
Act for regulating the power of the Councel Table, according to their own
de&s;ires; an Act for the taking away the Bi&s;hops Votes in Parliament; an
Act for the bounding and limiting of Forre&s;ts; others for the re&s;training
of the King to lay Impo&s;itions, to levy Tonnage and Poundage,
or to Pre&s;&s;e Souldiers without con&s;ent of Parliament. All the&s;e with ma|ny
more have been <HI>the fruits of their former addre&s;&s;es unto the King;</HI> And
now if they finde any &s;top or refu&s;all in what they propound, it is not for
that the Kings inclination and readine&s;s to gratifie his people is le&s;&s;ened or
alter'd; but it is that they have altered their mannerly and dutifull wayes of
their Addre&s;&s;es, and now will force by Armes and Victories what they had
wont to petition for. And for the matters de&s;ired, whereas before there
was in them a pretence of the Kings honour and &s;afety, and of the Subjects
ea&s;e and liberty, in the Propo&s;itions now in&s;i&s;ted upon, it is cleerly apparent,
That the King is by them unthroned; The Soveraignty taken from Him,
and placed in them&s;elves; And the Subject (which if they would have con|tented
them&s;elves with the above &s;pecified Conce&s;&s;ions, &s;hould have been
the happie&s;t and free&s;t people of all the Subjects in Chri&s;tendom) &s;hall (if
the King &s;hould conde&s;cend to their late demands) become Slaves in their
Liberties, Lives, and Properties, by being left to the arbitrary and lawle&s;s
Power of them, their fellow Subjects; and this is &s;o beleived by all men but
them&s;elves and their Adherents, even by their brethren of <HI>Scotland,</HI> which
hath admini&s;tred unto them ju&s;t grounds of their di&s;&s;enting from them; as
<PB N="4" REF="6">
&s;hall be made apparent before this di&s;cour&s;e be ended.</P>
<P><HI>Whereas they &s;ay next, That</HI> they could not have confidence that words
&s;hould prevaile more with Him then Sighs and Groanes, <HI>&amp;c.</HI></P>
<P>Let the world judge whether the&s;e men at ea&s;e and inve&s;ted with all
Power and Authority, are more likely to be moved with &s;ighs and groans,
cries of Fathers, &amp; Mothers, &amp; Children, &amp;c. or the King who is debarr'd
the &s;ociety of the Queen his mo&s;t dear Wife; his Children bani&s;h'd or un|der
re&s;traint; His Friends ruin'd, de&s;troyed, and per&s;ecuted; and &s;ome for
their love and Loyalty to His Per&s;on, hang'd, drawn, and quarter'd; and
all in danger of it, that &s;hall in any &s;ort indeavour to &s;erve him; Him&s;elfe
dive&s;ted of all manner of comfort either for His body or Soul; be&s;ides the
tender &s;en&s;e that he mu&s;t needs have of the mi&s;eries of his people: mu&s;t
not the World conclude the King not only to be void of all naturall affe|ctions,
and all bowels of compa&s;&s;ion, both towards Him&s;elf, and all that
are neare&s;t and deare&s;t unto Him, but to want al&s;o common &s;en&s;e and un|der&s;tanding,
if He &s;hould not imbrace all meanes that with honour and
con&s;cience He might, for the &s;peedie&s;t &s;ettlement of the di&s;tracted and mi|&s;erable
condition of him&s;elf, and His Kingdomes?</P>
<P><HI>It is then &s;aid, that</HI> they were never forced to any Treaty, and yet they have
made &s;even times application to the King, notwith&s;tanding their great &s;ucce&s;s in
overthrowing all His forces, &s;o that he fled in di&s;gui&s;e to the Scots.</P>
<P>It is true, that they &s;o well laid their bu&s;ine&s;&s;e, that at the fir&s;t they po&s;|&s;e&s;&s;ed
them&s;elves of the power of all the Kingdom both by &s;ea and land;
of the City of <HI>London;</HI> and of the Kings Cu&s;toms; of his Revenue; of His
Magazins; and of the abu&s;ed hearts of his people; whereas the King wanting
every thing but a good cau&s;e, hath from the beginning only &s;truggled to
&s;ub&s;i&s;t: But let not Succe&s;&s;e again&s;t the King be vanted of; Succe&s;&s;e is not
alwaies a Proof of a good Cau&s;e, God hath often puni&s;h'd his Church by
the power of Infidels, and made wicked men the Scourge wherewith he
hath cha&s;ti&s;ed his Children, and then ca&s;t the rod into the fire, and lifted up
the heads of his afflicted Servants.</P>
<P>Whereas they &s;ay, <HI>That they have made 7. times applications unto the King
for Peace,</HI> Their own con&s;ciences (I mean &s;o many of them as have been be|hind
the Curtain) do tell them, That &s;o many times they have offended
God, and abu&s;ed the World with dete&s;table Hypocri&s;ie, by making &s;hew
of that which was never in their thoughts: And all the &s;aid Treaties which
they &s;peak of, were ever with tho&s;e unrea&s;onable, uncon&s;cionable, &amp; di&s;ho|nourable
Propo&s;itions, that they well knew that their Intentions of conti|nuing
of a War could run no hazard by &s;uch Propo&s;als for Peace; yet who|&s;oever
&s;hall peru&s;e all tho&s;e &s;everall Treaties which are with great exact|ne&s;&s;e
&s;et down in their own Books (and printed by their own Order) of
Exact Collections, will to be able judge of the difference of Spirits then
walking; In them in&s;tead of Rea&s;ons, it will be found that improbable fu|ture
<PB N="5" REF="6">
fears and jealou&s;ies, and the advantage of their pre&s;ent Condition, have
been the ground of their Propo&s;als; And on His Maje&s;ties part there will
be clearly &s;een, a bowing and &s;tretching to a Compliance with them, to the
utmo&s;t that could &s;tand with his Con&s;cience, Safety, and Honour: To the&s;e
Volumes of theirs, I refer the Reader, that &s;eeing both &s;ides, he may frame
unto him&s;elfe a Judgement where the fault lies, if their Addre&s;&s;es have
been fruitle&s;&s;e.</P>
<P><HI>To countenance no more their former Treaties, and the Conditions
propo&s;ed in them, they further &s;ay,</HI> That in all their former Addre&s;&s;es the
Commi&s;&s;ioners of <HI>Scotland</HI> agreed with them, and joyned with their Commi&s;&s;io|ners
in attending the King.</P>
<P><HI>In which Affirmation they do not u&s;e the ingenuity and clearne&s;s which
the Hou&s;e hath in former Parliaments u&s;ed to do, in that which they pub|li&s;hed
unto the Kingdom; for although it be true, that the Commi&s;&s;ioners
of</HI> Scotland <HI>agreed to the &s;ending of the Propo&s;itions unto the King at</HI>
Newca&s;tle, <HI>yet in their publike printed Declaration of their &s;aid con&s;ent,
bearing date the 25. of</HI> June 1646. <HI>they declare their want of &s;atisfaction in
many particulars; in &s;o much as they &s;ay, That</HI> &s;ome of the particulars are
incon&s;i&s;tent with the word of God, and others wherein they remain un&s;atisfied: yet
notwith&s;tanding &s;o great was their de&s;ire to &s;ee an end of this bloody war, &amp; the
ea&s;ing of tho&s;e heavy pre&s;&s;ures under which both the Kingdoms groaned, that up|on
tho&s;e Con&s;iderations they con&s;ented to many materiall parts of tho&s;e Propo&s;iti|ons;
&amp; to make no let, but to give way to the &s;ending of &s;uch other particulars, as
they were &s;till un&s;atisfied in the matter, for the rea&s;ons formerly pre&s;ented in their
Papers unto the Hou&s;es. <HI>And this their A&s;&s;ent they declare to be with &s;everal
provi&s;o's, as will appear by their &s;aid An&s;wer; The la&s;t of which, is, that</HI> it is
not their Judgement that every particular of the&s;e Propo&s;itions is of &s;o great im|portance
to the Kingdoms, that Peace and War &s;hould depend thereupon.</P>
<P>Now let it be impartially judged, whether it be an ingenious manner of
proceeding, to &s;et down a perfect con&s;ent, &amp; to conceal the conditions, and
provi&s;o's, upon the which the <HI>Scots</HI> declare their con&s;ent, is grounded.</P>
<P>But that which is mo&s;t remarkable concerning the <HI>Scots,</HI> is, that having
thus artificially in&s;inuated to the people their former concurrence with
them, now when they make their Declaration to the Kingdome, for the
&s;tating truly of the whole bu&s;ine&s;&s;e, and the rea&s;on for having no more
to do with the King, grounded upon the Kings la&s;t An&s;wer concerning the
four Bils, they remember not in this their finall Declaration, the di&s;&s;ent
of the <HI>Scots;</HI> nor their unan&s;werable Rea&s;ons for their &s;aid di&s;&s;ent; nor the
Prote&s;tations of the &s;aid <HI>Commi&s;&s;ioners</HI> delivered unto the King in the name
of the Kingdom of <HI>Scotland,</HI> declaring their di&s;&s;ent to tho&s;e Propo&s;itions;
for the not yeilding whereunto, the King is not only by the&s;e Votes de|po&s;ed
in effect, and another government without Him &s;et up by them|&s;elves,
but His Royall Per&s;on u&s;ed with greater &s;everity, &amp; inhumanity, then
<PB N="6" REF="7">
theeves, and murderers are in the common gaols; for to them it is permit|ted
to have the comfort of Phy&s;itians for the body, and of Divines for
their &s;ouls, whereas to the King there is no meanes left to aske them.</P>
<P>The rea&s;on why they conceal this di&s;&s;ent of the <HI>Scots,</HI> is, for that they
would have the Kings refu&s;all of the Bils, to be a&s;cribed only to his <HI>wil|fulne&s;&s;e,</HI>
and to his <HI>per&s;i&s;ting in his wonted wayes</HI> (as they call it;) but would
not have the people thinke that the King had many of his mind; where|as
if the truth might appear, it would be found, that few be&s;ides that pre|valent
party in the lower Hou&s;e, and Army, with the Sectaries depending
on them, that hold not their Propo&s;itions mo&s;t unrea&s;onable, and their
u&s;age of the King mo&s;t dete&s;table.</P>
<P>Further, if the former a&s;&s;ent, and concurrence of the <HI>Scots</HI> with them,
be u&s;ed as an argument for the countenancing, and better ju&s;tifying of their
former Treati&s;e and Propo&s;itions; their pre&s;ent di&s;&s;ent, and their unan&s;we|rable
rea&s;ons &s;et down in their Declaration again&s;t the four Bils, again&s;t
their deniall of the King a Per&s;onall Treaty, and again&s;t his want of free|dom,
together with their &s;olemn Prote&s;tation grounded upon them, in the
name of the whole Kingdome, ought in rea&s;on at lea&s;t to put a &s;tand upon
mens judgements untill all tales be told; and not be carried away by a
Declaration of the &s;ingle Hou&s;e of Commons, without the concurrance
of the Peers; and not pa&s;&s;ed unanimou&s;ly in that Hou&s;e, but by the power
of a prevalent party.</P>
<P>For who&s;oever &s;hall con&s;ider the former brotherhood, and &s;trict union
betwixt the Hou&s;es and the <HI>Scots;</HI> and how &s;ub&s;ervient they have been
unto them, and their affaires; how they have twice entred this Kingdom,
The fir&s;t time by their invitement, The &s;econd time by their mo&s;t earne&s;t
&s;olicitation and hire; and how the <HI>Scots</HI> choo&s;e rather the adherence to
them, then unto their owne native King; how far they gratifie them by
delivery of him into their hands; and how they were become brothers in
Intere&s;ts, in Armes, in Covenant; who&s;oever &s;hall con&s;ider this &s;trict
conjunction, cannot but thinke that the <HI>Scots</HI> have &s;ome great rea&s;on of
Con&s;cience, Intere&s;t, and Honour, for their pre&s;ent de&s;erting of them in
the&s;e their new demands, and rigorous way of proceeding with the King.</P>
<P>The nation hath &s;eldom been charged with want of prudence or dexte|rity
in their actions; &amp; the Hou&s;es have found (as to them) great ju&s;tne&s;s,
and punctuality in their proceedings; by comming in according to agree|ment,
and by going out according to promi&s;e; but now finding not onely
their Covenants and Agreements cluded, but the very grounds and true
ends for which they &s;ay they entred into Covenant, and joyntly took up
Armes, viz. <HI>The reformation and conformity in Religion, the defence of the
Kings Per&s;on, honour, and ju&s;t greatne&s;&s;e, with the Laws, and Liberties of the
Kingdom, &amp;c.</HI> If they now find that the ways which the now prevalent par|ty
do pur&s;ue, are de&s;tructive to them all, and diametricall oppo&s;ite to the&s;e
<PB N="7" REF="7">
&s;ettlements which they have alwayes declared to intend; as if in&s;tead of
conformity in Religion there &s;hal be brought in, &amp; tolerated a multitude of
Here&s;ies and Sects; If in&s;tead of the Kings honour, &s;afety, and greatne&s;&s;e,
they that have had more then a hundred Kings, &s;hall &s;ee Monarchy inten|ded
to be levelled, and the per&s;on of their native King, wor&s;e u&s;ed then a
thief, or murtherer in a Gaole; If they &s;hall &s;ee all Law, Liberty, &amp; proper|ty
of the Subject, endeavoured to be &s;ettled under the arbitrary tyrannicall
Power of a prevalent party, and an over-awing Army; If all the&s;e things
be, who can wonder if the <HI>Scots</HI> have changed their way, and concurrence,
when they find all tho&s;e Principles upon which they were engaged, to be
totally changed.</P>
<P>It hath therefore been wi&s;dom in this Declaration, to mention the <HI>Scots</HI>
former concurrence, and to pa&s;&s;e by their pre&s;ent di&s;&s;ent, the cau&s;e where|of
they knew will not indure the &s;earching.</P>
<P>They then &s;ay, <HI>the King never made any offer fit for them to accept:</HI> It &s;eems
the <HI>Scots</HI> are of another mind, who declare their judgements to be, that
<HI>his offers from Carisbrooke-Ca&s;tle might have given &s;atisfaction.</HI> But &s;ince they
will never remember any thing, but that which is for their advantage, it
will be fit to put them in mind of &s;ome petty &s;light offers, that by the King
have been made unto them, leaving a&s;ide his generall Reque&s;t unto them.
<HI>That they would &s;et down together all &s;uch means as would give them &s;atisfacti|on,
whereunto they &s;hould recive a gracious and &s;atisfactory an&s;wer, to all that
they could ju&s;tly or rea&s;onably de&s;ire;</HI> but this being in <HI>January,</HI> 1642. time
may have worne it out of memory: But they may remember his offers
from <HI>Holdenby,</HI> from <HI>Hampton-Court,</HI> and from <HI>Carisbrooke-Ca&s;tle,</HI> In them
He offered the <HI>&s;ettling of Religion in the Presbyterian way</HI> (which was that
which them&s;elves had Voted) <HI>for three years, and then to be fully &s;ettled as
&s;hould be agreed on by their owne a&s;&s;embly of Divines, only with the addition of
twenty to be nominated by Him&s;elf,</HI> to the end that before a full and finall
&s;ettlement all rea&s;ons might be heard, yet no doubt might be rai&s;ed of
carrying any thing by plurality of Votes, &s;ince tho&s;e nominated by them|&s;elves,
were four times the number.</P>
<P><HI>He hath offered,</HI> to put the whole power of the Kingdom both by &s;ea and land
into their hands, during the whole terme of His Reigne.</P>
<P><HI>And for the civill Government, he hath offred them,</HI> the nomination of all
tho&s;e Ministers by whom the Kingdome is to be governed.</P>
<P>He hath offred, <HI>a generall pardon &amp; an Act of oblivion;</HI> which is an impor|tant
point, if that be true which Sir <HI>Edw. Cooke,</HI> Judge <HI>Jenkins,</HI> and all the
books of Law do tell us; or that the Army have not changed their minds,
who a few moneths &s;ince did declare, that <HI>no Indempnity could be &s;afe with|out
the Royall a&s;&s;ent, and that they would not be &s;atisfied with any other.</HI></P>
<P>He hath offred 400000. <HI>Pounds, to be pay'd in the &s;pace of one year and an
halfe, for the payment of the arrears of the Army:</HI> But all the&s;e trifles are not
<PB N="8" REF="8">
worthy to be remembred, although their memory doth &s;erve them better,
when they come to make up the Catalogue of the&s;e fal&s;e and &s;candalous
reproaches, wherewith they revile their King, the Lords Anointed.</P>
<P>But whereas they &s;ay, That the <HI>Kings offers are not fit for them to accept;</HI>
in that certainly they declare the truth, if they make their own unlimited
aimes, and ambitions, the mea&s;ure of what is fit for them; for they will no
wayes content them&s;elves, with &s;uch a narrow and unlimited Soveraignty
as our former Kings have had, re&s;trained in our Laws, in our liberties, &amp; in
our proprieties; but they <HI>pro arbitrio</HI> wil levy what forces they plea&s;e, with|out
limitation of number, or di&s;tinction of per&s;ons, or quality; rai&s;e what
moneys they plea&s;e, for the &s;upport of this their military dominion; and
make what lawes they li&s;t, without any other a&s;&s;ent but their own, and
remain everla&s;tingly a <HI>repre&s;entative</HI> of the people, whether they will or
not; &s;o that really making their aimes and intentions the mea&s;ure of what
is fit for them to accept, no offers or conditions can be fit for them, that
&s;hall not e&s;tabli&s;h them in a more ab&s;olute power and dominion then ever
any King of <HI>England</HI> had; or any King of Chri&s;tendome hath; or the Grand
Seignior him&s;elfe doth practice.</P>
<P><HI>They then &s;ay,</HI> They cannot &s;ee how it &s;hould be expected, that a new engage|ment
could prevaile on Him, or engage Him more, then the &s;olemn Oath at His
Coronation, with &s;everall other vowes, prote&s;tations, and imprecations, &s;o fre|quently
broken by Him, during His whole Reign.</P>
<P>Let it be calmly con&s;idered of, whether this be a mode&s;t, and decent
way of a Hou&s;e of Commons, thus upon generals to charge their King as
a perjured man, whom they have ever profe&s;&s;ed they would make <HI>a glo|rious
King;</HI> e&s;pecially when their &s;aid charge is as fal&s;e in the matter, as
&s;hamefull in the manner; for they are not able to fix upon the King any
one particular, wherein He hath broken His Oath or Prote&s;tation, when
the truth of the fact, and circum&s;tances, &s;hall be truly &s;et down on the be|halfe
of the King, as well as their fal&s;e relations of the &s;aid fact, with their
inferences, &s;trains, and malitious glo&s;&s;es thereupon, and doubtle&s;&s;e if the
King were not highly punctuall, &amp; religious in the ob&s;ervance of the &s;aid
Oath, He would not &s;uffer tho&s;e mi&s;eries &amp; hazards which He doth, rather
then infringe it.</P>
<P>But let the breaking of Oaths &amp; Prote&s;tations, be with equality looked
upon; let the obligation of their naturall Allegiance, the Oathes of Supre|macy
and Allegeance, without taking whereof they cannot be Members of
their Hou&s;e; Let the &s;olemn Prote&s;tation taken by them at the beginning
of this Parliament, in which they did <HI>promi&s;e, vow, and prote&s;t in the pre&s;ence
of God, with their life, power, &amp; e&s;tate, according to the duty of their Allegeance,
to maintain, and defend His Maje&s;ties Royall Per&s;on, Honour &amp; E&s;tate;</HI> which,
how well it hath been performed, let their own con&s;ciences tell them.
