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<DATE>2005-04-25</DATE>
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<NAME>Judith Siefring</NAME>
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<DIV1 TYPE="title page">
<PB REF="1">
<PB REF="1">
<P>A FREE
DISCOURSE
Wherein the
DOCTRINES
Which make for
TYRANNY
Are Display'd. The TITLE of our Rightful
and Lawful King <HI>WILLIAM</HI>
Vindicated. And the unreasonableness and mischie|vous
Tendency of the odious distinction of
a King <HI>de Facto,</HI> and <HI>de Jure,</HI> discover'd.</P>
<P>By a Person of Honour.</P>
<Q><P>Quo sis Africane alacrior ad tutandam Rempublicam, sic
habeto, Omnibus qui Patriam conservaverint, adjuverint,
auxerint, certum esse in Coelo, ac definitum locum, ubi beati
sempiterno aevo fruantur.</P><BIBL>Somn. Scip. &egrave; l. 6. Ciceronis de Republica.</BIBL></Q>
<P><HI>London:</HI> Printed for <HI>John Lawrence</HI> at the <HI>Angel</HI> in the
<HI>Poultrey,</HI> and <HI>Richard Baldwin</HI> near the <HI>Oxford-Arms</HI>
in <HI>Warwick-Lane.</HI> 1697.</P>
</DIV1>
</FRONT>
<BODY>
<DIV1 TYPE="text">
<PB REF="2">
<PB N="1" REF="2" MS="y">
<HEAD>A FREE
DISCOURSE
Wherein the
DOCTRINES
Which make for
TYRANNY
Are Display'd.</HEAD>
<P>I HAVE never been Consci|ous
to my self, that the Temp|tation
of any base Interest, or
the Apprehension of any
threatning Danger, could cor|rupt
me to betray, or force me to de|cline,
that which I well knew to be
the true Interest of my King and
Country; and therefore have I con|stantly
look'd upon those, that made
it their Business to break in upon the
<PB N="2" REF="3">
just Rights of the one, or the other,
as unhappy Contrivers to involve the
Nation, in a consuming Debt to Ty|ranny,
or Confusion, which the Peo|ple
shall be sure to pay, out of their
Enjoyments in Life, Liberty, and Pro|perty.</P>
<P>Of
Consequence therefore, I must
with grating Affliction have observ'd,
how strenously this vile Design has
been labour'd, from towards the latter
end of King <HI>Charles</HI> the 2d, to this pre|sent
time. Under the screening shel|ter
of that Prince, Popery and Arbi|trary
Power were favour'd, and che|rish'd
with all the Art and Industry,
which Men of slavish Principles, and
profligate Consciences, could devise
and apply, till the twin Monsters
were thought arriv'd at that fulness
of prodigious Stature, as no longer
to need his Life, for their Conceal|ment
or Protection.</P>
<P>As a good Preparative for the Intro|duction
of Arbitrary Power, in which
are all the hopes of Popery, pernicious
<NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg"><HI>Jovian.</HI></NOTE> Pamphlets were publish'd, in which
it was magisterially asserted, That the
Realm of <HI>England</HI> was such a compleat
<PB N="3" REF="3">
Imperial Soveraignty, as wherein the
King had full, perfect, and intire Ju|risdiction
from God alone; and that
his Subjects ought rather to suffer
Death wrongfully, than resist him.
It was speciously granted indeed, That
there were Political Laws to secure the
Rights of the Subject: but it was stifly
maintain'd, That the Imperial Laws,
which ascertain'd the Rights of the
Sovereign Prince, were superiour to the
Political, and might and ought to de|termine
when the Political Laws should
be observ'd, when not. As much as to
say, The Rights of the Subject should
be secure from all Invasion, but that
of their King. Well! that's worth
something, tho' the Clown in the <HI>Greek</HI>
Epigram, would not have much valu|ed
it; <HI>For,</HI> said he, a little irreverent|ly
indeed, but very plainly, and to the
purpose,
<Q><L>&mdash;<GAP DESC="foreign"></L>
<L><GAP DESC="foreign">.</L>
<L><GAP DESC="foreign"></L>
<L><GAP DESC="foreign">.</L></Q></P>
<P>Hercules, that defends my Flock from the
<PB N="4" REF="4">
Wolf, has ever and anon, a fat Sheep for
Sacrifice, the Wolf has no more for prey.
I lose on both sides; for 'tis all one to me,
whether the God has it roasted, or Isgrim
raw.</P>
<P>The Judges, in King <HI>James</HI>'s time,
very leernedly stated, and decided the
Matter; pronouncing, That in Cases
of Necessity, the King might dispense
with the Laws, and that he was Judge
of the Necessity.</P>
<P>These Gentlemen seem to have had
some Modesty, tho' no more Consci|ence
than the other; or, perhaps this
little show of Modesty, was a cast of
their Wit, they made use of the Fow|ler's
cunning, stalkt under shelter, to
get a full shoot at the Peoples Liber|ties,
which was the Quarry they aim'd
at; and dead they laid it, beshrew their
hearts for their pains. But 'twas a
sorry piece of cunning, which would
never have taken, but that the Game
they shot, was 'tangled in a Net be|fore.</P>
<P>Who
sees not, that if the King may
dispense with the Laws in Cases of
Necessity, and be Judge of the Neces|sity,
he may dispense with them as of|ten
<PB N="5" REF="4">
as he pleases? wherefore his learn|ed
Sages of the Law might have spar'd
their Wit, and more ingenuously with
open boldness, have asserted and de|clar'd
like <HI>Richard</HI> the 2d, That the
King's Will was the Law. This is
what the false Coiners of the cheating
distinction of Imperial and Political
Laws, and the corrupt Putters of Ne|cessity-Cases
[which makes the Peo|ple's
Slavery the one thing necessary]
would fain be at. But the Design is so
wicked and odious, that to own it
in plain words, were the way to over|throw
it: In truth, subtle Distinctions,
and Cases which have never happen'd,
are like to make the most of this bad
Market. Thus all in the Land of Meta|physicks,
where every Period or Page
of famous School-Divinity, harbours
wild Notions of Religion, which can|not
be explain'd, and made intelligi|ble,
much less prov'd and ascertain'd
by clear Reason; the Sons of Science
supernatural, the <HI>Mystic Adepti</HI> intro|duce
them, with proper Terms of Art,
[Terms useless to any other purpose]
and settle and 'stablish them for ever,
[<HI>i.e.</HI> as long as ever they can be settled
<PB N="6" REF="5">
and establish'd] on the unexamin'd
Foundation of perplexing Distincti|ons.</P>
<P>There were not wanting among the
eminent Clergy, who, as if they would
go a length K. <HI>Richard</HI> never dream't
on, seem'd to intimate, That the King's
Will was not only the Law, but the
Religion of the Country too; and
Passive Obedience, the only wretched
Portion of the unpeopled People; for
then they were no longer a People,
but a plunder'd and enslav'd Rabble,
left only Tenants at Will for their
Lives, Liberties, and Properties. In
such a wretched Case, it would become
the unpeopled People, to have always
their Loins girt, Shoes on their Feet,
and Staves in their Hands; not like
<HI>Israelites</HI> taking leave of their hard
Masters, and going to set up for them|selves;
but like the Shepherds of <HI>Cre|mona,</HI>
waiting for the terrible Sen|tence&mdash;
<HI>Veteres migrate coloni.</HI> Be gone
ye old <HI>English</HI> Race of strubborn Free-holders,
ne're trouble your selves how
ye shall drive your Flocks, but leave
such things behind you; haste, haste,
you have nothing to pack up, unless
<PB N="9" REF="5">
your old Wives, and young Children;
haste, and make room for naked Co|lonies
of <HI>tres humble Monsieur Servi|teurs,</HI>
that shall not dare to call their
Wooden Shoes their own; but Soul
and Body become all Obedience, let
[with Spiritual Curb, or Temporal
Snaffle] Priest or Tyrant ride them.</P>
<P>The design of changing our Legal,
into an Arbitrary Government, was
copy'd from the <HI>French</HI> Original. In
<HI>France</HI> twas laid in the Reign of <HI>Lew|is</HI>
the XI. and took effect to the de|struction
of the Rights of the People,
by destroying the Power of Parlia|ments.