Let their Solemne League and Covenant taken with their hands lifted
<PB N="9" REF="8">
up to God <HI>never to depart from that ble&s;&s;ed union &amp; conjunction, as they &s;hall
an&s;wer it in the pre&s;ence of God, the Searcher of all hearts, at the dreadfull day of
judgement,</HI> how they have kept it, let their brethren of <HI>Scotland</HI> tell them; &amp;
M. <HI>Martin</HI> who &s;tiles it, <HI>an Almanack of the la&s;t year,</HI> &amp; out of date; and the
An&s;wer of the Scots Declaration, that termeth it <HI>ab&s;urd, &amp; hypocriticall;
humane, &amp; &s;o alterable.</HI></P>
<P>Let them remember all the&s;e, and their often repeated Prote&s;tations of
making the King <HI>a glorious King,</HI> and con&s;ider their pre&s;ent u&s;age of His
Per&s;on, &amp; their endeavours by this Declaration, of rendring Him infamous
to the world, and to all po&s;terity.</P>
<P>Let them likewi&s;e con&s;ider that their pre&s;ent animo&s;ity again&s;t the
King, is cheifly becau&s;e they cannot make Him con&s;ent to be perjured. He
hath &s;worn to maintain the Laws; to protect His Subjects; to defend
the Church; to maintain the Religion e&s;tabli&s;hed by the Laws; to uphold
the ju&s;t rights inherent in the Crown, or legally thereunto annexed; and
becau&s;e He will not con&s;ent to be perjured in them all, (which He mu&s;t
be, if He &s;hould con&s;ent to their demands) He mu&s;t be declared <HI>unworthy
to governe;</HI> and (as hath been &s;aid by &s;ome among them) <HI>not worthy to live;
be clo&s;e impri&s;oned,</HI> and <HI>debarred of all comforts of life.</HI> God in his due time
will be Judge between them and the King, and &s;o will be all &s;ober and
di&s;intere&s;ted men.</P>
<P>Then they &s;ay, <HI>That the King in His publick Speeches and Declarations,
hath laid a fit foundation for all tiranny, by this mo&s;t de&s;tructive maxime or
principle, which He &s;aith He mu&s;t avow, That</HI> HE OWETH AN ACCOUNT
OF HIS ACTIONS TO NONE BUT GOD ALONE; AND THAT
THE HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT JOYNT OR SEPARATR
HAVE NO POWER TO MAKE OR DECLARE ANY LAW.</P>
<P>For the fir&s;t part of this Maxime, the King avoweth but that which
the Law of God and the Law of <HI>England</HI> avoweth; and what all the Mo|narchs
and States of Chri&s;tendom, that have Soveraign &amp; Supream power
will avow; and would puni&s;h as high and capitall offenders, any that
&s;hould avow the contrary. As for the &s;econd clau&s;e, the King hath often
declared, That He doth not pretend to the making of Laws &s;ingly of Him|&s;elfe,
but by the advice and con&s;ent of the two Hou&s;es: neither can the
Hou&s;es joynt or &s;eparate, nor He with the con&s;ent of either Hou&s;e alone,
make a Law, but there mu&s;t be a concurrence of all three: The two Hou|&s;es
fir&s;t to con&s;ent and pray, and then the King maketh it a Law, by his
declaring the Royall a&s;&s;ent by <HI>Le Roy le veut.</HI> As for the declaring of
the Law, that it is the interpreting of the Law <HI>in dubiis &amp; ob&s;curis, vel &s;i
aliqua dictio duos contineat intellectus:</HI> If the words of the Law be doubt|full
and ob&s;cure, or may bear two &s;en&s;es; the Iudges in their Courts may
interpret and declare the meaning of the Law, and the &s;ame is done in Par|liament
upon Writs of Error; but that is in the high Court of Parlia|ment
<PB N="10" REF="9">
before the King and the Lords, and not before the Commons, who
are no Court: But this Declaration mu&s;t not be under&s;tood of plain and
cleer ca&s;es, nor to the overthrowing of the literall &s;en&s;e, nor of the e|quity
of the Law; otherwi&s;e to declare and to make a Law, were all one
in effect.</P>
<P>But not to enter upon any moot Ca&s;e, or conte&s;tation of a Law point,
Let it be judged, whether upon this Maxime, it be a &s;ober or dutifull
expre&s;&s;ion, that the King hath <HI>laid a foundation for all tiranny;</HI> but e&s;pecially
whether from this charge any ju&s;t or colourable ground may be laid, for
the ju&s;tifying of their Votes, or their pre&s;ent proceeding with the King.</P>
<P>They then &s;peak of the Articles for the intended match with <HI>Spain,</HI>
which were treated of 25 yeers &s;ince by King <HI>James;</HI> And likewi&s;e of the
Articles of the match with <HI>France,</HI> which certainly &s;hould be without
their <HI>cognizance,</HI> for the Hou&s;es of Parliament have declared often, <HI>the
the making of peace and war, and the marriage of the Kings Children, belong
wholy to the King;</HI> And it is well known that Queen <HI>Elizabeth</HI> inpri&s;oned
a Member of the Hou&s;e of commons, for pre&s;uming to &s;peak in that Hou&s;e
concerning Her marriage. And the Articles of the marriage with <HI>France,</HI>
were likewi&s;e agreed by King <HI>James</HI> before His death; but how&s;oever, it
is a great audacity in the Hou&s;e of Commons, &s;ingly, (after more then 20.
yeers, and many intervenient Parliaments that would never pre&s;ume to
meddle with the Kings marriage, nor the treaty thereupon) now to draw
arguments from thence, whereby to di&s;-affect the people to the King; but
that they wil leave no corner un&s;wept, nor action un&s;trained, whereby they
may render the King le&s;&s;e beloved.</P>
<P>And as for keeping a continued corre&s;pondency with <HI>Rome,</HI> or having
<HI>an Agent</HI> of His there (as is alleaged in this Declaration;) it is mo&s;t fal&s;e.
The Queen perhaps may have had and maintained &s;ome per&s;on there, for
&s;uch things as &s;he held nece&s;&s;ary for Her, in point of Her devotion; &amp; it is
well-known, that concerning the affairs of the Princes of Chri&s;tendome,
from no place &s;o perfect knowledge and intelligence could be got as from
<HI>Rome;</HI> &amp; Q. <HI>Elizabeth,</HI> and King <HI>James</HI> (that were wi&s;e Princes, &amp; no Pa|pi&s;ts)
were of that minde, and were at no &s;mall charge to hold corre&s;pon|dency
from time to time with every eminent per&s;on of that Court, with|out
the leave of the Hou&s;e of Commons, being a body not well modell'd
for &s;ecrecy, con&s;i&s;ting of near five hundred per&s;ons; But the hatred to the
<HI>Pope</HI> &amp; <HI>Rome</HI> is &s;uch, that it was thought the very naming of them, would
reflect with &s;ome hatred upon the King, which was that which was only
aimed at.</P>
<P>Then they come to plant their maine piece of battery, or indeed
rather to worke in their Mine, whereby they would blow up the Ho|nour
of His Maje&s;ty, in order to the making of Him <HI>a glorious King;</HI>
by calling to minde, and reviving the pa&s;tages in the Parliament, the &s;econd
<PB N="11" REF="9">
year of His Reign, concerning the death of his Royall Father as they
terme it; whereas in all their impeachment again&s;t the Duke of <HI>Bucking|ham,</HI>
they did never &s;o, much as accu&s;e him, or lay to his charge the
death of King <HI>James;</HI> but only called that which he had done, an audacious
Action; &amp; voted that he &s;hould be accu&s;ed only of <HI>a mi&s;demeanor of &s;o high
a nature, as might ju&s;tly be called, &amp; &s;o was deemed by the &s;aid Commons to be,
an Act of a tran&s;cendent pre&s;umption, &amp; dangerous con&s;equence;</HI> &amp; for &s;uch,
tran&s;mitted it to the Lords. But now conceiving it would be much for their
turn, to have it in&s;inuated &amp; let into the people, that among&s;t the Articles
of their Declaration again&s;t the King, one was touching the death of His
Father, for &s;o they &s;tile it, viz. <HI>The proceeding and pa&s;&s;ages of Parliament con|cerning
the death of His Royall Father,</HI> the pa&s;&s;ages whereof &s;hall be truly
related in the &s;ub&s;equent Narration.</P>
<P>King <HI>James</HI> fell &s;ick in the &s;pring 1625. and His &s;ickne&s;&s;e began with an
ordinary tertian intermittant Ague, which is not held mortall, e&s;pecially
in the Spring; but the King having a full body, &amp; hard to be ruled or go|verned
by his Phy&s;itians in His &s;ickne&s;&s;e, His tertian turned into a continu|all
feaver, whereof he dyed.</P>
<P>In the time of His &s;ickne&s;&s;e, certain plai&s;ters and po&s;&s;et-drinks were ap|plyed
&amp; given to Him, &s;uch as are ordinarily u&s;ed to be given by women
in the country; for that men &s;eldome apply them&s;elves to Phy&s;itians in
ordinary Agues, but to &s;uch received and known medicins as are common|ly
u&s;ed; and the&s;e were &s;aid to be given by the Duke of <HI>Buckinghams</HI> pro|curement,
and prepared in his lodgings, without the direction or know|ledge
of the Phy&s;itians, untill after they had been admini&s;tred unto the
King: After almo&s;t two years (there having been in the interim a Par|liament,
and nothing &s;tirred in the bu&s;ine&s;&s;e) the Duke of <HI>Bukingham</HI> ha|ving
much di&s;ta&s;ted the Hou&s;es, and they being highly incen&s;ed again&s;t
him, a ready ear was given to all complaints, that might afford any pro|bability
of que&s;tioning of him and his actions; And there were &s;everall
Articles by way of impeachment exhibited again&s;t him to the Hou&s;e of
Peers; and among them, one was touching the Dukes admini&s;tring of
drinks and plai&s;ters, without the con&s;ent or knowledge of the Phy&s;itians;
&amp; many Phy&s;itians and others were examined, and it was with great vehe|mency
pre&s;&s;ed, that there might have been an accu&s;ation of Trea&s;on drawn
up again&s;t him thereupon.</P>
<P>But when the &s;aid Article came to be Voted in the Hou&s;e of Com|mons,
and the ca&s;e and evidence had been truly &s;tated before them by <HI>Sir
Dudley Diggs,</HI> who, with Ma&s;ter <HI>Wansford</HI> and others, had the managing
of that Article of their charge, the Hou&s;e did hold it fit that he &s;hould
not be impeached of Trea&s;on (the evidence indeed not bearing it) but only
of <HI>a tran&s;cendent pre&s;umption,</HI> as is truly &s;et down in their Declaration; but
if there had been any the lea&s;t ground, or evidence of any wicked inten|tion
<PB N="12" REF="10">
in the Duke to de&s;troy the King, or any Symptoms that the Kings
death had been cau&s;ed or ha&s;tned by tho&s;e things that were given; or that
the &s;aid drinkes and plai&s;ters had beene of any noxious or hurtfull quality;
it is well known, that the dete&s;tation again&s;t the Duke at that time was
&s;uch, that He would not have been forborn, if the evidence would have
born an impeachment of Trea&s;on; &amp; many pre&s;&s;ed it far, alledging that
without an accu&s;ation of Trea&s;on, they could neither remove the Duke
from about the Kings Per&s;on, nor from &s;itting in the Hou&s;es of Peers, with|out
which it was thought they would hardly prevail again&s;t the Duke;
but the evidence falling &s;hort, it was carryed in the Hou&s;e for an impeach|ment
only of <HI>Mi&s;demeanor, &amp; a tran&s;cendent Pre&s;umption,</HI> &amp; not of Trea|&s;on;
And of the&s;e particulars &s;ome now &s;itting among them, (if they had
had &s;o much ingenuity, or had not been re&s;trained with fear) might have
informed them; And they might have been likewi&s;e plea&s;ed to remember,
that it was proved before them, that the King was embowel'd and em|baumed
publiquely, &amp; no Symptomes appeared, but that He dyed natu|rally
of His Sickne&s;&s;e.</P>
<P>And this their Declaration (although it be &s;et out with &s;ome &s;trains and
aggravations) conteineth little more then is here declared; concluding in
the&s;e words: <HI>That it is an offence and mi&s;demeanor of &s;o high a nature, as may
be ju&s;tly called, and is by the &s;aid Commons deemed to be, an Act of tran&s;cen|dent
pre&s;umption &amp; of dangerous con&s;equence.</HI> So that by their own charge
nothing is laid down again&s;t the Duke, but <HI>a mi&s;demeanor &amp; an adventurous
Act,</HI> unto which they confe&s;&s;e in this Declaration, that he put in His An&s;|wer
the 8. of <HI>Iune;</HI> and the &s;aid An&s;wer doth yet remain upon record in
the Journall book of the Hou&s;e of Peers: And certainly it had been much
more fair and ingenious, to have likewi&s;e &s;et down the An&s;wer, and not
to have publi&s;hed only the Accu&s;ation, and concealed from the world the
Dukes An&s;wer, &s;ince they doe acknowledge that they knew of the An&s;|wer;
but it &s;hould &s;eeme that made not for their purpo&s;e; If the An&s;wer
had been weak and impertinent, doubtle&s;&s;e they would not have pa&s;&s;ed
by that which would have added &s;trength to their own &s;ugge&s;tion; but
finding the An&s;wer &s;uch as formerly had di&s;couraged them any fur|ther
to &s;tir in the bu&s;ine&s;&s;e, they have judged it fitter to pa&s;&s;e it by; for
it mu&s;t be known, that after the Parliament which they &s;peak of to be di&s;|&s;olved,
&amp; in which this impeachment was exhibited again&s;t the Duke, there
was (before the Duke was &s;lain) another Parliament, in the which the Duke
fat in the Hou&s;e of Peers; but the Hou&s;e having &s;een the Dukes An&s;wer,