The destruction of the Pow|er
of Parliaments was carried on by
very sober paces, by the most easie and
modest Encroachments, that People
weary of their Liberties could have
wish'd for. The King did not pretend
to raise Money, when he pleas'd,&mdash;by
himself,&mdash;and without his Parliament;
no,&mdash;good Prince,&mdash;not He. All that
he desir'd, was only to be permitted to
raise Money,&mdash;now and then,&mdash;upon
occasion,&mdash;in the Intervals of Parlia|ment;
and not that neither, but in
Cases of pure Necessity, when the Safe|ty
<PB N="6" REF="6">
<GAP DESC="duplicate" EXTENT="1 page">
<PB N="9" REF="6">
<GAP DESC="duplicate" EXTENT="1 page">
<PB N="8" REF="7">
of his good Subjects absolutely re|quir'd
it. And how could it be de|ny'd
him, who lov'd his People so
well, to judge of Cases of Necessity.
But the Power of raising Money be|ing
once gone, the deluded People
presently perceiv'd, that they had pur|chas'd
their Slavery with it. For now
all Power fell easily into the Hands of
the King. In vain it was to dispute
with him any Civil Rights not yet
parted with by name, or even the
publick Profession of Religion. For
the Power of Raising Money is, in ef|fect,
the Power of doing all things;
just so is it with the Article of Infalli|bility,
admit but that <GAP DESC="foreign">,
that first false Article, and you must
stand with his Holiness for nothing,
but believe thro' thick and thin, in
spight of Sense and Reason. Well!
the <HI>French</HI> King became, by the above|said
Artifice, at perfect Liberty to be,
or not be a Tyrant, which he pleas'd.
Let no one ask how he govern'd him|self;
for, did ever Man grasp at the
Power to do Mischief, without the
purpose? If there have been such my|sterious
Riddles of irregular Vertue, yet
<PB N="9" REF="7">
the <HI>French</HI> King's after <HI>Lewis</HI> XI. were
no instances of it. In them it plainly
appear'd how effectually the temptation
of unlimited Power works on Ambiti|ous
Nature. Ambitious Nature seldom
or never esteems any thing enough, if
there be any thing at all out of her
Possession. It has not been enough
for <HI>Lewis</HI> the XIV. to be the Law, but
he must be the Religion also of his
Slaves. With a great many it was Ar|gument
enough to be of the Religion
he requir'd, because it was his: while
his Spiritual Dragoons disputed more
forcibly with those of a more back|ward
Faith; The Priests had stood al|together
idle, and unconcern'd in this
Conversion, but for the merit of that
flattering Doctrine. A King is ac|countable
to none but God, but to
make amends for their being less ser|viceable
than the Military Men, their
unaccountable King shall be stil'd, the
Vicegerent of God, nay the very
<HI>Image</HI> of the Most High, tho' they
spoil the Argument in the First Chap|ter
to the <HI>Hebrews,</HI> for the Divinity of
Christ. I wonder they do not main|tain,
That their King is accountable to
<PB N="10" REF="8">
none but himself. For if he prescribes
them their Religion, as well as di|ctates
their Law, he is their Idol God,
as well as their Royal Tyrant.</P>
<P>But, as I noted, Ambitious Nature
never esteems any thing enough, when
there is yet something out of her pos|session,
therefore <HI>Lewis</HI> the XIV. is
for advancing his Tyranny over his
Neighbours also. To this purpose,
his method has long time been to cor|rupt
the Courts of Princes by his
<HI>Lovis d'Ors;</HI> to surprize Un-armed
Countries, and Ill-provided Forts, by
breach of his Oaths: Thus his Trea|chery
has many Years purvey'd for
his Cruelty, and his Cruelty shed
Torrents of Blood to quench the ra|ging
Thirst of his Ambition. He has
plunder'd the Monuments of the Dead,
and the Altars of his own Gods, nor
Fearing, nor Reverencing one more
than the other. He has broke his
Leagues with Christian Princes, as
long as they would trust him; has
kept them, something better indeed,
with the <HI>Turk,</HI> for it was his Interest,
tho' the <HI>Turk</HI> is not his only Allie, for
he has the <HI>Devil, and the Pope</HI> beside.</P>
<P><PB N="11" REF="8">
What good understanding there is be|tween
him and the Pope, the World
sees, and he that will not grant him
to be in League with the Foul Fiend
also, must believe that there's no De|vil
in Hell, or no Monkish Conjurer
in <HI>France,</HI> to bring those mighty Po|tentates
together. Is there any differ|ence
between Neighbouring States?
<HI>Lewis</HI> will interpose to settle it, and
never leave 'till he has settled, or
made it wider. Is any Prince or Prin|cess
to be Married? He proposes a
Match for them, some Bastard Son, or
Daughter of his own, well pre-in|structed
what returns to make him, for
their Preferment. Is there any Can|didate
labouring for a Sovereign Bi|shoprick,
or Coadjutorship, who has
very little reason to support his pre|tences?