thought it not fit to revive their former accu&s;ation, but have let it lie a&s;leep
almo&s;t this 20. yeers, untill their malice, and de&s;ire to bla&s;t their King, hath
awakened it.</P>
<P>In all their Declaration there is not one word reflecting upon the King,
but that He cau&s;ed not (as they &s;ay) the Dukes pre&s;uppo&s;ed <HI>mi&s;demeanor</HI>
<PB N="13" REF="10">
(which they, to make the &s;tory &s;eeme more odious, call the <HI>Kings death</HI>)
to be legally per&s;ecuted; in which many among&s;t them mu&s;t needs conceal
their knowledge, that upon the breaking up of the Parliament, there was
by the Kings then Atturney Generall, a Bill exhibited in the Star-chamber
(which is the &s;upream Court where all high crimes and mi&s;demeanors are
judged) and that at the in&s;tance of the &s;aid Duke, who &s;aid he would not
have that cau&s;e which &s;o highly concerned him, to lie buried, but that he
would acquit him&s;elf of that foul A&s;per&s;ion, though it &s;hould be with ha|zard
of his life; But his imployments to the I&s;le of <HI>Re,</HI> and death following
not long after, gave an end to any further pro&s;ecution.</P>
<P>So that having in their own Declaration not charged any thing again&s;t
the Duke of <HI>Buckingham,</HI> more then <HI>mi&s;demeanor and high pre&s;umption;</HI> nor
the lea&s;t reflection upon the King, but only of not cau&s;ing the &s;aid <HI>mi&s;|demeanor</HI>
of the Duke to have been legally pro&s;ecuted, which was hindred
by the Dukes death, and the impediments formerly &s;et down; the &s;ole
end and &s;cope of in&s;erting this particular in their Declaration is evident to
be, to make the King odious, as judging that nothing could more incen&s;e
the world again&s;t Him, or make His &s;ufferings le&s;&s;e commi&s;erable, then to
have it in&s;inuated unto the people, that among many Articles again&s;t Him,
one is concerning the <HI>death of His Father;</HI> which how groundle&s;&s;e &s;oever,
yet they think that it may in the <HI>interim</HI> amu&s;e the people, and po&s;&s;e&s;&s;e
them with prejudice again&s;t the King, and not make them have that &s;en&s;e
and compa&s;&s;ion of Him, &amp; dete&s;tation of His wicked u&s;age, as otherwi&s;e
they would have.</P>
<P>And certainly among&s;t all tho&s;e artifices which have been u&s;ed again&s;t
Him, to alienate the hearts of His people from Him, &amp; to render Him o|dious
to the world, this is one of the mo&s;t fal&s;e, malitious, and &s;ubtle; &amp;
which can have no other drift, but by the dete&s;tablene&s;s of this a&s;per&s;ion, to
allay the dete&s;tablene&s;&s;e of their proceeding towards Him, which certainly
no age can parrallel of Subjects towards their King.</P>
<P>Touching the bu&s;ine&s;&s;e of <HI>Rochell,</HI> it is true that the King was per|&s;waded
to lend &s;ome of His Ships to the French King; He was newly
Married unto that Kings Si&s;ter, and entred into a new &s;trict League and
Allyance with that Crown, being then at difference with <HI>Spain;</HI> and cer|tainly
there might be many &s;ecret rea&s;ons of State, for the Kings obliging
the French King at that time, which may be altogether unknown unto
the Hou&s;es of Parliament, for that it was the doctrine of tho&s;e times,
that all things belonging to peace or warre, or the marriage of his Child|dren,
did &s;olely and &s;ingly belong unto the King; neither neede He
con&s;ult with His people therein, unle&s;&s;e He craved their a&s;&s;i&s;tance
in Parliament by way of Sub&s;idy, or &s;upply; and it is &s;trange they &s;hould
now interpo&s;e by way of charge, in bu&s;ine&s;&s;e pa&s;&s;ed more then 20. years
&s;ince; but that they leave no corner un&s;ought, from whence it may be con|ceived
<PB N="14" REF="11">
any think may be raked to make the King odious, as the aime in
this particular is to do in two kinds; fir&s;t, by adding &s;trength unto that fal&s;e
&amp; wicked a&s;per&s;ion of the Kings unfirmne&s;&s;e in the Prote&s;tant Religion:
&s;econdly, by nouri&s;hing that di&s;ta&s;t which they have with great indu&s;try &amp;
artifice rai&s;ed in tho&s;e of the Reformed Religion in <HI>France,</HI> &amp; other places
again&s;t Him.</P>
<P>It is true, that Coun&s;ell plea&s;ed not many; &amp; the u&s;e that was made of
tho&s;e &s;hips was di&s;ta&s;tfull; which the King, and the Duke of <HI>Buckingham</HI>
(on whom the councell of that action, and the blame was chiefly ca&s;t) to
&s;hew that there was no intention by the loan of tho&s;e &s;hips, to lend a hand
to the de&s;truction of the Prote&s;tants; endeavoured to redeem that mi&s;|hap,
by actually entering into a war with the Crown of <HI>France,</HI> for which
one of the cheif rea&s;ons was (although there were likewi&s;e other di&s;ta&s;ts)
the wrong imploying of tho&s;e Ships (which the King had lent) contrary
to the Kings intention, and the intimation of the French, how they inten|ded
to make u&s;e of the &s;aid Ships; &amp; it is fit likewi&s;e to be known, that
this bu&s;ine&s;&s;e was fir&s;t treated in King <HI>James</HI> his time.</P>
<P>And that it was contrary to the Kings intention, may appear by his &s;ub|&s;equent
actions: for He avowedly &s;ent a fleet, and an Army to the I&s;le
of <HI>Re,</HI> under the command of the Duke of <HI>Buckingham,</HI> and to be advi&s;ed
by <HI>Mr. de Soubize,</HI> how tho&s;e forces might be be&s;t imployed for the releif
of <HI>Rochell,</HI> &amp; tho&s;e of the Reformed Religion: And although the expedi|tion
to the I&s;le of <HI>Re</HI> proved not &s;ucce&s;&s;efull; yet the intention and not the
&s;ucce&s;&s;e, is to be looked upon; &amp; the Duke of <HI>Buckingham</HI> pur&s;ued this in|tention
of relieving <HI>Rochell,</HI> and the Prote&s;tants; &amp; to that end a new Ar|my,
and a new Fleet was prepared, &amp; he in per&s;on was gone to <HI>Port&s;mouth,</HI>
ready to &s;et &s;ail for the &s;aid enterpri&s;e, when by the hands of <HI>Felton</HI> he was
&s;uddainly &s;lain; &amp; thereby tho&s;e &s;uccours were retarded; whereby lea&s;ure
was given to the French &s;o to fortifie &amp; block up all the acce&s;&s;es to <HI>Rochell,</HI>
that the relief thereof was rendred impo&s;&s;ible; which yet notwith&s;tanding
was attempted by the Kings &s;aid Fleet and Army, under the Conduct of
the Earl of <HI>Lind&s;ey,</HI> though without &s;ucce&s;&s;e.</P>
<P>So that certainly no good argument can be drawn from hence, either
of the Kings di&s;affection to tho&s;e of the Reformed Religion, or to have
willingly intended their hurt; much le&s;s can there well be drawn from
hence any thing to ju&s;tifie them in their pre&s;ent proceedings again&s;t the
<HI>King,</HI> which they them&s;elves &s;et down to be the &s;cope and intent of this
their Declaration.</P>
<P>Let it be judged of by any &s;ober man, if it be not an audacious expre&s;&s;ion
of Subjects towards their King, to &s;ay, <HI>we can fully &s;hew how by Him</HI> Ro|chell
<HI>was betrayed;</HI> be&s;ides that it is mo&s;t fal&s;e, for how could the King
betray <HI>Rochell,</HI> which was not in His Power? Or can it be beleived, that
they that have forborn nothing that they could imagine might turne to
<PB N="15" REF="11">
His di&s;honour, would conceal any thing that might ca&s;t any A&s;per&s;ion up|on
Him in this of <HI>Rochell?</HI></P>
<P>As for that plot pre&s;uppo&s;ed to be many years &s;ince de&s;igned, of bring|ing
in an Army of <HI>German Hor&s;e,</HI> to have compelled the Subjects to have
&s;ubmitted to an arbitrary Government; they might have remembred, that
thinking thereby to have rai&s;ed a hatred again&s;t the King, they have publi|&s;hed
this A&s;per&s;ion in &s;everall of their Papers, and Declarations; and par|ticularly
upon the breach of the Treaty at <HI>Oxford May</HI> 18. 164<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 letter">. whereun|to
His Maje&s;ty made an&s;wer, as appears by His Declaration printed and
publi&s;hed by their own Order, in the &s;econd volume of their Orders and
Ordinances, Pag. 109. wherein He &s;aith, <HI>That he e&s;teemes his condition more
mi&s;erable then any of his Subjects, when he &s;ees a few factious per&s;ons have ob|tained
that power, as to publi&s;h to all his people in the name of both Hou&s;es of
Parliament, a charge, which comming forth with a &s;emblance of &s;uch Authori|ty,
may much worke with them again&s;t Him; and yet do not (which is certainly
becau&s;e they cannot) tell any one proof or particular, either whence, whether, or
when, or by whom, or by who&s;e de&s;igne tho&s;e hor&s;e &s;hould have been brought;
they confe&s;&s;e it is many years &s;ince, and it &s;eemes it is &s;o many, that the&s;e parti|culars
are worn out of the memory of man.</HI></P>
<P>Now what a &s;trange Impudency and malice mu&s;t it appear to all equall
men, that being challenged, and provoked by the King, even with &s;corn
and deri&s;ion, to in&s;tance in any one of the above &s;pecified particulars if
they could, they doe now again revive the &s;ame a&s;pertions, without gi|ving
&s;atisfaction, by the producing of any one proof, or giving in&s;tance in
any one particular; e&s;pecially when it is well known unto the world, that
&s;uch per&s;ons as they them&s;elves had whi&s;pered to be the men that were
imployed in the &s;aid de&s;igne, have been highly imployed in their &s;ervice,
and nothing would have been kept from them, if any thing might
have been found to the Kings prejudice; but it was thought fit by them,
that this &s;hould be now concealed, &s;ince it is apparent, that the chief end
of this Declaration, is, to accumulate all things that they conceive may
a&s;per&s;e the King, or make Him odious; for tho&s;e men might have told
them the mi&s;tery of that bu&s;ine&s;&s;e; for that the Parliament having Decla|red
a war for the recovery of the <HI>Palatinate,</HI> and given way for the rai&s;ing
of 10000. foot in <HI>England</HI> to &s;erve Count <HI>Mansfeild</HI> in that imployment,
it was in di&s;cour&s;e how to furni&s;h them likewi&s;e with hor&s;e; which was
thought could no where fittingly be done but in <HI>Germany;</HI> but the King
of <HI>France</HI> denying pa&s;&s;age to Count <HI>Mansfeid,</HI> all that bu&s;ine&s;&s;e came to
nothing.</P>
<P>Then they &s;peake of the <HI>torturing of our bodies by cruell whippings, cutting
off eares, racks and pillories, &amp;c.</HI> They might have added hanging, drawing,
and quartering, and hanging in chaines; for all the&s;e have been done in the
Kings Reigne, but executed upon Traytors, theeves, &s;editious and impious
<PB N="16" REF="12">
libellers, by e&s;tabli&s;hed Courts of Ju&s;tice, and according to the knowne
cour&s;e of the Laws which were made by former Kings (his Predece&s;&s;ors)
with the con&s;ent of Parliament; for they are not able to produce any one
Law made in the Kings reign, tending to blood or cruelty: how many
have been made for the ea&s;e and enlargement of the Liberty of the people,
they have often them&s;elves confe&s;&s;ed them to be more then by any of his
Predece&s;&s;ors: And &s;hall the doing of Ju&s;tice according to the Laws, by his
Judges and Mini&s;ters of Ju&s;tice, be charged upon him as acts of cruelty? &s;hal
the burning of theeves in the hand, or rogues in the forehead or &s;houlder,
or what Mr. <HI>Gregory</HI> doth at <HI>Tyburn,</HI> in the due execution of legall &s;enten|ces,
be &s;tiled cruelty? for &s;uch have been all the&s;e <HI>whippings, rackes, &amp; pillories,</HI>
which they &s;peake of; And they are challenged to in&s;tance in one drop of
blood drawn by his Maje&s;ty, or any one Act of cruelty committed by Him
in his whole raign, or by his Judges or Mini&s;ters whom He hath not left to
the Ju&s;tice of the Law.</P>
<P>For it will not be denied, that from the 3. of November 1640. untill
the 12. of Jan. 1641. when he was driven from <HI>London,</HI> all His Judges
were wholly left unto them; many of them being impeached of Trea&s;on;
and Judge <HI>Berkley,</HI> whom they thought the mo&s;t criminall, arraigned
for Trea&s;on, who made a defence &s;o hone&s;t, and &s;o able, that they were
forced to wave their legall Triall of him, and to pick his pur&s;e by
their arbitrary power. Was there ever &s;o &s;trained a malice, e&s;pecially if
they looke how them&s;elves have proceeded? not to &s;peake of tho&s;e
multitudes that have been &s;laine in the War, how many of the Kings
hone&s;t loyall Subjects have they murthered in cold blood, by no Law
but their owne arbitrary power? with how many new Trea&s;ons have
they en&s;nared the &s;ubject, by the &s;ingle authority of &s;ome ha&s;ty and
angry Ordinances, notwith&s;tanding that the Law telleth us, what
&s;hall be Trea&s;on and nothing el&s;e, but by Act of Parliament? what cruelty
hath been u&s;ed in point of impri&s;onments, where many have dyed
for want, or ill u&s;age? and how many per&s;ons of quality, both Divines
and others, hath been by them &s;ent a &s;hip-board, and kept under deck?
and &s;eeing a per&s;on of quality, and a Judge of great years and reverence,
out of heat and indignation, &s;ent to <HI>Newgate,</HI> a pri&s;on for Rogues, Thee|ves,
and Cutpur&s;es? how many Gentlemen and Peers did they Vote to
death, and lo&s;&s;e of their whole e&s;tates, and to be excepted from pardon
and mercy, without &s;ummons, hearing, tryall, or conviction? how many
Noblemen, Gentlemen, Judges, and divers of great age, have they
forced out of <HI>England</HI> to begge their bread in &s;trange Countries, not
allowing them one penny out of great e&s;tates (which they have &s;eized)
to keep them from contemptible poverty, notwith&s;tanding that the
Law alloweth to the highe&s;t Traytors, a conveniency for food and
raiment for them&s;elves and family? And yet the&s;e men have had the
<PB N="17" REF="12">
face to fix upon their King the&s;e odious markes of cruelty, when they can|not
deny, but in his reigne there hath been le&s;&s;e blood by attainder, and
fewer confi&s;cations, then in any &s;uch &s;pace of time &s;ince the Con|que&s;t.</P>
<P>As for <HI>the lording over mens &s;ouls.</HI> The Laws for the government of the
Church (not e&s;tabli&s;hed by this King, but by his Father and Queen <HI>Eli|zabeth</HI>)
were put in execution with &s;o much mildne&s;&s;e and moderation,
that they can &s;carcely in&s;tance in the puni&s;hment of any Separati&s;ts or
Sectary, if his Recu&s;ancy (for the Law maketh them Recu&s;ants as well as
Papi&s;ts) hath not been accompanied with &s;ome crime, or &s;ome &s;candalous
or &s;editious preaching, or writing again&s;t the pre&s;ent government; where|as
they may remember, and &s;ee in the new book of entries, 5. <HI>Pa&s;chae,</HI>
35. <HI>Eliz. fol.</HI> 252. that <HI>Pendry</HI> for publi&s;hing two &s;candalous books again&s;t
the Church Government, was indicted, arraigned, attainted, and execu|ted
at <HI>Tyburn:</HI> And let their pre&s;ent <HI>lording over mens &s;ouls</HI> be con&s;idered;
their &s;ending &s;o many learned and pious men a begging, by depriving them
of their livings; impri&s;oning their per&s;ons; <HI>their lording over their con&s;ci|ences,</HI>
by new, illegall, and trayterous Oaths; by forcing of <HI>the Covenant,
to the ruine of many hundreds, who otherwi&s;e were without exception, both
Mini&s;ters and Lay-men; being con&s;ciencious men; men of parts, and great
learning,</HI> as is &s;et downe in the preceding words of the An&s;wer to the
<HI>Scotch</HI> Declaration of the 4. of <HI>Jan.</HI> 1648. But nothing can by them be
done ami&s;&s;e: that Axiome of the Law <HI>le Roy ne fait tort,</HI> is now with the
Crown and Soveraignty, (which they have u&s;urped) applicable onely
to them. But all the Kings actions, though never &s;o legall, ju&s;t, and gra|tious,
mu&s;t by them have the appellations of <HI>tyranny, cruelty, and op|pre&s;&s;ion.</HI></P>
<P>They then &s;ay that <HI>they were wor&s;e then &s;laves, for they were prohibited by
Proclamation to &s;peake or hope for another Parliament.</HI> They &s;hould have
done well to have &s;pecified the year and date of the &s;aid Proclamation,
and to have &s;et down the very words contained therin; for it is &s;o un|likely
a thing, that the people &s;hould be forbidden by Proclamation, to
<HI>hops,</HI> that no rationall man can choo&s;e but &s;u&s;pect it to be that which
civility is loath to tearme it, how foule &s;oever their pen be again&s;t their
King.</P>
<P>As for the <HI>&s;earching of cabinents, clo&s;ets, &amp;c.</HI> It is &s;et down to be after
the di&s;&s;olution of the Parliament; &s;o that that &s;in again&s;t the Holy Gho&s;t
(never to be forgiven) of breaking the Priviledges of Parliament, is not
charged, and any other &s;inne will not be found; for it is lawfull and
u&s;uall for the Ju&s;tice or Councell of the King, to <HI>&s;earch the clo&s;ets, and
cabinets</HI> of &s;uch as they have good cau&s;e to &s;u&s;pect of practi&s;es, and
corre&s;pondency, to the prejudice of the King or Kingdome; neither
have the Kings or Queens letters or cabinets, nor the di&s;patches of Am|ba&s;&s;adours,
<PB N="18" REF="13">
and forraign States, been free from their inqui&s;ition and &s;earch;
nay &s;ome &s;uch &s;earches have been made by them for Letters and Jewels
upon women not of the meane&s;t ranke, as is indecent to put them in mind
of.</P>
<P>They then reckon up a long li&s;t of <HI>Monopolies, and Patents of Soap, Pins,
Leather, Sugar, &amp;c.</HI> Whether the &s;aid Patents were legall, or illegall,
there can from thence no ju&s;t fault be laid upon the King; He is in point
of Law to be advi&s;ed by His Atturney, and His learned Councell; And
there cannot in all the particulars &s;pecified, any one be in&s;tanced in,
which He did of Him&s;elfe, without the Certificate of the Referrees,
of the legallity of &s;uch Grants, wherein never Prince was &s;o pun|ctuall
as He hath been, and it is conceived that it may be with truth aver|red,
that in His whole Reign He hath not pa&s;&s;ed by Patent any one Mono|poly,
without reference, and certificate in writing, that it might be gran|ted
by Law.</P>
<P>But be&s;ides, upon complaint this Parliament, all grievances have been re|dre&s;&s;ed;
all doubtfull Patents cancell'd; care had for the preventing of
the like for the future; all referrees and patentees left to ju&s;tice; and all
puni&s;hed, but &s;uch as the inju&s;tice of the Hou&s;es have protected.</P>
<P>Then they come to that which they call <HI>the compendium of all oppre&s;&s;ion
and cruelty, viz. The Ship-money:</HI> When Princes are involved in great wants
and nece&s;&s;ities, they are forced to tho&s;e things which at other times they
willingly forbear to pre&s;&s;e; So it was here; The King by His Wars with
<HI>Spain</HI> and <HI>France,</HI> was brought into great nece&s;&s;itys; and con&s;ulting how
He might by lawfull wayes releive Him&s;elfe. He was advi&s;ed to this cour&s;e
of <HI>Ship-money</HI> by His Atturney Generall <HI>Noy,</HI> (as is &s;aid) who was by all
men e&s;teemed a great Lawyer, and had been a great propugner of the Sub|jects
liberty: The King herein asked the opinion of His Judges, and lear|ned
Councell; And both the Judges (the major part of them) &amp; His Coun|cell,
did &s;et it under their hands to be lawfull; the&s;e are the Kings proper
councel with whom he is to con&s;ult in point of Law, &amp; are &s;worn to advi&s;e
Him faithfully; But &s;ome, and particularly Mr. <HI>John Hamden,</HI> not &s;atisfied
with the extrajudiciall opinion of the Judges, came to a legall tryall upon
the Ca&s;e in the <HI>Exchequer Chamber;</HI> &amp; after a fair hearing and learned ar|guments
on both &s;ides, Judgement pa&s;&s;ed for the King. If the &s;aid Judges
and learned Councel (who are &s;worn to do equall ju&s;tice betwixt the King
and the Subjects, &amp; to Councell the King faithfully) have erred and done
ami&s;&s;e in both, the greater hath been their fault and offence; But
herein where lieth the Kings tran&s;gre&s;&s;ion? For did he not leave the Judg|es
upon complaint of the Hou&s;es, to their Ju&s;tice? and were not the &s;aid
Judges many of them impeached of high Trea&s;on? &amp; Judge <HI>Berkley</HI> arraig|ned
thereupon for high Trea&s;on? and made &s;o learned and able a defence,
that they were forced to withdraw any further pro&s;ecution of their
<PB REF="13">
impeachment again&s;t him. It &s;eems they forget that which they declared
for Law at the beginning of this Parliament, (viz. that <HI>the King can do no
wrong, Le Roy ne fait tort</HI>) upon the very ground of this Ca&s;e; And that
the rea&s;on why the Law &s;uppo&s;ed that the King could doe no wrong,
was, for that the Judges and Mini&s;ters that did the wrong, were re&s;pon|&s;able
for the wrong doing; and the per&s;ons wronged, were from
them to be repaired in point of their dammages: But it &s;eemeth they are
of old <HI>Ployden's</HI> minde, that when the bu&s;ine&s;&s;e concerneth them&s;elves,
the Ca&s;e is altered.</P>
<P><HI>They then &s;ay,</HI> The King &s;ummoned this pre&s;ent Parliament, in hope to
have A&s;&s;istance against the Scots.</P>
<P>He had little rea&s;on to hope for any a&s;&s;i&s;tance again&s;t the Scots, know|ing
as he did, who had called them in; and that from &s;ome Scots them|&s;elves
from <HI>Newcastle,</HI> whil&s;t he was at <HI>Yorke,</HI> He had gotten notice of
the particulars, wherewith divers Lords of the Engli&s;h with the King
being &s;tartled, they &s;ent to the Scoti&s;h Lords at <HI>Newcastle;</HI> to have right
done them upon a Secretary of theirs, who had &s;aid to &s;ome Engli&s;h
pri&s;oners whom the Scots had taken at <HI>Newborn,</HI> That their comming in
had not beene, but by the invitation of the Engli&s;h; and had &s;poken a
little too boldly of &s;ome truths that &s;hould have beene concealed,
and this divers at <HI>Westminster</HI> cannot but remember.</P>
<P><HI>They then &s;ay, that</HI> it was impo&s;&s;ible to qua&s;h tho&s;e pernitious Councels
without questioning the Authors; Whereupon the King &s;hewed Him&s;elfe &s;o
pa&s;&s;ionately affected to &s;uch malignant Councellers &amp; their Councel, that he
would &s;ooner de&s;ert or forcc his Parliament, and Kingdom, then alter His
cour&s;e, or deliver up his wicked Councellors to Law and Justice.</P>
<P>Our pa&s;&s;ions (e&s;pecially that of revenge and malice) do not only de|prive
us of our &s;en&s;es and rea&s;on, but often bereave us of &s;hame and
hone&s;ty: For be&s;ides that they know that the King hath more then
thrice in his publique printed An&s;wers declared, That He would ex|cept
no man of what quality or nearne&s;&s;e &s;oever unto Him, from any
legall Tryall according to the Law; He did leave unto their Ju&s;tice
the Arch-Bi&s;hop of <HI>Canterbury,</HI> the Earl of <HI>Strafford,</HI> all the Judges, and
whom&s;oever they would accu&s;e; in&s;omuch that they examined and
committed the Queenes Confe&s;&s;or; and examined the Ladies of Her
bed-chamber. And their Sergeant at Armes pre&s;umed &s;o far, as to come
into the Kings withdrawing-roome next unto His Bed-chamber,
to cite and &s;ummon Per&s;ous of greate&s;t quality and nearne&s;&s;e unto
Him&s;elfe; in&s;omuch that out of &s;hame the King hath bin forced to
withdraw Him&s;elfe into his bed-chamber, notwith&s;tanding that the
Law &s;aith, that <HI>a Lord cannot in the Kings, pre&s;ence &s;eize his &s;lave or villian
that hath rnn from him.</HI> And from the third of <HI>November</HI> 1640 untill
the 10. of <HI>January</HI> 1641. when the King was driven out of <HI>London,</HI> then
<PB REF="14">
was no man, Coun&s;eller, Judge, or Per&s;on of what quality &s;oever,
exempt from their Ju&s;tice.</P>
<P>And to &s;hew how willing He was to &s;atisfy them; that Hee would
not interrupt or hinder the cour&s;e of Ju&s;tice, He gave way to that which
&s;ome Princes would rather have adventured a War then have conde|&s;cended
unto; which was his giving leave to His privy Coun&s;ell (that
had bin &s;worn to keep &s;ecret what&s;oever pa&s;&s;ed in Councell) to be exa|mined
upon Oath of what had pa&s;&s;ed in his own Pre&s;ence &amp; mo&s;t &s;ecret
cabinet Coun&s;ell, again&s;t one of their own fellows in a capitall Cau&s;e;
which is likely hereafter to cau&s;e him to be &s;erved with caution; when
men &s;hall not know how &s;oon they may be que&s;tioned for that which
they do advi&s;e, which is in effect again&s;t them&s;elves; for if one &s;hall be ac+cu&s;ed
of Trea&s;on, the re&s;t likewi&s;e may be que&s;tioned for Concealment.</P>
<P>They &s;peak of <HI>&s;ome that fled fearing to be que&s;tioned;</HI> certainly they had
great rea&s;on &s;o to do, when their proceeding was &s;uch, as not to be guilty
but only to be accu&s;ed, was certain ruine, or impri&s;onment for many
yeers, divers having langui&s;hed two or three years in Pri&s;on; &amp; the Arch
bi&s;hop of <HI>Canterbury</HI> was almo&s;t fonr yeers in pri&s;on before he was put
to death And &s;uch as ob&s;erved the proceedings with the earl of <HI>Strafford</HI>
would not willingly (how innocent &s;oever) fall into their hands, if it
were to be avoyded; for they may remember how by the procurement
of &s;ome among&s;t them, tumults &amp; multitudes &s;urrounded the Hou&s;e of
Peers, crying <HI>Justice, justice, and they would have the Traytors head.</HI></P>
<P>They may remember their po&s;ting up of 59. Members of the hon&s;e of
Commons, that would not give their Votes to the Bill of Attainder of
the Earl: If they have forgotten it, their own Hi&s;toriographer Mr. <HI>May</HI>
may put them in minde of it; They may likewi&s;e remember that at the
&s;ame time upon an empty Tun rolled from a Tavern doore, a li&s;t of the
Lords names whom they called <HI>Malignants,</HI> was read in the mid&s;t of
that rabble in the Palace yard; and although the Hou&s;e of Peeres then
repre&s;ented the&s;e violences to the Hou&s;e of Commons, they could ne|ver
obtein their a&s;&s;i&s;tance to &s;uppre&s;&s;e them, or to declare again&s;t them;
and they may remember whether it was not &s;aid among&s;t them, <HI>that
they &s;hould doe ill to di&s;countenance their freinds.</HI></P>
<P>On the other &s;ide, let it be remembred how many Coun&s;ellers who
have bin Actors in all the pretended Exorbitancies of the Star-chamber,
Councel-table, &amp; high Co~mi&s;&s;iion, being once become per&s;ons in whom
they might confide, were left unque&s;tioned; Let them remember that
when they expelled all &s;uch Monopolers as they judged affectionate to
the King, whether they left not &s;ome others of their favorites &s;itting
among&s;t them untill this day? But for that it would be too long to in|&s;tance
in many things of this kinde, as having imployed the mo&s;t infa|mous
Projectors and Catchpoles in their &s;ervice: they &s;hall only be put
<PB REF="14">
in minde of one particular of an eminent Member of their Hou&s;e, who
would have pre&s;ented a Petition ag<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="missing" EXTENT="1 letter">in&s;t a great Coun&s;ellour, who was
much favored by Mr. <HI>Pym</HI> and others, who having gotten notice of the
Contents thereof, would never permit it to be read in the Hou&s;e; but
the &s;aid party having worn out three Copies in his pocket, engro&s;&s;ed
it in parchment; but ever when he &s;tood up to &s;peake, Mr. <HI>Pym</HI> or &s;ome
other appointed to watch him, interrupted him with &s;peaking to the Or|ders
of the Hou&s;e (which are alwayes to have the precedency;) &amp; this for
many months together, in&s;omuch as the &s;aid petitio~ could never be read.</P>
<P>As for <HI>the Kings de&s;erting of His Parliament,</HI> it hath bin &s;o often an|&s;wered,
that it is a shame to repeat it; only this &s;hall be added, that
the King did not de&s;ert his Parliament, but was forced in great ha&s;te
to fly for the &s;afety of his Per&s;on, which would the next day have bin
in great hazard of being &s;eized. And although this pre&s;ent hou&s;e of com|mons
be not charg'd w^t^h any &s;uch intention (&s;uch re&s;olutions pa&s;&s;ing few
hands, and that there are very few left there now that were tru&s;ted with
that &s;ecret) yet it hath bin confe&s;&s;ed, and is under the hand of a per&s;on
that hath bin very active in their &s;ervice, and who &s;hould have bin a prin|cipall
Actor in it.</P>
<P>Then followeth that thread-bare bu&s;ine&s;&s;e of <HI>bringing up of the Nor|thern
Army,</HI> &s;o often objected, and &s;o often &s;corn'd by tho&s;e that knew
the mi&s;tery of it; which if the King had endeavour'd to have won to His
&s;ervice, and full adherence, He had done like a wi&s;e and prudent Prince;
neither had there bin any cau&s;e for the concealing, or not avowing of
any &s;uch endeavour, if it had bin &s;o; For it is well known by whom
that army was endeavour'd to be &s;educ'd from the kings &s;ervice &amp; from
the Earl of <HI>Strafford</HI> who was their Generall; nor was the Earl ignorant
therof, neither would he have fai'ld in his proofs, having it in his thoughts
&s;peedily to have impeached &s;everall per&s;ons of high Trea&s;on, for tampe|ring
with the &s;aid Army; as is well known not to a few &s;itting &s;till a|mong&s;t
them at <HI>We&s;tminster;</HI> but they by their diligence got it by the
hand, by impeaching him a day or two before his impeachment again&s;t
them was ready, which co&s;t him his life.</P>
<P>Be&s;ides, they know the per&s;on that &s;tarted this hare among them hath
often clear'd the king, that it was impo&s;&s;ible that the K. &s;hould know of
the propo&s;ition of <HI>the bringing up the Army,</HI> w^c^h was his own motion, &amp;
was by &s;ome rejected as a thing too high, &amp; not liked by others, for that
he would have the cheif command of the Action, which would not be
conde&s;cended unto; whereupon out of di&s;content, he went immediately
and made his di&s;covery to the lower hou&s;e, without ever &s;eeing the king;
but there had been &s;ome &s;peech before of a petition to be procur'd from
the Army (which was publi&s;hed) &amp; what knowledge the King might
have of preferring &s;uch a petition, is not known to the writer of this
<PB REF="15">
an&s;wer: but the party that fir&s;t gave the hou&s;es notice of this bu&s;ines hath
often &s;worn, that all he &s;aid concerning the King in this bu&s;ine&s;&s;e, was in
relation to the &s;aid petition; but that the King could never have nor had
notice of the propo&s;ition of <HI>bringing up the Northern Amy;</HI> for that being
his own motion, he pre&s;ently (&s;eeing it di&s;approved, e&s;pecially his having
the cheif Command and Conduct of the Action) revealed it, before the
King could po&s;&s;ibly have knowledge of it, which party is yet living, and
certainly will avow as much.</P>
<P>But pre&s;uppo&s;ing the King &s;hould have gotten knowledge of the mo|tion
(which doth in nothing appear, (the King &s;eeing the great tumults,
&amp; the great hazard that his own per&s;on was in, as well as the freedom of
Parliament; might He not have rea&s;on by His own Army, rai&s;ed by Him|&s;elfe,
and payed by His own moneys. (as it had bin for many moneths)
endeavored to have &s;ecured His own &s;afety, and the freedom of Parlia|ment,
without co~mitting any &s;uch crime, as meriteth to be depo&s;ed, or u|&s;ed
as now He is?</P>
<P>Let it be compared with that which the now prevalent Party in the
hou&s;es have don, who &s;eeing them&s;elves like to be over-awed by the pre&s;|byterian
party, &amp; finding no other means not to be overborne, thought it
fit to have recour&s;e unto the pre&s;ent Army of Independents &amp; although
the then hou&s;e of Co~mons had voted a petition of the &s;aid Army to be
burnt, &amp; &s;uch to be enemies of the State, as &s;hould adhere thereunto; yet
the army was drawn up towards <HI>London,</HI> &amp; the hou&s;e forced to &s;eque&s;ter
eleven of their mo&s;t eminent members; &amp; when the City or Apprentices
had re&s;tored the &s;aid 11 Members, (as they had in former times don the
five Members) the Speaker, &amp; all &s;uch as had de&s;erted the parliament, &amp;
had fled to the army, were by force again ree&s;tabli&s;hed; &amp; the new Spea|ker
M. <HI>Pelham</HI> was unchaired, and all that party were driven away, &s;ome
forced to fly, others were impeached; &amp; the now prevalent party po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ed
them&s;elves again of the hou&s;es, &amp; the power they now have of depo&s;ing
the King, &amp; keeping of Him Pri&s;oner. There is a great dfference betwixt
what they have really don by this army, for the turning up&s;ide down the
Parliament; and what was ever &s;poken of, of the Northern Army. But
Succe&s;&s;e and Power will make the &s;ame things (though acted) commen|dable
in tho&s;e that prevail, which they will have capitall in tho&s;e who
never pa&s;&s;ed further then di&s;cour&s;e.</P>
<P><HI>They then begin to &s;peak of</HI> the tyrany towards Scotl. &amp; Ireland &amp;c.