<HI>Lewis</HI> the Grand will serve
his hopeless interest, out of his own
free mischievous Generosity. When
he prospers, he fights for the glory of
his Majesty; When his Affairs are in
some danger, he labours only to ex|tirpate
Heresie; but in neither of
these Cases, thinks it improper to as|sist
an Heretical Noble Revolter against
<PB N="12" REF="9">
his Catholick Lord and Master. In
sending abroad Embassadors, he choses
Huguenot <HI>Ravigni</HI> for <HI>England,</HI> a stout
Toper for <HI>Germany,</HI> a bold Marquess
for <HI>Rome,</HI> a grave Clergy-man for
<HI>Spain.</HI> In short he makes himself all
things for all, that he may confound
all Nations, and turn the World in|to
a Wilderness.</P>
<P>This is the <HI>French</HI> Original, which
some unhappy men among us have
studiously set themselves to Copy.
Now in the First place God be prais'd,
then due thanks paid to King <HI>William</HI>
our Deliverer, and every Noble Affer|ter
of our English Liberties in the
Convention-Parliament, for that, the
work of those unhappy Copyers was
disturb'd, and so they could never fi|nish
their Piece; but they gave us a
plaguy sketch of it in the last Reign.</P>
<P>But there is another Original
Draught of a Tyrant, set forth in that
excellent History of the Revolution in
<HI>Sweden,</HI> wherein many particulars bear
a perfect resemblance of our Late
Times, as to the great Transactions
both in <HI>France</HI> and <HI>England,</HI> which is
not to be wonder'd at, but rather to
<PB N="13" REF="9">
be consider'd as a good Evidence, that
all Tyranny is alike; for tho' the
Streams from the same Fountain may
run in several Ways, and Channels,
yet they all tend to the same Ocean of
Blood.</P>
<P>After the Death of the Brave <HI>Steno,</HI>
the Worthy Administratour of <HI>Sweden,
Christiern</HI> II. succeeded his Father in
the Kingdom of <HI>Denmark,</HI> and ob|tain'd
the Crown of <HI>Sweden</HI> by Con|quest.
This Prince was not more am|bitious
to make others his Slaves, than
he was, himself to become the Slave
of <HI>Sigebrite,</HI> a Woman who had nei|ther
the Charms of Youth, or Beauty
to Captivate him. But this notwith|standing,
her Power was as great o|ver
him, as if she had seem'd intit'led
to it, by all the Perfections, which
Nature could have bestow'd upon her.
It is hard to be imagin'd how an Old
<HI>Dutch</HI> Woman could obtain this ab|solute
Dominion over a haughty Mo|narch,
unless it were by perswading
him to assume the same over others.
The Inhumane Polities of this She-Favourite
were extremely agreeable to
the fierce and cruel Disposition of
<PB N="14" REF="10">
<HI>Christiern;</HI> He look'd upon the Anti|ent
Liberties of his Subjects, as incon|sistent
with his Royal Honour and
Dignity; and she tempted him to sa|crifice
a whole Senate to his Arbitrary
Ambition. This, this was the pleasing
Conjuration, that charm'd him, whose
Nature was not so pardonably wicked,
as to dote on Youth and Beauty; The
Tyrant receiv'd the Malitious Addres|ses
of his furious Mistress, as Testimo|nies
of her passionate Fondness for
him, and so gave her that dominion
over himself, which he resolv'd to have
over the <HI>Swedes.</HI> He found the Pulse
of the Church beat as high as his own,
they were even impatient to make
their King, their Tyrant, supposing
that their share in the Ecclesiastical
part would be as Flourishing, as his
in the Civil; and the violent Arch-Bishop
of <HI>Vpsal</HI> fancied he should not
be much the lesser Monarch of the
two.</P>
<P><HI>Christiern</HI> ill enough dispos'd of
himself, and always animated to mis|chief
by his Hellish <HI>Erinnys,</HI> quickly
came to a resolution of destroying all
the Senatours and Principal Noble|men,
<PB N="15" REF="10">
that had been, or were like to
be Enemies of his Imperial Arbitrary
Authority. To facilitate the fatal Ex|ecution,
he put on a better counte|nance,
than the Withered Hagg his
Spightful Favourite wore, no cloud
sate on his Royal Brow; but all was
clear and calm there, proper as could
be to perswade them to trust, who
once suspected him. With this show
of Gentleness and Affection then, he
invites the Lords to a Magnificent
Feast at <HI>Sockholm,</HI> Two Days they
were highly treated, and on the Third
Massacred.</P>
<P>Yet was not the Imperial Tyrannick
Thirst of <HI>Christiern</HI> satisfied, for the
Great <HI>Gustavus,</HI> with some few Illustri|ous
Patriots escap'd the Slaughter,
wherefore he sends fresh bloody Or|ders
to his Troops, who presently put
the whole Town to the Sword, spa|ring
none except the Old and Ugly,
but them, perhaps in Complement to
<HI>Sigebrite.</HI> Nay so utterly averse did
this Tyrant then show himself to all
Humanity, that when a Swedish Gen|tleman
could not restrain his Grief, be|holding
such a Scene of Horrour, he
<PB N="16" REF="11">
had him fastned to a Gibbet, and his
Bowels torn forth, because of his ten|derness
and compassion.</P>
<P>This surprizing Bloody Start from
a King to a Tyrant, terrified the Peo|ple
so extreamly, that it dispos'd them
to do their parts to free themselves
from their deplorable Condition. Sla|very
may be the misfortune of a Peo|ple,
but to submit to it, can never be
their Duty; And I much question
whether in the like Case, our Advo|cates
of Imperial absolute Sovereignty
would not have been of the same mind
with the <HI>Swedes;</HI> and not by their
Passive Obedience have acknowledg'd
their ruine for their Religion. Well!
in a short time, what the <HI>Swedes</HI> long'd
for, a Deliverer appear'd. He was the
injur'd <HI>Gustavus Ericson,</HI> descended
from the Ancient Kings of <HI>Sweden,</HI> and
Nephew to King <HI>Canutson. Christiern</HI>
had now not only Abdicated his Go|vernment,
by his Tyranny, in the ut|ter
subversion of the Laws, Rights, and
Properties of the People, but being
generally Hated, Beaten, and Forsa|ken,
he Consumated his Abdication
by Flight, and <HI>Gustavus</HI> the Generous
<PB N="17" REF="11">
Deliverer, was by a Convention of the
Estates, with the Joy of the People
chosen King of <HI>Sweden,</HI> which he go|vern'd
happily all the days of his
Life.</P>
<P>A Philosopher being ask'd, which
was the most dangerous of all Beasts,
Answer'd, of Wild Ones, a Tyrant; of
Tame Ones, a Flatterer&punc; These Tame
Ones hunt the Game like <HI>Jacalls,</HI> and
with their plaguy yelping excite, and
guide the Wild Ones to the Prey;
and this they do, in hopes, that, when
their Lawless Masters are cloy'd, they
may satisfie their own Appetites with
Reliques of that Destruction, in which
they had been instrumental.</P>
<P>This <HI>Jacall</HI> yalping in <HI>England</HI> was
never more Fierce, Eager, and Loud,
than in the Reign of King <HI>Charles</HI> II.
and it was a proper time for the Ene|mies
of <HI>England,</HI> and the Protestant
Religion, with the advantage of the
shelter which he gave them, to make
preparation for the Triumphant En|trance
of Popery and Slavery. And at
that time they did not neglect the op|portunity,
witness the <HI>Dover</HI> Treaty;
The Popish Plot discover'd by Doctor
<PB N="18" REF="12">
<HI>Oates,</HI> and many a bantering Sham,
that could not be brought to pass up|on
the People; but then something
that could make its one way came on,
<HI>Quo Warranto</HI>'s like Bombs were thrown
into Corporations, which miserably
destroy'd their Antient Charters; Dis|pensing
Judges were advanc'd; Pro|per
Sheriffs chosen, and all unjust
Arts used to dispose things for the ea|sier
plundering the Nation of their
Liberties, Properties, and Religion.
These unrighteous Proceedings would
hardly have been ventur'd on, but
for the Countenance that was giv'n
them by the Doctrine of Passive Obe|dience,
a Doctrine not reveal'd by Jesus
Christ, nor recorded in his Gospel, but
<HI>stamp'd by latter Creation,</HI> under the pro|tection
of which, any King may play
the <HI>Christiern,</HI> or the <HI>Lewis</HI> safely, and
without controul. This <HI>Creation stamp|ed
Doctrine</HI> grew in such Credit, and
Esteem, that not a Man, who did not
give his Assent and Consent to the
same, could be allow'd to be a true
Son of the Church, scarcely to be a
Christian.</P>
<P><PB N="19" REF="12">
The unlimited Power of a King ha|ving
been so strenuously asserted, and
so sucessfully in the Proceedings of
those Times, seem'd to make the death
of King <HI>Charles</HI> very seasonable for
the opening the Execution of the
Grand Design, in a barefac'd Subver|sion
of the Religion and Laws of
<HI>England.</HI></P>
<P>King <HI>James</HI> at his first coming to
the Crown seem'd to endeavour to
take away the Apprehension, and Ter|rour
that was justly imagin'd to fill
the Minds of People. And in his
first Speech declar'd so much tender|ness
for them, and such a respect for
the preservation of their Liberties and
Properties, that the cajol'd Parliament
from an excess of Satisfaction, shew,
[I may safely say] more Affection to
him, than ever Parliament did to a
Protestant Prince, and gave Money,
till he himself put a stop to the pro|fuse
and excessive Expressions of their
Satisfaction. It must be granted that
the lives of some Professors are not so
bad as the consequences of their erro|neous
Opinions: And it was charita|bly
thought by the Parliament, that
<PB N="20" REF="13">
King <HI>James,</HI> tho' a Papist, would not
Govern so Arbitrary, as the encou|rag'd
Doctrines of the Age gave him
leave; but they quickly perceiv'd
their Error, and found to their Sor|row,
that Popery, and Arbitrary Pow|er
could no more be seperated, than
the double Monster that was shown in
<HI>London</HI> of two Brothers, one growing
out of the side of the other, who were
so intimately conjoyn'd, that the Life,
Decay, or Death of the one was equal|ly
the Concern, and Fate of the other.
For now he began to put his Imperi|al
Laws in Execution, and by dispen|sing
with, fairly abrogated all the Po|litical,
which should have secur'd the
Rights of the People, but alas! they
were betray'd into his hands, and he
without Mercy dispatch'd them. To
me it seems almost impossible, but that
the Spiritual Defenders of the Absolute
Power of an English King&mdash;who de|liver'd
that Power to be Gospel, and
the Slavish Judges who declar'd it to be
Law, should have deplor'd the Wounds
they have given to the Religion, and
Laws of their Country, unless the
hopes of a share in the Spoiles had pre|vail'd
<PB N="21" REF="13">
above all honest Considerations,
and unless they had been themselves
as ready to embrace the Popish Reli|gion,
as they had been instrumental
to set it up. Together with the first
Exercise of an Arbitrary Power, the
Popish Religion began to appear on
the Stage; and the Monks and Friars
enter'd to act in their proper Habits;
Seminaries were set up in several pla|ces,
and Houses fill'd with those Re|ligious
Furies; Father <HI>Peter,</HI> a Jesuit
was made of the Privy Council, and
reign'd Chief Minister. Thus from
the Spring of Imperial [<HI>i.e.</HI> Arbitra|ry]
Power, an over-flowing De|luge
broke forth, threatning miserable
occasions for the Religious Exercise
of that Fatal Duty, Passive Obedi|ence.</P>
<P>King
<HI>James</HI> no sooner altered from
what he seem'd to be in his first Speech,
but the People alter'd from what they
were. Their Satisfaction in their new
King vanish'd, and from the hopes of
living happy Subjects under him, they
sank into the Apprehensions of be|coming
despis'd, and ear-boar'd Slaves.