<HI>For that of</HI> Scotland (<HI>which is formerly an&s;wered) I &s;hall only ad the ful
&s;atisfaction which the Kingdome of</HI> Scotland <HI>received by their own ac|knowledgment,
expre&s;&s;ed by a petition made &s;ince the Kings la&s;t coming
from</HI> Scotl. viz.: That Whereas The Kings mo&s;t &s;acred Majesty's royall
zeal, &amp; con&s;tant re&s;olution of maintaining the true Religion &amp; pre&s;erving
the laws &amp; liberties of the&s;e kingdoms is &s;o undoubted, that to call it in que-
<PB REF="15">
&amp;c. could not be construed in any, but an unchristian distrustfulnes &amp; in us
his Ma. Subjests of this His aucient &amp; native kingdom the height of di&s;loy|alty
&amp; ingratitude, if we &s;hould harbor any &s;cruple or thought to the contrary
having &s;o many real &amp; recent evidences of his Royall goodnes, justice &amp; Wi&s;+dom,
in &s;etling &amp; establi&s;hing the trne Religion &amp; the Laws &amp; Liberties of
this His kingdom, to the full &s;atisfaction of all his good &s;ubjects. And never|theles
prerceiving by his Ma'. Declarations &amp; other printed papers, that
foul &amp; malicious a&s;per&s;ions are cast on his Ma. tending to be and his &s;acred
per&s;on, &amp; deprave his royal Govern', &amp;c. we conceive our &s;elves bound in du+ty
to almighty God (by whom we have &s;worn to defeud &amp; maintain the per&s;on
greatnes, &amp; authority of our dread Soveraign, Gods vicegerent, to the utmost
with our means &amp; lives, in every cau&s;e which may concern his honor, as may
apear by that which by the warrant of the Act of the generall A&s;&s;embly, we
have all &s;worn &amp; &s;igned) &amp; to our king &amp; country, and to that we ow to our
honor &amp; reputation, to repre&s;ent to your L^p^s. the de&s;ires we have to expre&s;&s;e,
&amp; make known to his Ma. &amp; all the world, that we are fully &s;atisfied, and
per&s;waded of his Maje&s;ties royal zeal &amp; re&s;olution, &amp; that malice &amp; detra+ction
cannot prevail to make the lea&s;t impre&s;&s;ion in our loyal hearts, of jealou+&s;ie,
or distrust: And therfore we have taken the boldnes humbly to petition
your L^p^s. That as his Maje&s;ty hath graciou&s;ly conde&s;cended (in his letter to
your L^p^s. printed by your warrant) for &s;atisfaction of his good &s;ubjects, to ex+pre&s;&s;e
his Royal goodnes, &amp; de&s;ire, that all grounds of jealou&s;y may be kept
and removed out of the hearts of his good Subjects of this Kingdom: So it
may plea&s;e your Lord&s;hips to think vpon &s;ome cour&s;e, that his Maje&s;ty re|ciprocally
may be cleered, and a&s;&s;ured of our constant affection, &amp;c. and
that we are not &s;o unthankefull to God, or to his Vice-gerent, nor &s;o little ten+der
of our own honor and credit, as to forget &s;o &s;oone that duty, incumbent to
us by &s;o many obligations, and &s;o often promi&s;ed by us in our fore&s;aid &s;olemn
Oathes, which are publi&s;hed to the view of the whole World, &amp;c.</P>
<P>As for the Rebellion in <HI>Ireland</HI> they make u&s;e of this to the &s;ame end
they do of all things el&s;e in their Declaration. That knowing that horrid
rebellion to be &s;o dete&s;table to all men (as it ju&s;tly de&s;erveth) they would
fain draw part of the hatred of it on the king, although it be with never
&s;o improbable or fal&s;e pretext&punc; And they think in the meane time that it
will &s;erve the pre&s;ent turn, of making the king odious, till He may have
means to cleer it by His an&s;wer (which they never intend to afford Him,
untill they have e&s;tabli&s;hed their tyranny) and then they will not care to
be fought again&s;t with papers. But their Declaration in this point of <HI>Ing|land</HI>
[be&s;ides that the points conteined in it have been &s;o often an&s;wered
in print] doth &s;o confound all times, all actions, either in the War, or
while&s;t there was a Ce&s;&s;ation; and all the circum&s;tances and rea&s;ons,
which may ju&s;tify &s;uch actions at one time, as might be blameable at ano|ther;
that the an&s;were mu&s;t be applyed to the generall Scope of the De|claration,
which is, to in&s;inuate unto the world, that the King did abet
<PB REF="16">
and favour the Rebellion; which not only the Kings many Declarations,
but his reall and effectuall actions do evince of fal&s;ehood, and dete&s;table
malice; For He did wholy put the Iri&s;h bu&s;ine&s;&s;e, and the pro&s;ecution of
the bu&s;ine&s;&s;e, into the hands &amp; management of the two Hou&s;es; and con|&s;ented
to an act of parliament, giving them power to rai&s;e men &amp; mony,
and all other nece&s;&s;ary provi&s;ion for that war, notwith&s;tanding that they
had &s;ubtilly in&s;erted into the preamble of the &s;aid Act, a clau&s;e debat|ring
Him and His &s;ucce&s;&s;ors from the power of levying men by way of
pre&s;&s;e, without con&s;ent of Parliament; although it had beene alwayes
u&s;ed by His Predece&s;&s;ors. But &s;uch was their art by the in&s;erting of the
&s;aid Clau&s;e, that they would either gain the di&s;claiming of that power
to pre&s;&s;e men or el&s;e would render the King odious, by publi&s;hing his
refu&s;all to doe that, which by the Hou&s;es was thought nece&s;&s;ary for the
&s;uppre&s;&s;ing of that horrid Rebellion: This artifice hath been &s;ince u&s;ed
by clogging mo&s;t Bills (which would be plau&s;ible to the people) with
&s;ome clau&s;e or parenthe&s;is of great prejudice unto the King which He
hath been often forced to pa&s;&s;e by, to avoid the di&s;ta&s;te which the de|nying
of tho&s;e plau&s;ible Bils would have brought upon Him; &amp; &s;o He
did in this.</P>
<P>Be&s;ides this his concurrence in all that was de&s;ired of him; being
at <HI>Yorke,</HI> &amp; having &s;ome beginning of power he offered to have pa&s;&s;ed
in per&s;on into <HI>Ireland,</HI> for the &s;ubduing of tho&s;e Rebells; and to let the
world &s;ee, that He de&s;ired rathet ro imploy tho&s;e forces again&s;t the Re|bels
in <HI>Ireland,</HI> then by them to rai&s;e the lea&s;t jealou&s;ie of rai&s;ing a war in
<HI>England;</HI> But this His Maje&s;tyes offer was by the Hou&s;es rejected; and
the King did then &s;ee that the forces and the moneys that were levyed
by his con&s;ent, and Commi&s;&s;ion, were in part imployed again&s;t Him|&s;elfe,
to &s;trengthen &amp; pay the forces that were de&s;igned to march again&s;t
Him; whereby the War of <HI>Ireland,</HI> (which had beene mo&s;t pro&s;perous
under the wi&s;e and faithfull Conduct of the Marq. of <HI>Ormond,</HI> for which
the Hou&s;es &s;ent him publique thanks, &amp; a pre&s;ent) began to be very du|bious
by their neglect, &amp; their applying of the moneys &amp; forces preten|ded
for <HI>Ireland,</HI> again&s;t the King; &amp; &s;o by degrees the Engli&s;h Armies in
<HI>Ireland,</HI> were reduced to tho&s;e great &s;treights for want of pay &amp; provi|&s;ion,
by the ill Conduct of the Hou&s;es; that after many &s;ollicitations both
to the King and Parliament, by which little or no releife was obteined;
there was a nece&s;&s;ity of coming to a ce&s;&s;ation of Armes for one yeare;
which was done by the advi&s;e of the Councell of <HI>Ireland;</HI> &amp; at the ear|ne&s;t
petition of the Lords, &amp; of the cheif Officers of the Army, (of whom
the Lord <HI>Inchiquin</HI> was one) as appeares by their own booke of Exact
Collect. <HI>page. 344. To.</HI> 2. where likewi&s;e the nece&s;&s;ity of the &s;aid ce&s;|&s;ation
is at large &s;et downe: And the King &s;eeing Him&s;elfe much over|power'd,
&amp; like to be overborne by the Rebels in <HI>England,</HI> was infor|ced
<PB REF="16">
to make u&s;e of the forces offered Him from <HI>Ireland,</HI> who were there
ready to &s;terve; which certainly would have beene a great imprudence in
Him not to have done; and is as great an impudence in them to charge
this as a fault or crime upon the King, to a&s;&s;i&s;t Him&s;elfe of His own
Subjects for His defence: when they (at &s;o great an expence to the king|dom)
have hired in a forraign Nation (the Scots) to &s;ubdue Him.</P>
<P>Next they alleag concerning the proclamations, <HI>That though they decla|red
that the Rebels in Ireland stiled them&s;elves, the King &amp; Queens Ar|my,
yet they could not obtain a proclamation against them in divers moneths;
&amp; then al&s;o but 40 Copies might be printed &amp;c.</HI> The fir&s;t perfect adver|ti&s;ement
of the Rebellion of <HI>Ireland,</HI> came to his Maje&s;ty &amp; Coun&s;ell in
England from the Lords Ju&s;tices (Sir <HI>William Par&s;ons,</HI> and Sir <HI>John Bur|lace</HI>)
and Councell of <HI>Ireland;</HI> wherewith they &s;ent the draught of &s;uch a
Proclamation as they conceived be&s;t for the &s;uppre&s;&s;ing thereof; and be|cau&s;e
tho&s;e Rebells did pretend that what they had done was for the &s;er|vice
of the King, and not without &s;ome authority from him, it was by the
&s;aid Lord Ju&s;tices Letters de&s;ired, that 20 copies of tho&s;e Proclamations
might be &s;ent over, &s;igned by the Kings own hand, (whereas the u&s;uall
cour&s;e was to &s;end over only one &s;o &s;igned) that (be&s;ides tho&s;e which
they were there to print, and publi&s;h after the u&s;uall manner) they might
&s;end &s;ome of the Originals &s;o &s;igned, to &s;ome of the chiefe of the Re|bells
to manife&s;t the fal&s;hood of the &s;aid traiterous pretence.</P>
<P>And though Proclamations which the King Signes either for <HI>England</HI>
or <HI>Ireland</HI> never u&s;e to be printed, yet it was now for better expedition
held fit by his Maje&s;ty, &amp; the Lords of his Councell, (whereof divers of
tho&s;e now &s;itting in the hou&s;e of peers at <HI>Westminst.</HI> were then pre&s;ent)
that tho&s;e 20 proclamations his Maje&s;ty was to &s;igne, &s;hould be printed;
and the Secretary being directed to cau&s;e it to be forthwith di&s;patched,
did accordingly pre&s;ently &s;end a warrant to the Kings Printer, to print
about 40 Copies, and to &s;end them to him for his Maje&s;ties &s;ervice; and
to deliver out none to any other, for that tho&s;e were to be Originals for
the Kings &s;ignature only, &amp; to be by them reprinted in <HI>Ireland,</HI> according
to the u&s;uall cour&s;e. And to have any copies of them di&s;per&s;ed in <HI>England</HI>
before they were proclaimed in <HI>Ireland,</HI> (where they were principally of
u&s;e) as it was never practi&s;ed, &s;o it was conceived it might have bin of
&s;ome prejudice; for that the &s;aid Iri&s;h Rebels (who had forged the for|mer
fal&s;e pretence) might (if they had gotten any Copy thereof before
they had bin proclaimed in <HI>Ireland</HI>) have divulged &s;ome other traiterous
fiction, to have rendred the Proclamation of le&s;&s;e credit with their par|ty;
&amp; &s;o have fru&s;trated the good which His Maje&s;ty and his councell of
both Kingdoms did hope that proclamation would have effected. And
whereas it is alleaged as a fault, that there were but 40 of tho&s;e Procla|mations
&s;ent into <HI>Ireland;</HI> it is well known to the Lords of the Councell
<PB REF="17">
now &s;itting at <HI>Westminster,</HI> that it was twice as many as was de&s;ired.</P>
<P>And whereas they &s;ay, that <HI>the Iri&s;h Rebels called them&s;elves the King
and Queens Army;</HI> It is the con&s;tant practice of all Rebels at the begin|ing,
to countenance their Rebellion with the pretence of the Kings &s;er|vice;
and that they take Armes again&s;t the oppre&s;&s;ions of evill Councel|lours,
and Mini&s;ters that &s;educe the King: The like was done by them|&s;elves
at the beginning; who only pretended to remove <HI>Malignants</HI> and
<HI>evill Councellors</HI> and to bring <HI>Delinquents</HI> to puni&s;hment; and then their
war was in the name of <HI>King and Parliament,</HI> as &s;ome of their own have
not of late forbore to put them in mind. But now it is to remove the
King from the government, and to &s;ettle another of their own making,
<HI>without the King or against Him.</HI></P>
<P>For the disbanding the Iri&s;h Army, although the King had great
rea&s;on to demur upon it; yet &s;uch was his de&s;ire to gratify them, that
He conde&s;cended unto it; &amp; them&s;elves con&s;ented that they &s;hould take
any forreign imploiment what&s;oever; but afterward would not give way
to the tran&s;porting of them; &amp; by that meanes much &s;trength was added
to the Iri&s;h Rebellion; all which they them&s;elves cannot deny. And upon
&s;uch malicious fal&s;e inferences as the&s;e, depend all or mo&s;t of their in|&s;tanced
Accu&s;ations in this their Declaration.</P>
<P>They &s;ay, <HI>the king refu&s;ed to give Commi&s;&s;ions (though often asked by the
Hou&s;es) to the Lord Brooke, &amp; the Lord Wharton.</HI> The king knew well how
little rea&s;on he had to tru&s;t either of them. The Lord <HI>Brooke</HI> was often &s;o
indi&s;creet, as to profe&s;&s;e openly and often, that <HI>he was wholy Antimonar|chicall,</HI>
and once in the hearing of &s;eaven or eight,) for which he was re|proved
by &s;ome of his di&s;creeter friends yet &s;itting among them) &amp; it may
be ea&s;ily reduced to their memories; be&s;ides his other faults, which &s;hall
not be remembred, becau&s;e he hath given an account of them. For the
Lord <HI>Wharton;</HI> the King was not then ignorant of his &s;editious and mu|tinous
wayes again&s;t him, after &s;o many obligations of the Kings put up|on
him &amp; his friends, which he hath ill repaid by his actions; &amp; hath &s;ince
had a more profitable and gainfull Trade at <HI>Westminster,</HI> then he could
have had in any martiall imployment, to which it &s;hould &s;eem his natu|rall
di&s;po&s;ition doth not much incline him.</P>
<P>They then &s;ay, that <HI>they need not tell the world how the Scots entred this
Kingdom with a powerfull Army.</HI> It were indeed much to their honor &amp;
loyalty to have it concealed; for it was by their invitations and negotia|tions;
and upon &s;o hard termes and conditions, that the An&s;wer to the
Scoti&s;h declarati<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 letter"> &s;et out the 4 of <HI>Ja.</HI> 1647 &s;aith, that <HI>their Co~mi&s;&s;ioners
would by no means have brought them, but that they could get no better.</HI></P>
<P>They then &s;pake of <HI>the L. Digby's attempting the Country with unu&s;uall
arguments of armed troops:</HI> It was conceived that they had long &s;ince bin
a&s;hamed of that ridiculous tale of the L. <HI>Digby's</HI> rai&s;ing war again&s;t the
<PB N="27" REF="17">
King (for &s;o their impeachment runneth) with a Coach and &s;ix Hor&s;es.