A general Consternation fell upon the
<PB N="22" REF="14">
whole Body of the People; and even
those Clergy-men that were the Tools
to Subvert their own Religion, and the
Civil Rights of their Brethren, were
afraid that themselves should feel the
Thunder with which they had arm'd
their Tyrant. This brought them
quickly to interpret away the gram|matical,
plain, mischievous Sense of
Passive Obedience; and as for the Ex|ercise
of it, that they were so far from
practising [being above their own Or|dinances]
that no honest Men were
more forward to invite and joyn with
a Deliverer, than these Shifters.</P>
<P>The miserable Condition of <HI>England</HI>
at that time, did not only move Com|passion
in our Neighbours, but [as
we have reason to believe] put them
in mind, that the Disease we labour'd
under was catching; and if it was not
timely repell'd by their Assistance, it
would not be long before they lamen|ted
their own Fate. They were there|fore,
for our, and for their own
sakes, aiding and assisting to our right|ful
and lawful King, the then Prince
of <HI>Orange,</HI> whom God and his own
Vertue prompted to attempt our Deli|verance.</P>
<P><PB N="23" REF="14">
The difficulties that threatned this
attempt were great and discouraging,
but he, who was incapable of fear,
despis'd the Dangers, Landed some
Forces at <HI>Torbay,</HI> and met a Success
answerable to the justness of his Cause,
and the greatness of his Courage.</P>
<P>But before he set forward, to take
off all Suspicions that might reasonably
arise, where an Army came, that might
pretend to Conquer, as well as to re|lieve,
he put forth a glorious Decla|ration
Proclaiming that his Expediti|on
was intended for no other end,
but to have a Free and Lawful Parlia|ment
Assembled, soon as possible, to
secure to the whole Nation the free en|joyment
of their Laws, Rights, and
Liberties, to preserve the Protestant
Religion, and cover such as would
live peaceably under the Government,
[as becomes good Subjects] from all
persecution on the account of Religi|on,
Papists themselves not excepted.</P>
<P>King <HI>James</HI> was now reduc'd, to
that, wherein he seem'd always to
place his greatest trust, an Army, [for
the Preachers had forsook him, and
their own Slavish Doctrines sometime
<PB N="24" REF="15">
before] with the Army then he ad|vanced
to <HI>Salisbury,</HI> but found that
they were a part of injur'd English
Men; seeing himself therefore desert|ed
by them, as well as by his Chap|lains
[who invested him with his il|legal
Arbitrary Power,] and all the
honest English; he left the Kingdom,
thus he did, as it were, Sign and Seal
his own Abdication, which was grown
as full and perfect as obstinate Tyran|ny
could make it; And as his Act and
Deed the Nation took it, then the
Lords, and the Commons represented
in their chosen Trustees, settled the
Crown and Royal Dignity on King
<HI>William</HI> and Queen <HI>Mary,</HI> the exercise
of Regal Power, on their glorious
Deliverer only. Thus did they re|store
the Old Constitution of redem'd
<HI>England</HI> in King, Lords, and Com|mons.</P>
<P>There
was before the settlement of
the Crown, (<HI>Feb.</HI> 4. 1688.) a great
Conference between the Lords, and
Commons, chiefly on two Particulars
Voted by the Commons.</P>
<P>1. That King <HI>James</HI> had Abdicated
the Government.</P>
<P><PB N="25" REF="15">
2. That thereby the Throne became
vacant.</P>
<P>The Lords insisted on altering the
Word, <HI>Abdicated,</HI> and in the place
thereof, to insert <HI>Deserted.</HI> Also they
were not willing to willing to admit those
Words&mdash;<HI>The Throne is thereby become
vacant.</HI> The exception against the
Word <HI>Abdicated</HI> was, that in the com|mon
acceptation of the Civil Law, it
imports a voluntary express Act of
Renuntiation, which was not in this
case, and did not follow from the
Premises.</P>
<P>To this the Commons answer'd,
that the doing an Act inconsistent
with the being and end of a thing
about which it is conversant, or which
shall not answer the end of that thing,
but go quite contrary, That <HI>Act shall
be construed an Abdication, and formal
Renunciation of that thing.</HI> This they
exemplified. Thus the Government
is under a Trust, and any acting con|trary
to that Trust, is a <HI>Renuntiation</HI>
of that <HI>Trust,</HI> tho' it be not a <HI>Renun|tiation</HI>
thereof by a formal Deed. For
<HI>Act</HI> and <HI>Deed</HI> is as plain and full a
<HI>Declaration,</HI> as a <HI>Writing</HI> can be. He
<PB N="26" REF="16">
that acts contrary to a Trust is a Dis|claimer
of that Trust, tho' he does
not disclaim it by a formal Deed.
From all this they drew these just
Consequences&mdash;That King <HI>James</HI> ha|ving
Acted contrary to his Trust, had
Abdicated his Government; and that
having Abdicated it, the Throne is
thereby become Vacant.</P>
<P>But the Lords insisted, that the
Throne could not be Vacant, because
there was an Heir, and that in a Suc|cessive
Kingdom, an Abdication of the
Government by a Tyrannous breach
of Trust, could be a forfeiture only
as to that Person, who Tyrannically
breaking his Trust, does Abdicate the
Government; but not as to the next
Heir, so as to put him by, and make
the Government elective. Therefore
the Abdication of King <HI>James</HI> the II.
could not prejudice the next Heir, and
then by consequence the Throne was
not vacant.</P>
<P>The Commons upon this demand|ed,
that the Lords would tell them,
with whom the Throne was fill'd.</P>
<P>The Lords only answer'd in gene|ral,
that it was sufficient to know, that
<PB N="27" REF="16">
there were Heirs to take by lineal Suc|cession,
tho' they did not, or could
not expressly name the particular Per|son,
whose right it was to fill the
Throne. And therefore tho' they
could not say who fill'd the Throne,
yet they had reason to conclude, it
was not Vacant. The Commons then
represented to the Lords, that their
Lordships would neither agree, that
the Throne was Vacant, nor say how
it was full, and desir'd to know who
was King, if King <HI>James</HI> was not, or
were they to be always in that doubt|ful
Condition? For none could be
King <HI>James</HI> his Heir, during his Life,
the Crown could not descend till his
Death.</P>
<P>The Lords replied, That tho' the
King be not dead Naturally, yet if he is
so Civilly, the next of course ought to
come in as by Hereditary Succession.</P>
<P>The Commons replied, That their
Lordships held it a difficult thing, to
go upon the examination who is Heir,
and demanded, if that was not clear,
whether they were always to remain
under the difficulty. As for the Com|mons,
they were not concern'd what
<PB N="28" REF="17">
Words were us'd, <HI>Fill up, Nominate,</HI>
or <HI>Elect,</HI> 'Twas the Thing they were
to take care of, and 'twas high time
it were done.</P>
<P>It was farther demanded of the
Lords, whither, if there had been an
Heir, to whom the Crown had de|scended
in the Line of Succession,
and this Heir certainly known, their
Lordships would have assembled
without his calling? Or would have
either administer'd the Government
themselves, or advis'd the Prince of
<HI>Orange</HI> to take it upon him? A known
Successor being in Possession of the
Throne, this would amount to High
Treason, and such a one must be in
Possession if the Throne were not va|cant.
Their Lordships were press'd
to consider that they had concurr'd
with the Commons in this Vote&mdash;
That it is inconsistent with our Reli|gion
and our Laws to have a Papist to
reign over us. Upon this it was askt,
Must not we come to an Election if the
next Heir be a Papist? The conclu|ding
Stroke was, That if their Lord|ships
would not allow the Throne to
be vacant, nor name the Heir who
<PB N="29" REF="17">
fill'd it, the Nation would be left in
in Confusion and Distraction; but
the Lords were not willing that should
be left at their Doors, therefore, after
they return to their House, they sent a
Message to the Commons on <HI>Febr.</HI> 7.