Next they &s;ay, <HI>he advi&s;ed the King to retire Him&s;elfe to &s;ome &s;afe place.</HI> If he
had done &s;o, it had been good and hone&s;t Councell; but it was not any ad|vice
to the King, but his opinion only written in a private lettter to his
brother <HI>Sir Lewis Dives</HI> what he judged &s;afe&s;t for the King, being forced
to fly out of <HI>London</HI> for feare of M. <HI>Skippon's</HI> great march, which was to
be the next day to convoy the accu&s;ed Members to <HI>Westminster.</HI></P>
<P>Now followes the Negotiations with <HI>Denmarke,</HI> and the &s;tory of a <HI>&s;er|vant
of the Lord Digby's hiring of a Skipper to be pilot to a fleet preparing in Den|marke;</HI>
which fleet proved to bee the Cow-fleet that u&s;eth to bring cattell
out of tho&s;e parts into <HI>Holland,</HI> And for the Lord <HI>Digby's</HI> man, as hee never
had any name, &s;o the truth is that hee had no man with him at that time, go|ing
out of <HI>England</HI> only with a Dutch Gentleman in his company; neither
is their own word of Truth in the whole &s;tory. And for <HI>the Kings &s;olliciting
for Ammunition and Succours from his &V;ncle of Denmarke,</HI> it were to have bin
wi&s;hed that His &s;olicitations had bin as &s;ucce&s;&s;efull as they are ju&s;tifiable.</P>
<P>And touching <HI>the letter &s;aid to be written unto the King of Denmarke;</HI> it is
very likely indeede, that the King would have invented &s;uch a &s;candall <HI>to
His own &s;hame, and the reproach of His Mother</HI> if he had not had &s;ome grounds
for it; And yet it is true that they may &s;ay in the name of the Hou&s;e, that it
<HI>never entred into their thoughts;</HI> Bu&s;ine&s;&s;es of that nature are &s;ecretly laid, and
carryed on by a few: But there are &s;ome at <HI>Westminster</HI> that know what
pa&s;&s;ed in that bu&s;ine&s;&s;e, and by who&s;e loyalty the motion of it was qua&s;hed
in the bud: And when his Maje&s;ty may be heard, or His Accu&s;ations may be
admitted of, Hee will be ea&s;ily drawne to give them and the world &s;atisfacti|on
in this point; it were to be wi&s;hed that they would give as good &s;atisfaction
for their malice in in&s;erting this particular in their Declaration, in &s;o unman|nerly
and undecent termes towards their King, &s;tiling it a <HI>fal&s;e and &s;candalous
charge, and &s;uch an Act as they beleive was never a more unworthy one done
by any Prince, to the &s;hame of His own Mother.</HI></P>
<P>They then adde another breach of Tru&s;t, That <HI>the King had &s;ent away
with the Queene the anciene Jewels of the Crowne,</HI> Our Saviour &s;aith, <HI>may I not
di&s;po&s;e of my own as I plea&s;e?</HI> The jewels were His own, bought with His own
money, or with the moneys of His Ance&s;tors, and not with the moneys of
the Crowne; neither doe they produce any entaile of them upon the Crown;
And certainly in the pre&s;ent condition whereunto they had reduced Him,
Hee could never have ju&s;ter cau&s;e to &s;ell or pawn them, then that which they
them&s;elves &s;et downe, for Armes and Ammunition for His own defence and
pre&s;ervation.</P>
<P>The King, <HI>they &s;ay,</HI> once &s;ent a &s;pecious Me&s;&s;age of renewing a Treaty, but his
me&s;&s;enger was instructed to manage a bloody ma&s;&s;acre in London, which was de&s;i|gned
by vertue of a Commi&s;&s;ion of the Kings &s;ince publi&s;hed.</P>
<P>Hereof they give us no more proof but that they &s;ay it; and for the bloody
<PB N="28" REF="18">
ma&s;&s;acre intended, it is a mo&s;t fal&s;e and malicious &s;lander; there being
no other De&s;igne but to protect His owne Loyall Subjects in <HI>London;</HI> and
to reduce His Rebels; which certainly was more ju&s;tifiable for Him
to doe, eyther as their King, or as an Enemy in open Warre, then their
barbarous murthering of <HI>Tomkins,</HI> and the re&s;t, only for endeavouring of
their duties.</P>
<P>And for the Commi&s;&s;ion they &s;peake of, it was &s;uch a one as not only in
time of war Hee might thinke fit to doe, but might legally have done it in time
of Peace.</P>
<P>Touching the <HI>Kings march to Brainford,</HI> the Rea&s;ons thereof have been of|ten
declared in print, to the &s;atisfaction of all indifferent Readers.</P>
<P>But tho&s;e barbarous cruelties they &s;peake of to bee committed by the King,
are mo&s;t fal&s;e; for there was not one man &s;laine but in the heate of War, and
the King gave to all his Pri&s;oners their lives and liberties, only upon engage|ment
not to take Armes again&s;t Him for the future; which engagement they
traitrou&s;ly and fal&s;ly broke, being thereof ab&s;olved by &s;ome of their wicked
Mini&s;ters, as &s;ome of the &s;aid Pri&s;oners (being afterwards taken againe) con|fe&s;&s;ed.</P>
<P>The rea&s;on why the King changed His minde from &s;taying at <HI>Wind&s;or,</HI>
and advanced to <HI>Brainford,</HI> was for that while&s;t their Commi&s;&s;ioners were
&s;ent to him to <HI>Colebrooke,</HI> that very night information was brought, that
they were advanced with their Army and Ordinance towards Him, and
they take it very ill that Hee would not &s;tay at <HI>Wind&s;or</HI> till they came to
take Him.</P>
<P>For the <HI>denying to receive their Petitions,</HI> they give no in&s;tance of it in any,
neither will it bee proved I beleeve, that ever it was done, unle&s;&s;e the Petition
were to be delivered with an Army at the heeles of it, or by &s;uch a per&s;on as
the King, by name, had declared <HI>Traitor,</HI> and excepted from Pardon.</P>
<P>They then begin to &s;peake of the Queen, upon whom (if they could) they
would willingly ca&s;t &s;ome a&s;per&s;ion, as well as upon the King. But becau&s;e
there are many particulars &s;catteredly &s;et downe in this Declaration concer|ning
her Maje&s;ty, they &s;hall in this An&s;wer be &s;et down here together, that
the cleerer Judgement may be made of them.</P>
<P>They &s;ay fir&s;t, That <HI>by that time the queenes pious De&s;igne to advance Popery
was ready for the Byrth.</HI> That De&s;igne was mo&s;t indu&s;triou&s;ly examined by
them, and they had before them in the Hou&s;e of Commons Sir <HI>Kenelme
Digby, Mr. Montague,</HI> and divers others; and upon the narrowe&s;t &s;ifting of
that Bu&s;ine&s;&s;e, they thought it then fit to proceede no farther in it; But now
they make u&s;e of it to ca&s;t A&s;per&s;ions upon the king and queene, when they
could finde no cau&s;e to puni&s;h the chiefe Actors in the &s;aid Bu&s;ine&s;&s;e.</P>
<P><HI>Secondly, they &s;ay, That</HI> there was a great De&s;igne amongst the Papists for
a generall ma&s;&s;acre in Ireland and England, and that a great Royall Per&s;on had
a hand in it.</P>
<P><PB N="29" REF="18">
It is to be wondered at, that they &s;hould on a &s;uddain become &s;o mode&s;t,
as not in plain words to name (the Queen, whom they had formerly
impeached by name (with all Her titles) of high Trea&s;on, and &s;ought
Her life; And now they would &s;lily in&s;inuate into the people, that &s;he
had a hand in &s;o execrable a De&s;igne, as to ma&s;&s;acre all the Prote&s;tants of
two Kingdoms; And that upon information given unto the late Lord of
<HI>Canterbury,</HI> without a telling by whom the &s;aid information was given,
or when; neither &s;et they down by whom the &s;aid ma&s;&s;acre &s;hould have
bin acted, or by what Plot; It is to be thought that it &s;hould have bin
performed by the &s;ame hands that &s;o many of the Peers, and of the Hou&s;e
of Commons &s;hould have bin &s;lain, had it not bin prevented by the Tai|lors
di&s;covery in <HI>Moorefeilds.</HI></P>
<P>Thirdly, they &s;ay <HI>That the king confe&s;&s;eth He had &s;ent the Queen to Holland.</HI>
It &s;eemeth that &s;he was an obedient Wife, and He a carefull Husband of
Her, when He &s;aw that mo&s;t barbarous and inhumane u&s;age of Her, that
Her very Bed-chamber could not be priviledged, but her Nur&s;e, and her
Confe&s;&s;or mu&s;t be examined again&s;t Her.</P>
<P>They adde, That <HI>with the Queen He &s;ent the</HI> Jewels <HI>of the Crown.</HI> In who&s;e
hands could He better tru&s;t His own goods, which He &s;aw likely to be
taken from him, as his Hou&s;es, Furniture, and whole Revenue, and that
of the Queen and Prince had bin by them? Neither could He expect that
His Jewels &s;hould have bin &s;afer then his liveries for His Guards have bin
of late; And certainly his Jewels were better di&s;po&s;ed of, if they were
pawned for Powder and Ammunition, then His Guard's Coats that are
ordered to be &s;old outright for fire and candles for Souldiers at
<HI>Whitehall.</HI></P>
<P>Then they &s;ay, <HI>the Queen many moneths before Her voyage to Holland, was
going beyond the Seas, had not their Motion to the King &s;tayed Her,</HI> It &s;eemeth
then that the King was willing to gratify them, although it were with
the cro&s;&s;ing of the queen's de&s;ires; and that the King's &s;ending of Her
afterward into <HI>Holland,</HI> was not untill &s;he could not remain any longer
among&s;t them with Safety or Honour; For they them&s;elves doe beleive
that the King could have bin very well plea&s;ed to have enjoyed Her
Company.</P>
<P>The&s;e are the particulars that they &s;et downe concerning the queene, in
which there is little remarkable but their dete&s;table malice; for were it to
bee expected that the queene; bred up a Roman Catholick, and by Capitu|lations
and the Kings Oath, to enjoy the u&s;e of her Religion in &s;uch &s;ort
as was agreed, &s;hould not looke to enjoy it? E&s;pecially her carriage ever
&s;ince her coming into <HI>England</HI> having beene with that Prudence and Mo|deration,
that the great Officers of her Court, and mo&s;t of the Ladies
of her Bed-chamber, have beene Prote&s;tants, enjoying daily the u&s;e of
their Religion in Her Court, without beeing pre&s;&s;ed by her to the lea&s;t
<PB N="30" REF="19">
Act, in waiting upon Her or otherwi&s;e, that might offend or &s;train their
Con&s;ciences. But that a Prince&s;&s;e of &s;o high Extraction as the blood of
<HI>France,</HI> &amp; Daughter of the great <HI>Henry</HI> the fourth, and their Kings Wife,
that never had done any per&s;on wrong, but obliged all when&s;oever it
was in Her way, &s;hould finde &s;uch u&s;age from Subjects; as to have all
malicious fal&s;e Libels countenanced again&s;t Her; to be que&s;tioned for Her
life, only for the a&s;&s;i&s;ting of Her Hnsband; to be forced to fly the Kingdom;
to have all Her Revenue taken from Her; and now as though &s;he had in|tended
a generall ma&s;&s;acre, to be rendred odious by this malicious Libell,
authorized by the name of the Hou&s;e of Commons, it cannot but be held
a mo&s;t inhumane and barbarous proceeding, as indeed it is, by all the
World but them&s;elves.</P>
<P>Touching <HI>the Letters written to the Pope,</HI> King <HI>James</HI> &s;ent His Sonne (then
Prince) into <HI>Spain,</HI> being about 20. years of age; and in&s;tructed Him, and the
Duke of <HI>Buckingham</HI> that waited upon Him, in all things touching the Ne|gotiation
of the Prince's marriage, which was then in Treaty for a Daugh|ter
of <HI>Spain.</HI> And of all that pa&s;&s;ed, the Prince gave the King His Father
almo&s;t daily adverti&s;ment by expre&s;&s;es; and He received from Him like|wi&s;e
directions upon all emergent occa&s;ion, neither &s;ent He any Letter to
the <HI>Pope,</HI> without His Fathers privity and allowance. King <HI>James</HI> likewi&s;e
Him&s;elfe at the &s;ame time did write Letters to the <HI>Pope,</HI> which He publique|ly
avowed, &s;aying, The Pope was a Temporall Prince, and He would
write unto Him upon any occa&s;ion in &s;ecular Affairs, as freely as He did to
the great Magor, or to the great Turke, when He wrote again&s;t him in
point of controver&s;ies in Religion, He would then (He &s;aid give him tho&s;e
Appellations that the Cau&s;e required, but in His letters mi&s;&s;ive, He would
give Him tho&s;e Re&s;pects and Civilities that befitted one temporall Prince
towards another. And certainly King <HI>James</HI> was no Papi&s;t, although He
were no freind to Sectaries and Separati&s;ts but had written more in the
defence of the Reformed Religion, and to the di&s;plea&s;ing of the <HI>Pope,</HI> then
all the Princes of Chri&s;tendom had done &s;ince the Reformation, and when
He dyed, &s;carcely left a wi&s;er man behinde Him. But they are brought to
great &s;treights, when they are driven to take in the Fathers grave (dead 25.
years pa&s;t) to finde matters for their malice again&s;t the Sonne.</P>
<P>For the Letters &s;poken of to be <HI>written to the Pope, on the behalfe of the
Duke of Lorraign,</HI> I mu&s;t confe&s;&s;e I want Information in the point of the
fact, But if it were &s;o, He could not have written for a Prince that was nearer
allyed to Him. And whereas it is &s;aid, that <HI>in requitall an Army to invade En|gland
mu&s;t be rai&s;ed by Him,</HI> It is a very unlikely Story, that the Duke of
<HI>Lorraign</HI> &s;hould be in condition to rai&s;e an Army to invade <HI>England,</HI> But if
He could afford His Kin&s;man Auxiliaries, or any other &s;upplyes, He &s;hould
he much to blame if He did it not.</P>
<P>For the <HI>Kings offer to the Scots of the plunder of London, if they would advance, or
<PB N="31" REF="19">
of 300000. pounds, and foure Northern Counties only to stand neuters:</HI> Be&s;ides the
ridiculou&s;ne&s;&s;e to conceive any &s;uch offers could be made, they doe not &s;o
much as offer at any kinde of proof but follow their rule held throughout
in all this their Declaration; <HI>audacter accu&s;are, aliquid haeret, accu&s;e boldly, &s;om|what
will stick.</HI> They have all the Kings Letters and Cabinets; and it is not
likely that any &s;o great tran&s;action could only have been verball: But if the
King &s;hould have made this impo&s;&s;ible offer, or any other, &s;hould He not
have done like a prudent and good Prince, to have called His own Subjects
from the adherence to His Rebels, to their own Loyalty and Duties, though
it &s;hould have bin by out-bidding of them?</P>
<P><HI>After the Kings returne from Scotland, the great quantity of fire workes found
in Papists hou&s;es:</HI> No naming where, nor when, nor by whom the Papi&s;ts
&s;hould have &s;ubdued the kingdom, only with granadoes and fire-works with|out
any foote or hor&s;e, but tho&s;e that about that time they had di&s;covered to
be kept under ground; O how contemptible is it for a Hou&s;e of Commons to
abu&s;e the kingdom with &s;uch &s;quibs?</P>
<P><HI>Then they &s;ay,</HI> Morters with great peeces of Battery were mounted again&s;t the
City; and &s;uch Officers placed in the Tower, as were not only &s;u&s;pected by them,
but by the whole City, who dur&s;t not abide in their hou&s;es, as by their &s;everall Pe|titions
is manifest.</P>
<P>They doe not &s;ay that one gun was ever &s;hot, and they know that no
one man did for feare for&s;ake his hou&s;e: nor any one Act of injury or Ho|&s;tility
committed towards them. As for the Lieutenant of the Tower, they
would confide in none but &s;uch as a few factious men of the Hou&s;e (who had
con&s;pired with a great party in the Citty) did appoint; The King to give
them &s;atisfaction removed Sir <HI>Tho. Lunsford;</HI> then put in a Gentleman of re|markable
hone&s;ty and worth, and of great fortune (<HI>Sir John Byron</HI>) again&s;t
whom no exception could be taken, but that he was not of their party; again&s;t
him (when no other pretence could be found) they alleaged, that if a Per&s;on
were not put into the Tower, in whom the Merchants might confide, there
would be no more money brought into the Mint: And although a hundred
thou&s;and pounds caution were offered on the behalfe of <HI>Sir John Byron,</HI>
yet nothing would &s;atisfie, unle&s;&s;e the Tower were put into &s;uch hands as
they plea&s;ed to nominate, and it was publiquely avowed that if it were not
&s;peedily done, they would &s;eize it by force; and to that purpo&s;e they cau&s;ed
multitudes every day to come to the Hou&s;e while&s;t that bu&s;ine&s;&s;e was in agi|tation.</P>
<P>And as for the Petitions, they know that they were all of their owne ma|king;
and who&s;oever Petitioned without their Order, or not &s;uteable to their
&s;en&s;e, were &s;everely puni&s;hed; as in the Petition of <HI>Kent,</HI> and many others,
only &s;uch as they had ordered to be delivered to the Hou&s;es; and when they
had no rea&s;on to uphold their demands, they then made u&s;e of tumults, and
&s;editious and threatning Petitions in &s;tead of other Arguments; the&s;e they
<PB N="32" REF="20">
ever countenanced and &s;upported; as they did in this ca&s;e of the Tower, when
they cau&s;ed Petitions to be delivered, de&s;iring to know the names of the Ma|lignant
Lords that ob&s;tructed the bu&s;ine&s;&s;e of the Kingdome, and refu|&s;ed
to a&s;&s;ent to the Votes of the Commons, and they would right them|&s;elves
by the remedy next at hand (by which they meant their &s;words and
clubs in their hands) and thereby forced the Votes of the Lords, as it is pre|tended
was done by the Apprentices at <HI>Pelham's</HI> Parliament; in&s;omuch that
that which had bin voted by 42. Lords, for the not removing of <HI>Sir Iohn
Byron</HI> from his Lievetenancy of the Tower, was now carryed by 16. or 17.
votes only; (contrary ro the orders of the hou&s;e, that &s;uch things as upon the
que&s;tion had beene once &s;etled, might not again that Se&s;&s;ions be put to the
que&s;tion) And by the threats of their Petitions; the noi&s;e and tumults at the
doores by the multitudes; the intimation of danger from the Hou&s;e of
Commons, and from the enraged People, which they feared would not
be in their power to prevent: and by the Lords of the Party, who mo&s;t
boldly (contrary to the e&s;&s;entiall freedom of Parliament, relying upon their
friends at the doore) voted all &s;uch as &s;hould continue to di&s;&s;ent from the
Hou&s;e of Commons, to be Enemies of the State; whereupon mo&s;t of the
Bi&s;hops and Lords (fearing to be reformed by the remedies next at hand)
held it wi&s;dome to withdraw them&s;elves: only 14. of above fourty (that had
formerly voted the contrary) withdrew them&s;elves; and &s;o the Lords of the
Party over-ruled it; And this narration will appeare to be true by the
Booke of the Hou&s;e of Peers, if they have not &s;ince thought fit to expunge
it. So that it is thought very &s;trange, that the wi&s;dome of the Hou&s;e of
Commons (by calling to minde the u&s;e that they have made of Petitions)
&s;hould give cau&s;e to have the memory of &s;uch &s;hamefull proceedings to be
revived.</P>
<P>They then &s;ay <HI>that from this time the track of open force began to appeare.</HI> They
fir&s;t in&s;tance the Kings charging &s;ome of both Hou&s;es of Trea&s;on; the Kings
de&s;iring to have &s;ome tryed by due cour&s;e of Ju&s;tice (never before denyed to
any King, and in their owne remembrance practi&s;ed, and by the Hou&s;e of
Peeres allowed) mu&s;t now be accounted a Crime, and an Act of open force
in the King: but forget how many of their Members the Army hath impeached
and forced to fly.</P>
<P>They then &s;peake of <HI>the bloody Tragedy intended by the Kings comming to the
Hou&s;e of Commons, if the affections of the City had not prevented it.</HI> If there had
been <HI>any bloody tragedy intended by the Kings coming to the Hou&s;e.</HI> it would
have been the &s;ame day put in execution, before the City could have prevented
it. But they may remember if they plea&s;e, the te&s;timony of Cap. <HI>A&s;hley,</HI> taken be
fore a Committee of both Hou&s;es at <HI>Grocers-Hall,</HI> if it bee not &s;uppre&s;&s;ed;
wherein hee declared, That the King at the upper end of <HI>We&s;tminster-Hall,</HI>
before he went up the &s;tayres to the Hou&s;e of Commons, charged all tho&s;e
that accompanied Him (except &s;ome few ordinary Servants) <HI>not &s;o much as
<PB N="33" REF="20">
to come to the staires, nor to offer violence or injury to any Per&s;on upon pain of
their lives.</HI> Further, the King in that point did let him&s;elfe downe &s;o low to
give them &s;atisfaction, as was never done by any King towards His Subjects;
but nothing but the di&s;-throning of Him&s;elfe, and leaving the Soveraignty,
<HI>is fit for them to accept.</HI></P>
<P>They &s;ay, that <HI>the King entred a Protestation into the Councell booke, that His
calling of them a Parliament, did not make them &s;o;</HI> And therein He &s;aid very
true, that His calling of them a Parliament doth not make them a Parliament,
(that can be only done by His Writ) no more then His calling them no
Parliament, doth make them to be no Parliament. But it is true, before His
re&s;training of him&s;elfe, hee could when hee plea&s;ed have di&s;&s;olved them;
But if they have committed Trea&s;on or Felony; and that that which their
Oracle Sir <HI>Edw. Cooke,</HI> Mr. Solicitor, and that reverend old <HI>Eleazar</HI> Judge
<HI>Jenkins</HI> doe &s;ay, be true, That Trea&s;on and Felony do &s;uper&s;ede all priviledges
of Parliament; And although a Corporation cannot commit Trea&s;on, yet
every per&s;on of the Corporation may; and if one, then ten, if ten, then a
hundred, and &s;o all: And if that Hou&s;e have had the ill lucke to commit Trea|&s;on
or Felony, (although the King by rea&s;on of His re&s;traint &s;hould not
di&s;&s;olve it) yet it may become <HI>Felo de &s;e,</HI> and may de&s;troy it &s;elfe: And it is
much doubted whether the King can rai&s;e them from the dead.</P>
<P>Then they come to their <HI>standing amazed at the Kings &s;olemn Protestation of
having never any thought of bringing up the Northern Army; or levying of forces
to wage war again&s;t his Parliament; or to invade the rights of his Subjects; or
bringing in of forreign forces.</HI> They &s;hould have done well to have &s;et downe
the date of the &s;aid Declaration; as likewi&s;e the particulars wherein He hath
&s;atisfyed His &s;aid Prote&s;tations; and not to have kept them&s;elves &s;till upon the
fraud of generalls; nor confounded the times before they had entred into
Armes, with the times after the King had proclaimed them <HI>Traitors</HI> and <HI>Re|bells;</HI>
times and circum&s;tances, do often ju&s;tly alter Councells, and make tho&s;e
Actions nece&s;&s;ary and good, which without them might have appearance of
blame: But if the particulars &s;hall be &s;et down with the times and circum|&s;tances,
the fal&s;hood, as well as the malice will appeare, of their &s;o often reite|rated
reproaching their King, with breach of Oaths and prote&s;tations.</P>
<P>They doe farther then charge the King, that <HI>He endeavoured to get out Can|non,
Powder, and Shot out of his own stores; and they have a letter to that effect
to Sir Iohn Heyden:</HI> They &s;ay likewi&s;e that <HI>Hee did attempt to have forced
Hull in an hustile manner.</HI> Two &s;uch faults in the King as doe marvailou&s;ly
ju&s;tify their re&s;olutions and u&s;ages of him, which they &s;et down to be the
Scope of this Declaration: In the one, the King would have imbezel'd His
own proper goods; and in the other, He would have come into his own Town,
had not the Traitor <HI>Hotham</HI> kept him out for which they have given him &s;uch
a reward, as others may ju&s;tly expect, if their repentance and the Kings good|ne&s;&s;e
doe not prevent it.</P>
<P><PB N="34" REF="21">
It was not long (<HI>they &s;ay</HI>) before the King proclaimed them Traitors and Re|bels,
and &s;et up his Standard against the Parliament, which never King of Eng|land
did before Him&s;elfe.</P>
<P>Herein they are mi&s;taken, for the King did not &s;et up his Standard again&s;t
His Parliament; His Parliament was never named at the &s;etting up of His
Standard; but it was &s;et up again&s;t tho&s;e whom Hee had fir&s;t proclaimed
<HI>Traitors</HI> and <HI>Rebels,</HI> which hath bin often done by the Kings of <HI>England;</HI> And
&s;o did His Maje&s;ty now again&s;t an Army marching toward Him, to &s;ur|pri&s;e
His Per&s;on; and that within few dayes after gave Him a battell, and did
their be&s;t to have &s;lain Him under the command of the Earle of <HI>E&s;&s;ex,</HI> with
whom they had all &s;worne and prote&s;ted <HI>to live and dye.</HI></P>
<P>But that which they &s;ay, that <HI>never any King before &s;et up His Standard
again&s;t his Parliament;</HI> it is true, for no King ever needed a Standard again&s;t
His Parliament; for that at their plea&s;ures they could di&s;&s;olve it with
a breath; and &s;o might his Maje&s;ty have done now, had not His goodne&s;&s;e
and unprovident de&s;ire of gratifying them re&s;trained Him, by a&s;&s;enting unto
that Act for the continuance of this pre&s;ent Parliament: which they them|&s;elves
prote&s;ted in one of their Declarations, <HI>they would never make u&s;e of to
the Kings di&s;&s;ervice, but only to the ends for which it was granted, viz.</HI> to be a
&s;ecurity for the ray&s;ing and paying of moneys; which how they have perfor|med
let the world judge.</P>
<P>it is then &s;aid, <HI>the King called a mock-Parliament at Oxford;</HI> It is true that
the King having declared the Members &s;itting at <HI>Westmin&s;ter</HI> to be <HI>Traitors</HI>
and <HI>Rebels;</HI> and Trea&s;on, as them&s;elves have often acknowledged, di&s;char|ging
all Priviledges, Qualifications, Capacitie, or abilities to act as a Parlia|ment;
the King was enforced to call to His Councell and A&s;&s;i&s;tance, His
loyall Members of both Hou&s;es, that had bin wrongfully, or by force and
tumults driven from the Hou&s;es at <HI>Westminster;</HI> and to require of them in His
&s;o great di&s;tre&s;&s;e their helpe and advice: but it is conceived that they
will not be able to &s;hew, that the King ever &s;tiled it his <HI>Parliament,</HI> but <HI>an
A&s;&s;embly of the Members of the Lords and Commons convened at Oxford.</HI> And
for that which they in&s;tance of private letter, intended only for the &s;ight of
the Queene His Wife, they will faile of the end for which they produce it,
which is, to withdraw the affections of His faithfull Servants (which they
call <HI>His own Party</HI>) from Him by telling them, that <HI>they may perceive what
reward they may expect, when they have done their utmost, and &s;hip wrack't
their faith and con&s;ciences to His will and tyranny:</HI> But his party (as they terme
it) which are His faithfull and loyall Subjects, as they have already mo&s;t
of them lo&s;t their E&s;tates and Fortunes for their Con&s;cience and Loyalty to
Him; &s;o they will &s;acrifice their lives willingly for His &s;ervice and re&s;titu|tion.
And as for that by-name of <HI>a mock-Parliament,</HI> which they give unto
that A&s;&s;embly; They may remember that there was double the number of
Peers more then remained at <HI>Westminster;</HI> and for the Members of the Hou&s;e
<PB N="35" REF="21">
of Commons, they much exceeded in their E&s;tates and Fortunes all tho&s;e
that were left behind them. They may likewi&s;e remember that they have
not wanted their by-names in print; as <HI>the Jugles,</HI> &amp; <HI>Hocas-pocu&s;es at We&s;t|min&s;ter;</HI>
and by &s;ome who have ever adhered to them, have been &s;tiled a
<HI>Lin&s;ey-wol&s;oy-Parliament&punc;</HI> and their own Army in their Declaration, have
called them a <HI>Parliament &s;wayed by a factious prevolent party, that governed
by an arbitrary tyrannicall Power.</HI> The&s;e things I mu&s;t confe&s;&s;e are &s;et down
by me (that have been a Member of the Hou&s;e of Commons) with great
grief, remembring the re&s;pect and reverence which in former times was
born unto that Hou&s;e, and now changed into &s;o great Scorn and Deri&s;ion
as weekly comes forth in print.</P>
<P>They then adde, <HI>His often breach of tru&s;t with the Prote&s;tants of</HI> France,
Scotland, Ireland, <HI>and</HI> England, <HI>with all other His unju&s;t oppre&s;&s;ions; and His
often endevours to en&s;lave them by German, Spani&s;h, Lorraign, Iri&s;h, and Da|ni&s;h,
and other forrein forces.</HI> Tho&s;e other forces mu&s;t certainly be of <HI>Turks,
Swedes,</HI> or <HI>Polands;</HI> for they have particularly recited almo&s;t all other Na|tions,
when now in all this their Declaration, (except &s;uch from <HI>Ireland</HI>
who were His own Subjects, and who were bound in duty to come to the
&s;uccour of their King, being invaded by a forreign Nation, called in by
them to conquer Him) they have not been able to in&s;tance in &s;o much as
one Company of Foot, or Troup of Hor&s;e of forreigners, that He hath
called in, but they hope by this great noi&s;e of reciting &s;o many Nati|ons,
to fill the ears of the People, and to abu&s;e them; as they did by the
&s;peaking of the death of His Father; of the reproaching of His Mother:
of His bloudy Cruelties, His oppre&s;&s;ions, and Tyranny; His breach of
Tru&s;t, of Oaths, and Prote&s;tations; and with tho&s;e odious names, and a
bold Accu&s;ation, (to which He &s;hould not have means to an&s;wer) to make
&s;omething &s;tick with the people, whereby to alienate their Hearts from
Him; and to allay the dete&s;tablene&s;&s;e of their mo&s;t inhumane and barba|rous
proceeding with Him.</P>
<P><HI>They then &s;ay,</HI> neither do we wonder He &s;hould forget His Vows and Prote|&s;tations,
that He would never con&s;ent to a toleration of the Popi&s;h Religion, or a|bolition
of the Laws then in force again&s;t Recu&s;ants, yet about the &s;ame time He
wrote Letters to the Queen, and the E. of <HI>Ormond,</HI> that He would con&s;ent to the
taking away of all penall Laws again&s;t Papists both in <HI>England</HI> and <HI>Ireland.</HI></P>
<P>Touching the Letters to the Queen, and the Marque&s;&s;e of <HI>Ormond,</HI> they
are all printed by their Order; and according to the information I have
credibly received, by tho&s;e Letters it will appear, that the penall Lawes
touching Recu&s;ants were not to be taken away; and the favours intended
to the Papi&s;ts were with &s;uch limitation, as they think fit to conceal.</P>
<P>Be&s;ides, there is a wide difference betwixt a toleration of Popery, and
the not putting in execution the penall Lawes; and &s;o there is betwixt the
aboli&s;hing of the penall Lawes, and a temporary forbearance of the ri|gour
<PB N="36" REF="22">
of them, which hath been practi&s;ed by Queen <HI>Eliz.</HI> King <HI>James,</HI> and
His Maje&s;ty; but never in &s;o high a degree, as by them&s;elves toward the
Sectaries and Separati&s;ts (who by the Law are Recu&s;ants as well as Pa|pi&s;ts;)
yet they have made u&s;e of them in their &s;ervice, without di&s;tin|ction
of any Sect, Schi&s;me, or Here&s;ie; in&s;omuch that at <HI>Plymouth</HI> they
made u&s;e of &s;ome Turks in their &s;ervice out of the Gaole, that had been
condemned as Pyrats. And let them remember of what a compo&s;ition
their new model'd Army is, by whom they have carried through their
Rebellion; and how carefull they are now to uphold the liberty and free|dom
of them, under the name of <HI>tender Con&s;ciences.</HI> Yet it mu&s;t be a Crime
in the King, for the &s;aving of His Crown, to encourage His own Subjects
to be loyall unto Him; and to a&s;&s;i&s;t Him again&s;t his Rebels, by promi&s;ing
them &s;ome favour again&s;t the rigour and extremity of the Lawes. There
is no Religion, or Nation, Engli&s;h, Welch, Iri&s;h, Scotti&s;h, French, Hol|landers,
Dutch, Germans, Turks, who&s;e &s;ervice they have not u&s;ed to
depo&s;e their Soveraign, as it is now apparent, although at fir&s;t they all
fought for the King and Parliament: And if He &s;hould have made u&s;e of
them for His ju&s;t defence, or &s;hall do for His ju&s;t re&s;titution, His doing &s;o,
would be much more ju&s;tifiable before God and man then what they have
done.</P>
<P><HI>They then &s;ay, that</HI> notwith&s;tanding that both Hou&s;es, and the Scotch Com|mi&s;&s;ioners
did declare, that they did hold a per&s;onall Treaty was not &s;afe, yet the
Hou&s;es now yeelded to that; <HI>that is, to a per&s;onall Treaty.</HI></P>
<P>They might have remembred that the Scots in their Papers do &s;et down
why at that time they held a per&s;onall Treaty at <HI>London</HI> not &s;afe; <HI>viz.</HI> be|cau&s;e
the King had &s;everal Armies on foot, &amp; many &s;trong garri&s;ons then;
neither was it known what party, or corre&s;pondency He might have in
<HI>London;</HI> all which con&s;iderations were now cea&s;ed; and that therefore at
pre&s;ent they held a per&s;onal Treaty (and that to be with the Hou&s;es them|&s;elves,
and at <HI>We&s;tmin&s;ter</HI>) mo&s;t nece&s;&s;ary. And thus with their Art in con|founding
of Times, they labour to abu&s;e the World; and to make &s;hew as
if they had yeilded to all that which the Scots now de&s;ired; whereas they
would not treat with the King but in the <HI>I&s;le of Wight,</HI> and not with the
Hou&s;es, as the Scots Commi&s;&s;ioners de&s;ired, but with their Commi&s;&s;io|ners;
And whereas the Scots de&s;ired that <HI>the King might be free and at li|berty,</HI>
they would have Him &s;till their Pri&s;oner.</P>
<P>They further &s;ay, <HI>that all this was yeilded unto, upon condition that the King
would &s;ign but four Bils, which they judged not only just and honourable, but ne|ce&s;&s;ary
even for the pre&s;ent Peace and Safety during &s;uch a Treaty.</HI> Hereby
they would in&s;inuate that they de&s;ired the four Bils but for &s;ecurity during
the Treaty; whereas they know that tho&s;e Bils were to be made Acts of
Parliament, and &s;o perpetuall Laws; unle&s;&s;e they intended that the Treaty
&s;hould be everla&s;ting.</P>
<P><PB N="37" REF="22">
As for the <HI>ju&s;tne&s;s, honourablene&s;s,</HI> and <HI>nece&s;&s;ity of the &s;aid four Bils;</HI> If they
have vouch&s;afed to read the <HI>Kings</HI> An&s;wer (which was not of &s;uch impor|tance
whether they did or no, their re&s;olution being taken before; that if
the <HI>King</HI> would not undo Him&s;elfe, they mu&s;t undo Him, which is &s;aid to
have been the &s;peech of a Member of that Hou&s;e) if they had read the <HI>Kings</HI>
An&s;wers, they would have found that the <HI>King</HI> had convincingly made it
appear, that this their way of proceeding (be&s;ides the unrea&s;onablene&s;&s;e of
the Bils them&s;elves) was irrationall, impo&s;&s;ible, and mu&s;t be ineffectuall to
the making of Peace, for which this Treaty was pretended to be; To which
might be added, that it would have been invalid.</P>
<P>It was irrationall; for that it is contrary to the nature of a Treaty, that
the chief Subject matters of the Treaty &s;hould be fir&s;t a&s;&s;umed.</P>
<P>It was impo&s;&s;ible; becau&s;e the <HI>King</HI> was de&s;ired to pa&s;&s;e the&s;e Acts by
Commi&s;&s;ion under the great Seale, and not by His pre&s;ence in Parliament,
whereas there is no &s;uch thing as a great Seale, but a mock-Seale of their
owne making, of which Sir <HI>Edw. Cooke,</HI> Mr. <HI>Sollicitor,</HI> and the above-named
reverent Judge, as well as three Statutes, have likewi&s;e delivered their
opinion.</P>
<P>It mu&s;t of nece&s;&s;ity be ineffectuall; for no Peace could be concluded
without the Con&s;ent of the <HI>Scots;</HI> and they in the name of that Kingdome
prote&s;ted again&s;t their Bils, and manner of proceeding; and like rationall
men they declared, that they could not but wonder, that it could be &s;up|po&s;ed
that the <HI>King</HI> having &s;o often refu&s;ed the &s;aid Bils, for the procuring
of a Peace, &s;hould now conde&s;cend unto them, only for the procuring of
a Treaty.</P>
<P>Invalid it mu&s;t needs be; for it is well known, that impri&s;on'd Princes
(e&s;pecially by their own Subjects) can do no valid Act to the prejudice of
them&s;elves, much le&s;&s;e of their Succe&s;&s;ors; be&s;ides it is well known what
the doctrine of the above &s;pecified Authors and the Law is, touching
con&s;training of the <HI>King</HI> by force. There &s;hall no more be &s;aid of the
manner of their conde&s;cending to &s;uch a condition'd Treaty (which they
in&s;inuate to have been <HI>a gracious proceeding</HI>) only I will &s;et down what a &s;o|ber
man &s;aid of it, &amp; then &s;peak to the matter of the Bils by them de&s;ired:
That the <HI>King</HI> was u&s;ed like a man that had had his hor&s;e, moneys, &s;word,
cloak, and cloak-bagge violently taken from him; and the men that had
rob'd him (&s;o that he would promi&s;e not afterward to pro&s;ecute them)
were content to treat with him about re&s;toring him &s;ome part of his
goods; but he &s;hould fir&s;t give his con&s;ent that they might keep his hor&s;e,
his money, his &s;word, and his cloak; but for his cloak-bagge, his nightcap,
his &s;lippers, and his &s;hirts, they would treat with him; And becau&s;e he
would not yeild to tho&s;e conditions, they &s;tript him of his cloaths, bound
him, and ca&s;t him into a ditch.</P>
<P>For the matter of the Bils they &s;ay nothing, not &s;o much as to in&s;inuate
<PB N="38" REF="23">
what they were, and of them there will be a Tract apart; only two or
three words &s;hall be &s;aid to let the world &s;ee, that there were never &s;o
&s;hamefull propo&s;als made by any Subjects to their King; e&s;pecially upon
His refu&s;all to yeild unto them, to lay the ground for His depo&s;ing, and
impri&s;oning.</P>
<P>1. If the King &s;hould have conde&s;cended to the &s;etling of the <HI>Militia</HI>
according to the Bill offered by them, He &s;hould have deve&s;ted him&s;elf and
the Crown for ever, of the means of protecting his Subjects, the Law, or
the Church, and thereby have been ab&s;olutely perjured, by breaking His
Oath of Coronation; he &s;hould have left his Subjects meer Slaves to their
ab&s;olute power, by giving way that they might levy what men they plea|&s;ed,
without di&s;tinction of Per&s;ons, Quality, or limitation of Numbers; and
under the pretext of paying the men &s;o levyed, might rai&s;e what moneys
they plea&s;ed, without re&s;traint either in the manner or proportion. And
having already (as they pretend) the Legi&s;tative power in their hands
without the King; it is much wonderd that they &s;hould pre&s;&s;e for any more
Bils then this; for hereby alone they &s;hould be the mo&s;t ab&s;olute Princes
in Chri&s;tendom, their Wils being the only Laws, and a &s;etled Power to up|hold
their Will.</P>
<P>2. But it &s;hould &s;eem being hereby become Princes, they would not
want that noble Power of Soveraignty, of conferring of Honours; They
had once this Parliament nominated a li&s;t of Per&s;ons whom they intended
to have made Dukes, Earls, and Barons; and now they would hook in that
Power by a Bill. It may be &s;aid they intend it not without the King: That
is but an illu&s;ion, for if they &s;hal by Bil make &s;uch Per&s;ons Peers, as they wil
pretend have by their fidelity and courage pre&s;erved the State; they have
already declared, that the King ought to give His Con&s;ent to &s;uch Bils as
the two Hou&s;es offer unto him; and in this rewarding of &s;uch <HI>Heroes,</HI> as
have been the pre&s;ervers of their Country, they will not take a Denyall.