1688. That they had agreed to the
above said Votes of the Commons
without any Alteration.</P>
<P>I thought it necessary to the chief
Purpose of this Discourse, to set down
some General Arguments of this Con|ference,
which is to be seen at large
in Print, and is most worthy to be
read by all that think it worth their
while to look into the Constitution of
the English Government, and to un|derstand
the Reason and Grounds of
our late Settlement.</P>
<P>I would now demand of any one,
that had not given double Security to
the Goddess of Errour, by Swearing
first to be always of his present Opi|nion;
and secondly, never to exa|mine
the Reasons of it; I would, I
say, demand of any, but such an over|prejudic'd
Man, by what other way,
or means, the Nation could have been
justly settled, besides that way, and
<PB N="30" REF="18">
those means, by which the Represen|tatives
of the People conventionally
assembled did settle it.</P>
<P>The Commons came to a Vote,
<HI>Jan. 28. 1688. That King</HI> James <HI>the
Second, having endeavoured to Subvert
the Constitution of the Kingdom, by
breaking the Original Contract between
King and People; and by the advice of
the Jesuites, and other wicked Persons,
having violated the Fundamental Laws,
and having withdrawn himself out of
the Kingdom, hath abdicated the Go|vernment,
and that the Throne is there|by
become vacant.</HI> And after a long
Conference betwixt the Lords and
Commons, the Lords on <HI>Febr.</HI> the 7th,
next following, sent a Message to the
Commons, to acquaint them, <HI>That
they had agreed to the Vote sent them up
of the 28th of</HI> January, <HI>without any Al|terations.</HI></P>
<P>Here
now was the whole Body of
the Nation, the Lords by themselves,
in their own Persons, and the People
by their Representatives, agreed, That
King <HI>James</HI> had Abdicated the Go|vernment,
and that the Throne was
vacant; by which it is evident, that
<PB N="31" REF="18">
there was as great a necessity to provide
a Supply, and that by way of Electi|on,
as there was to have any Govern|ment
at all; for if a People without
Government, and desirous to settle a
Government, must not choose for
themselves, I would fain know who
must? It is not to be expected that God
should miraculously interpose, and
for any Enemies or Neighbours to in|termeddle,
is against the Nature of
the thing; because the end which the
People seek in Government, is to se|cure
themselves against all that are,
or may be Enemies. It remains there|fore,
that they must choose for them|selves,
both who shall govern them,
and by what measures. The Lords
indeed, in the great Conference, spake
much of an Heir, and argued strenu|ously
for his Rights; but knew not
who that Heir was, nor where to find
him; and there's no being govern'd
by the Lord knows who, that is to be
found the Lord knows where; or, as
old <HI>Maynard</HI> phras'd it, <HI>in the Clouds.</HI>
If the Lords had known of any Heir,
they had not admitted a Vacancy; if
the Votes of the Majority of the Re|presentatives
<PB N="32" REF="19">
of the People had not
supplied the Vacancy by resetling the
old Constitution, or framing a new
[which at that time they were at li|berty
to have done] every one of
them must have been left in a state of
Nature, which 'tis every Man's In|terest
to get out of as soon as he can:
For tho' in a State of Nature, no Man
has a Lisence to do what he pleases,
every one being under obligation to
the Dictates of Reason, which is the
Law of Nature; yet, in that State,
no Man has the Advantage of more
than his single Wit and Strength to do
himself Justice when he happens to be
injur'd, which Inconvenience is the
great Motive that inclines Men to unite
in Society, and put themselves under
such Form of Government as they like
best.</P>
<P>When the Representatives of the
People were conven'd to supply the
Vacancy, [after that King <HI>James</HI> had
sufficiently published that he would
have nothing to do with the Govern|ment
upon the Terms of the Consti|tution,
and according to the original
Contract] the Condition of the Na|tion
<PB N="33" REF="19">
seem'd to be the same, as when
the Original Contract was first made,
the People choosing their Ruler, and
agreeing the Laws, by which he
should rule them; which Original
Right can never be justly taken from
them, until the Champions of the Im|perial
Laws of a Tyrant, and the
Preachers of Passive Obedience Sla|very,
can prove, that the People were
made for the Advantage of their King|ly
Ruler, and not the Kingly Ruler
for their Advantage.</P>
<P>I know it has been affirm'd, that
<HI>breaking the Original Contract,</HI> is a
Language that hath not been long in
use, nor is known in any of our Law-Books,
or Publick Records; but is
taken from some late Authors, and
those none of the best received. 'Tis
strange with what confidence some
Men by the help of a little Artifice
will advance the denial of Truths ob|vious
and evident enough, presuming,
that at the same time, they shall by
their Intimations and Insinuations,
establish their own wild, pernicious,
and novel Notions. <HI>Imperial Laws</HI>
controuling the Political, <HI>Jure divino
<PB N="34" REF="20">
Tyranny,</HI> quiet Submission to illegal
Violence, commonly called <HI>Non-re|sistance,</HI>
sometimes disguis'd under the
absurd Phrase of <HI>Passive Obedience,</HI> this
without Controversy is barbarous Lan|guage,
no Man ever yet in our Law-Books
or Publick Records could find
either name or thing. Of what anti|quity
these Doctrines may be in the
Writings of some Clergymen, is not
material, for neither Christ, nor his
Apostles, nor natural Reason requires
any Man quietly to submit to illegal
Violence, and look upon a Tyrant as
the Ordinance of God. But yet there
are among the Clergy some good Men
who abhor these unchristian and un|natural
Doctrines, and none among
them that can bring themselves up to
the Practice of the same; but even
the Apologists are now fain to trim
the matter with loose general talk, and
softning Interpretations. But then
the Sense of <HI>Original Contract</HI> runs
thro' all our Law-Books, the unan|swerable
Mr. <HI>Johnson</HI> has cited so ma|ny,
so clear Testimonies of this, that
I will only mention the Confession of
an English Monarch, King <HI>James</HI> I.
<PB N="35" REF="20">
who, tho' he uses not the Word <HI>Con|tract,</HI>
yet he does a Synonimous, if
<HI>Paction</HI> signifies the same as <HI>Contract:</HI>
In his Speech to the Parliament 1603.