And for their &s;upplying their new Lords with E&s;tates and Revenues for
their new callings, that is but giving the E&s;tates of &s;ome of the loyall Lords
(whom they call <HI>Delinquents</HI>) to tho&s;e their new Lords; which is done in a
morning by an Ordinance, as firmly as if it were by Act of Parliament.</P>
<P>3. In their third Bil, of having all Declarations &amp; Proclamations of their
Trea&s;on and Rebellion to be revoked, they do not pretend a generall Par|don
or Act of Oblivion; but they wil have a Ju&s;tification of all their Acti|ons
and proceedings; and all the blame and bloud of the War to re&s;t upon
the Kings head, and his Adherents; and that they as Traytors and Rebels
have forfeited their Lives and E&s;tates, wherewith they will enrich them|&s;elves.
So that the King mu&s;t not only pardon, but ju&s;tifie them whom He
hath &s;o often declared to have been Traytors, and in his con&s;cience belie|veth
them to be &s;o (although he be willing to forgive and forget all that
is by pa&s;t) but mu&s;t leave in the hands of their mercile&s;&s;e Enemies, tho&s;e that
<PB N="39" REF="23">
His con&s;cience telleth Him have been and are innocent loyall Subjects; and
can be charged with no Crime, but that they have &s;erved Him faithfully ac|cording
to their Obligations by the Law of God, the Law of the Land,
their Oathes, and naturall Allegeance. In&s;omuch that they are not content
that the King &s;hould be poor, and without any Power or Authority; but
as they labour in this Declaration to render Him odious to His people, &s;o
they would make Him infamous to all Po&s;terity, by delivering His faith|full
true &s;ervants and Friends (that have &s;uffered &s;o much for Him) to to|tall
ruine and de&s;truction.</P>
<P>4. Their fourth Bill, <HI>is,</HI> for the further Declaration of the Act for the
continuance of this Parliament, as is pretended; but in effect it is a further
&s;ettling and confirming of it; And certainly if there did any &s;hame remain,
they would blu&s;h to move the King in any thing concerning this Bill; con&s;i|dering
upon what grounds the King was induced, or rather con&s;trained to
grant it; &amp; how they have &s;olemnly prote&s;ted by their Declaration of the
19. of <HI>May 1642. That they would do nothing by vertue of that gracious Act,
which otherwi&s;e had not been fit to have been done.</HI> But what u&s;e have been
made, and &s;till is, of the &s;aid Act, (beyond the Intention in the preamble of
the &s;aid Bill expre&s;&s;ed) to the di&s;&s;ervice of the King, and de&s;truction of the
Kingdome, let the world judge.</P>
<P>Now &s;ince the Kings not conde&s;cending to the&s;e four Bils, is that which
they them&s;elves &s;et down in this Declaration to be the formall and reall
Cau&s;e of their making the&s;e Votes, and con&s;equently of depo&s;ing and im|pri&s;oning
the King, (For all the other particulars are but Aggravations and
Accumulations of faults, which they &s;ay they have hitherto borne) but this
the Kings pre&s;ent denyall of their Bils, is that which without Scorn and
Contempt to them&s;elves, and ruine to the Kingdome, they may not &s;uffer;
and therefore have taken their pre&s;ent re&s;olutions, to have no more to do
with the King, but to &s;ettle the Kingdomes without Him.</P>
<P>The ca&s;e lyeth then plainly before the indifferent Reader, whether the
refu&s;ing of four &s;uch Bils, &s;o de&s;tructive in the matter to Monarchy; &s;o
enthrawling of the People to all &s;orts of Slavery; and in the manner &s;o
compul&s;ory, &s;o irrationall, and &s;o impo&s;&s;ible, be a ju&s;tifiable Cau&s;e for
Subjects to depo&s;e their King, to impri&s;on His Per&s;on, to defame Him to
the World, and to deny Him all means of Vindicating His Innocency and
Honour.</P>
<P><HI>But now they &s;ay,</HI> having made this la&s;t &s;o ju&s;t and honourable application,
they cannot but conclude, that by not a&s;&s;enting unto it, He hath forgotten not only
His duty to the Kingdome, but al&s;o the care and re&s;pect which He owes to, Him|&s;elf
and His own Family.</P>
<P>How ju&s;t and honourable the &s;aid Application hath been, hath been
formerly &s;hewed, of which it may be with truth averred, that leaving a&s;ide
the wickedne&s;&s;e in the matter, no &s;tory ancient or modern can parallel it
<PB N="40" REF="24">
(for the undutifulne&s;&s;e and impudence of it) in Subjects towards their
King.</P>
<P>To conclude, they &s;ay, <HI>that for the&s;e few of many rea&s;ons, they cannot repo&s;e
any more trust in Him; but have made tho&s;e former re&s;olutions.</HI> Certainly they
have done ill to pa&s;&s;e by their many rea&s;ons; for the&s;e few have been much
too weak to &s;upport &s;o great a weight, as the wickedne&s;s of their depo&s;ing
their King, and the u&s;ing of Him as they do: and it is to be beleived, that
they would make u&s;e of the be&s;t of tho&s;e rea&s;ons, having &s;o great &s;tore out
of which to make their choice.</P>
<P>In the next place they &s;ay, <HI>They will notwith&s;tanding indeavour to &s;ettle the
pre&s;ent Government, as may be&s;t &s;tand with the Peace of the Kingdome.</HI> It is
likely indeed to be a righteous Government, and to la&s;t long, that a preva|lent
party in the Hou&s;e of Commons &s;hall &s;ettle without the King, and
again&s;t all Law.</P>
<P>WHAT hath been hitherto &s;aid, hath been to &s;hew how free the <HI>King</HI> is
from the A&s;per&s;ions endeavoured to be ca&s;t upon him by this Declaration;
together with the great malice and fal&s;hood of it. Fir&s;t, many things in
matter of fact are mo&s;t untrue; as that the <HI>King</HI> &s;hould have a hand in the
<HI>Iri&s;h</HI> Rebellion; That there was a De&s;igne of a generall Ma&s;&s;acre of all the
Prote&s;tants in <HI>England;</HI> That the <HI>Spani&s;h</HI> fleet that came into the <HI>Downes</HI>
1629. was to en&s;lave the Subjects, &amp;c. with many more &s;uch ridiculous
fal&s;hoods.</P>
<P>Other things are perverted by fal&s;e application of the facts, as that the
Hor&s;e that were &s;poken to be rai&s;ed in <HI>Germany,</HI> were for the en&s;laving of
<HI>England;</HI> whereas the truth is, that if that de&s;igne had gone forward, (as it
did not) it had been to recover the <HI>Palatinate.</HI></P>
<P>In other things were the facts untrue, by concealing part of the truth
and the circum&s;tances, which do clearly ju&s;tifie the &s;aid fact; The Malice
and Fraud of the Declaration is made mo&s;t apparent; as when they &s;peak
of <HI>&s;litting of no&s;es, branding of faces, cutting off eares,</HI> the facts were true; But
they conceal that all the&s;e things were done by cour&s;e of Ju&s;tice again&s;t no|torious
Malefactors; And &s;o that which they &s;hould have called Ju&s;tice,
they now bring for an in&s;tance of Cruelty.</P>
<P>Fourthly, it is remarkable that all the greivances complained of through|out
the <HI>Kings</HI> whole Reigne, though wholy redre&s;&s;ed according to their
own de&s;ires; yet they are recharged, and the redre&s;&s;es not &s;poken of. So
likewi&s;e are all the Objections which they have formerly made, either of
the pa&s;&s;ages of the War, or concerning the Treaties; although they have by
the <HI>King</HI> been formerly fully an&s;wered, yet they obtrude upon the people
all the &s;aid objections, and conceale from them the <HI>Kings</HI> &s;atisfactory An|&s;wers;
and all this in &s;o venomous and &s;pitefull a language, that it is plainly
to be &s;een, that their end is to make differences irreconcileable, and the
<HI>King</HI> odious, that they may have the more colour to de&s;troy Him.</P>
<P><PB N="41" REF="24">
It will now be nece&s;&s;ary to &s;peak a few words of their other Propo&s;i|tion,
<HI>viz.</HI> that a King that &s;hould be culpable of tho&s;e Crimes &s;ugge&s;ted in
this their Declaration, may be proceeded again&s;t, as they do now proceed
with the King; for to that end they have written this Declaration, as con|teining
the rea&s;on of their Re&s;olutions and Proceedings.</P>
<P>This po&s;ition is wor&s;e and more dangerous then their pre&s;ent Rebelli|on,
for that by Gods goodne&s;&s;e may &s;oon have an end, but this Po&s;ition is a
&s;ource, a &s;eed-plot and nurcery of perpetuall Rebellions. So much hath
been written by all &s;orts of Chri&s;tians again&s;t this damned Maxime, that
here it &s;hall be very briefly &s;poken of, and onely &s;hewed, that it is full of
Impiety, Perjury, and Trea&s;on.</P>
<P>Impiety, towards God, who hath in his holy word &s;o often commanded
obedience to <HI>the Powers by him ordained over us,</HI> and hath prohibited Re&s;i|&s;tance
<HI>upon pain of Damnation;</HI> and that to Heathens, Tyrants, and Per&s;ecu|tors
of his Church, even to that mon&s;ter of mankind, <HI>Nero.</HI></P>
<P>Perjury, by breaking &s;o many Oathes, Prote&s;tations, and Covenants, of
bearing unto the King true faith and allegeance, of defending His Per&s;on
and Honour, with all His ju&s;t Rights and Dignities.</P>
<P>Trea&s;on, the levying War again&s;t the King, the adhering to His ene|mies,
the indeavouring to alienate the hearts of the Subject from the King,
to remove the King from the Government, or to impri&s;on His Per&s;on, to
&s;ubvert the Lawes, to indeavour to change the government either Eccle&s;ia|&s;ticall
or Civill, to reforme the King by force, and many other things are
by the Lawes, and Acts of Parliament (and not by Ordinances) declared
to be Trea&s;on, and mo&s;t of them &s;o confe&s;&s;ed by them&s;elves this Parlia|ment
to be &s;o; and for the pretence of &s;ome of them, the Arch-bi&s;hop
of <HI>Canterbury,</HI> and the Earle of <HI>Strafford</HI> lo&s;t their lives. And here I &s;hall
leave that damned Po&s;ition, that Subjects may depo&s;e their lawfull heredi|tary
King, (for &s;o the King is in effect) upon &s;ugge&s;tions of His failings, or
any other cau&s;e what&s;oever.</P>
<P>It remains yet to &s;peak &s;omething of the Scope of their &s;o bitter railing,
and reviling of the King with &s;o foul a pen, as Tyranny, Cruelty, betraying,
breach of Oaths, &amp;c. which is to make Him odious; for an&s;wer whereunto
there &s;halbe only offered unto the world and them, &s;uch truths of the King
and his Deportments, as the fierce&s;t of His enemies &s;hall not deny. He is
known to be a Prince of a mo&s;t pious life, which He daily &s;heweth by His
con&s;tant practice of all Acts of devotion, as Prayers, Sermons, and frequent
receiving of the holy Sacrament. No blood hath been drawn by his Anger
or Revenge; no noble Family di&s;honoured by His Lu&s;t; no Debauchery or
Exce&s;&s;e hath received encouragement by His Example; no Oathes or Pro|fane&s;&s;e
have been heard to come out of His mouth; His prudence, ability &amp;
invincible courage and indu&s;try, are not unknown to them&s;elves; nor His
patience and compo&s;edne&s;s of minde, in the highe&s;t afflictions and wrongs
<PB N="42" REF="25">
that have ever almo&s;t befallen any King; and la&s;tly, his goodne&s;&s;e and cle|mency
in de&s;iring to put all by-pa&s;t Injuries into perpetuall oblivion.</P>
<P>Let the&s;e His known and undenyable vertues, be&s;ides His Royal De<GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="blotted" EXTENT="4 letters">,
and undoubted Title for &s;ix hundred years in England, and of 108 Kings in
Scotland, be put into the ballance, again&s;t all tho&s;e malicious and <GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="faint" EXTENT="1 word">
A&s;per&s;ions that have been raked together again&s;t Him; and then let it be
judged, whether it will not be an ill change for the people, to leave the
&s;ubjection and Government of &s;uch a Prince, to put them&s;elves under the
Tyrannie and Arbitrary Power of &s;uch a Parliament, and &s;uch an Army.</P>
<P>One thing more &s;hall onely be offered to the con&s;ideration of the Peo|ple;
whether if the Hou&s;es &s;hould conde&s;cend to a Peace, upon no more then
what the King offereth, be&s;ides all the Conce&s;&s;ions He hath granted this
Parliament, and what He hath offered from <HI>Holdenby,</HI> from <HI>Hampton Court,</HI>
and <HI>Carisbrook Ca&s;tle</HI> (before cited,) the Engli&s;h Nation &s;hould not be the
free&s;t and happie&s;t Subjects in <HI>Europe.</HI> And whether if they continue under
the pre&s;ent u&s;urped Power of the Hou&s;e of Commons, and the Army, (for
the Lords &s;erve now onely to be &s;ub&s;ervient unto them) they &s;hall not be
the mo&s;t mi&s;erable of all people; by having their Religion, Lives, Liberties,
and Lawes changed, and to be di&s;po&s;ed of by the Wils and Arbitrary Po|wer
of their fellow-Subjects.</P>
<P>It is againe de&s;ired (as it hath been in the beginning of this An&s;wer) that
what is herein &s;et down, may onely &s;tay mens judgements, and put them
into a deliberation; untill the King (who hath perfect knowledge and in|formation
of all the particulars, which in many things are wanting to the
Writer hereof) &s;hall Him&s;elfe &s;et forth His full An&s;wer; which is not like|ly
to be long; for that tho&s;e who have the wor&s;t opinion of the Procee|dings
of the Hou&s;e of Commons, cannot &s;uppo&s;e them to be &s;o irrationall
and barbarous, as not to let the King have a &s;ight of this their Declarati|on;
and to afford Him all nece&s;&s;ary means of making and publi&s;hing His
An&s;wer.</P>
<TRAILER>FINIS.</TRAILER>
</DIV1>
</BODY>
</TEXT>
</EEBO>
</ETS>