he sets down the just Distinction be|tween
a King and a Parliament: But
in his Speech to them 1609. he hath
these Words: <Q>The King binds him|self
by a double Oath to the Ob|servation
of the Fundamental Laws
of his Kingdom; tacitly, as by being
King, and so bound to protect, as
well the People, as the Laws of his
Kingdom; and expresly, by his
Oath at his Coronation: So as eve|ry
just King, in a setled Kingdom,
is bound to observe that <HI>Paction</HI>
made to his People by his Laws, in
framing his Government agreeable
thereunto.</Q> But he that is most a
stranger to our Law-books, may easi|ly
be able to prove, that the begin|nings
of all Forms of Government
could not but proceed from the Choice
or Consent of the People. It is true,
God is the Fountain of all Power,
but he does not communicate it imme|diately
to Man, at least he has not
done so in these later Ages; Nay, in
<PB N="36" REF="21">
the Designation of <HI>Saul,</HI> and <HI>David,</HI>
which is recorded to have been from
God, 'tis remarkable that after the
Divine Unction, the People assem|bled,
and by their Votes freely chose
them, and before the Peoples Choice
they were not actually Kings of <HI>Isra|el.</HI>
But I will make short of this mat|ter&mdash;
Original Contract there must
have been between King and People,
wherever lawful Power is exercised by
a King, because Kings are not imme|diately
chose of God: But such a
thing, as a Power to do mischief,
which ought not to be resisted, never
could be, because 'tis against the Na|ture
of God to give such a Power to
any Man, and that which inclines
People to set up a King over them,
restrains them from giving him such a
Power.</P>
<P>If this be a Digression, I beg the
Readers pardon, but I hope I have ful|ly
prov'd that at the time of the Con|vention,
[when 'tis confess'd we were
without a setled Form of Govern|ment;
so that the Lords of their own
free Motion address'd the Prince of
<HI>Orange</HI> to take upon him the Admini|stration
<PB N="37" REF="21">
for a while] the Government
could not have been setled otherways
than it was setled, <HI>viz.</HI> by the choice of
the Community; and if they had not
made so wise a Choice as they did in the
Person of King <HI>William;</HI> yet his Ti|tle
would have been Lawful and
Rightful, because his Person was the
free Choice of the Community at that
time when they had no King.</P>
<P>But notwithstanding this plain state
of the Case, and, as I presume to
think, these unanswerable reasons, the
Old Tyrannical Doctrine had still a
spreading root, and tho' the common
Sense and Honesty of the Nation,
long provok'd, and almost undone
by it, was ready to check the incou|ragements
formerly given it, and blast
its open growth, yet now it began to
shoot forth its baneful branches un|der
the sheltring distinction of a King
<HI>DE FACTO,</HI> and a King <HI>DE IVRE.</HI>
Of all the mischievous Doctrines, that
ever were topt upon a Nation by ho|ly
Priestcraft, none ever stood more
in need of Shelter. The Doctrines
of Popery commit but slight depre|dations
on the Liberties, and Proper|ties
<PB N="38" REF="22">
of a People: but by IMPERIAL
LAWS controuling the Political, by
quiet Submission to illegal Violence,
they are with a vengeance swept quite
and clean away. Our comfort is, that
no Parliament Men can possibly be|lieve,
that the People have no right
to their Liberties, because the People
chuse Knights, and Burgesses to defend
their Liberties and Properties, and
'twere the most disingenuous injustice
in the World, for Gentlemen to ac|cept
such a Trust, if they are of opi|nion,
that the People are not right|fully
possess's of their Liberties and
Properties: No Parliament Men can
possibly believe, that King <HI>William</HI>
is only a King <HI>DE FACTO,</HI> because
it were the most Infamous Self-con|tradiction
to joyn with a King to
make Laws, in whom they did not
own a right to give them a Sanction.
Indeed when I look back on the be|ginning
of this King's Reign. I call
to mind those things, which some|what
amaze, and puzzle me. For
who can take notice, without some
extraordinary emotion, that any of
the King's Chief Councellours should
<PB N="39" REF="22">
urge him not to insist on his Title
<HI>DE IVRE,</HI> or that, when the own|ing
him rightful and lawful King
was started, and propos'd in the House
of Commons, it should be coldly re|ceived
and rejected. For if the King
shall not hold his Title to be <HI>DE
IURE,</HI> he must be an Enemy to his
own quiet Possession, and if the
Commons shall not own him for their
rightful and lawful King, they must
needs look upon themselves as Slaves,
not Subjects, holding their Honours,
Estates, and Interests precariously. For
my part I cannot but conceive, that
when the Lords and Commons in the
Grand Convention, declared the
Prince and Princess of <HI>Orange,</HI> King
and Queen of <HI>England,</HI> &amp;c. and setled
the full and sole exercise of Regal
Power on the Prince, they made him
their Lawful and Rightful King. They
made him their Lawful and Rightful
King, or they made him nothing.
Can any Man think or talk so ab|surdly,
as that the Lords, and Repre|sentatives
of the People chose the
Prince of <HI>Orange</HI> to the infamous ho|nour
of an Usurper and a Tyrant, pray|ing
<PB N="40" REF="23">
him to play the Tyrant, and Ad|minister
that Government, which he
had no right to meddle with? or
that, at one and the same time they
own'd King <HI>James</HI> his right to govern
them, and would not admit him to
exercise that right? These are absurd
Contradictions, which cannot consist
with the Honour and Wisdom of
English Senators. But whatever any
Enemy of our Settlement may pretend
was meant by the Convention, who
made choice of the Prince and Prin|cess
of <HI>Orange</HI> to be King and Queen
of <HI>England, &amp;c.</HI> and of the Prince a|lone
to exercise the Regal Power,
this I am sure that the distinction of a
King <HI>DE IVRE,</HI> and a King <HI>DE
FACTO,</HI> is ill-grounded, and mis|chievous.</P>
<P>1.
It is ill-grounded. This di|stinction
can be trac'd no higher than
<HI>Edw.</HI> the IV. and his first Parliament
invented, and made use of it, not as
a <HI>Salvo,</HI> for the justification of any
thing done by, and under the Kings
of the House of <HI>Lancaster,</HI> but in con|tra-distinction
to a King <HI>DE IVRE,</HI>
and that Parliament did thereby de|note
<PB N="41" REF="23">
that they held a King in Posses|sion,
to be a King falsly so call'd on|ly,
and to have no right to the Alle|giance
of the People. But our Ancient
Common Lawyers, <HI>Bracton, Fortes|cue,</HI>
&amp;c. knew nothing of this di|stinction.
A <HI>DE FACTO</HI> KING
OF <HI>ENGLAND,</HI> according to
their sense of Words, is as perfect
Nonsense and Contradiction, as ever
was made use of, to illustrate the Ro|mish
Anti-evangelical <HI>Mysteries of
Priestcraft.</HI> A KING <HI>DE FACTO</HI>
is just as much as a Rightful and
Lawful Usurper, or a Mild and Gra|cious
Tyrant. Our honest Ancient
Lawyers were not wont to flatter
Ambitious Princes with such odd, and
wickedly devis'd Distinctions, at the
expence of their Countries Honour
and Safety. A King, with them, was
but of one sort, <HI>Viz.</HI> The Creature of
the Law, The Ordinance of the Peo|ple.
<HI>The King,</HI> says <HI>Bracton, has a
Superiour, God, also the Law, by which
he is made King. A King is made,
and ordain'd,</HI> says <HI>Fortescue, for the
Defence, or Guardianship of the Laws
of his Subjects, and of their Bodies,
<PB N="42" REF="24">
and Goods, whereunto he receiveth pow|er
of his People.</HI></P>
<P>Let Kings therefore [it is the mo|nition
of <HI>Bracton</HI>] temper their pow|er
by the Law, which is the Bridle of
Power. These Famous, and Learn|ed
Lawyers would certainly have
thought it very ridiculous, that the
Title of a KING, should be deriv'd
only from the Notion of a Fact; and
the Exercise of his Kingship made to
consist in the Execution of the Impe|rial
Law of his Will. Between such
a King as this, and a People, there
can never be a good Understanding,
but they will be eternally at variance,
for their Interests are distinct, and se|parate,
and cannot but often happen
to be directly contrary to one another.
I wish the Clergy Advocates of Im|perial
Power, would but well weigh
the reasoning of the Reverend Mr.
<HI>Hooker,</HI> a justly celebrated Writer,
and I hope they will take his Word,
for more than a Ceremony. I will
Transcribe a Passage, they that like
it not, let them answer it. He says,
<HI>That for any Prince, or Potentate on
Earth, of what kind soever, to exer|cise
<PB N="43" REF="24">
Government, and not either by ex|press
Commission immediately, and per|sonally
receiv'd from God, or else by
the Authority deriv'd at first from the
consent of the People, upon whom he
imposes Laws, is no better than meer
Tyranny, for Laws they are not, which
Poitical Approbation hath not made so,
but, approbation they only give, who
personally declare their consent, or by
others in their Names, by right original|ly
deriv'd from them, as in Parlia|ments,</HI>
&amp;c.</P>
<P>But all of this Learned, Wise, and
Good Man's order are not of his ex|cellent
true Christian Spirit, some of
them, among those that best under|stand
this matter, in spight of Rea|son,
and common use of Speaking,
will set themselves up for such im|perious
Dictators of Words, that the
word King must needs signifie an Ab|solute
Monarch. But what if it should
be admitted to signifie so sometimes
in some Countries, yet this is plain
and undeniable, it does not signifie
so always, nor so at all, in <HI>Eng|land.</HI></P>
<P><PB N="44" REF="25">
The bare Word or Title KING
does not distinstly inform us, what
Power belongs to him, that must be
known by examining the Constituti|on
of the State, wherein he presides.
Perhaps some may object, that if a
King has not an Absolute Power, he is
dignified with a name which does
not belong to him. But this is like
all the rest, a positive stroke of Ar|bitrary
Philosophy. Words signifie as custom, and common consent
make them, there is nothing in the
nature of Words themselves, but that
TYRANT might have signified a
Just, a Gracious Prince, a Father of
his Country; and KING, a faith|less
cruel Tyrant, a <HI>Lewis,</HI> or a
<HI>James.</HI></P>
<P>The Gibberish of a KING <HI>DE
FACTO,</HI> and the Cant of an IMPE|RIAL
LAW, are of the same nature
and design, levell'd at the two Nor|thern,
equal, and equally hated He|resies,
the Protestant Religion, and
Monarchy limited by Law.</P>
<P>Mr. <HI>Johnson</HI> observing how long,
and how troublesomely the Nation
had been haunted with the Word
<PB N="45" REF="25">
<HI>DE FACTO,</HI> out of pure kindness
to his Countrymen try'd to lay the
Goblin; but tho' he had exercis'd ma|ny
a stubborn Devil in his time, nay
once not only rescued, and restor'd
some possess'd Creatures, but thrown
the very Devil himself into flames,
yet has he not been able to lay this
<HI>DE FACTO</HI> Goblin. Perhaps I
ought not to pretend to more pow|erful
Charmes than he, however I will
repeat the Exorcism, there may be
something in that: And who knows
but 'tis towards day-break with the
Common People, if they once begin
to discern the Priestcraft, and State|craft
of the distinction, a little mat|ter
will rid all King <HI>WILLIAM</HI>'s
Dominions of the <HI>Mischeivous Phan|tom.</HI></P>
<P>The
plain English of a KING
<HI>DE FACTO</HI> is of, or from Fact,
or Deed. A KING <HI>DE FACTO</HI>
must denote one, that by the means
of some Fact, or Deed, is denomina|ted
a KING. <HI>DE FACTO</HI> in
contradistinction to <HI>DE IVRE</HI> im|plies
an unrighteous forcible, an ille|gal
violent Act. A KING <HI>DE
<PB N="46" REF="26">
FACTO</HI> then is a false King, a
wrong King, a King who carries
Usurpation, and Tyranny in his very
Title. A King so far remov'd from
Rightful and Lawful, that he has not,
no, not a right by Law, unless the
Law of his Sword; a King that
has no right to govern the People,
but the People a very good one to
take away his <HI>DE FACTOSHIP</HI>
from him. But there is nothing in
this false, and dishonourable Title of
a King <HI>DE FACTO,</HI> that can be
affix'd to King <HI>WILLIAM,</HI> with|out
the most impudent and malicious
injustice: tho more of it, than the
Advocates of the late King are well a|ware
of, really agrees to their Abdica|tour.</P>
<P>If
they who administred the Coro|nation
Oath to the late King left out
the Provision in the Ancient Oath,
for the Peoples enjoying St. <HI>Edward</HI>'s
Laws, and added a special clause in
favour of the Clergy's, Canonical Pri|viledges;
if they Clogg'd the pro|mise
of securing the Civil Rights of
the Nation with a <HI>Salvo</HI> for Kingly
Prerogative, then we may safely say
<PB N="47" REF="26">
that the late King was no more than a
King <HI>DE FACTO</HI> from the ve|ry
first, and all the Oaths that were
made to him, are of no Obligation,
he not being the Person he was taken
for. But supposing that the late King
did oblige himself by solemn Oath
to Govern according to Law, with|out
any unrighteous Omission, Additi|on
or Salvo; yet when he notoriously
violated that sacred Oath, by claiming
an imperial arbitrary Power, above
and contrary to Law, and by exerci|sing
the same in very many, and those
the most dangerous Instances that could
be, then he disclaimed all the Legal
Title he could ever be supposed to have
had, tho' he continued indeed but too
long afterwards a King <HI>De Facto,</HI> a
King in Possession doing all the despight
he could to our Old English Constitu|tion,
and our Holy Reform'd Reli|gion.</P>
<P>But
this false and dishonourable Ti|tle
of a King <HI>de facto</HI> [as I said just
now] cannot be affix'd to King <HI>William</HI>
without the most impudent and mali|cious
Injustice; for he came over upon
the earnest Sollicitation of Lords
<PB N="48" REF="27">
Spiritual and Temporal and other Sub|jects
of all Ranks, to deliver the Nati|on
from Popery and Slavery: To this
purpose he declar'd himself in Words,
the Truth of which was clear enough
from matter of fact, for the Forces he
brought over with him were propor|tion'd
to the Design of Relief and As|sistance,
not of Invasion and Conquest.
He took not on him the Administrati|on
of Affairs for a time, but at the Re|quest
of the Lords Spiritual and Tem|poral
assembled in the House of Lords,
and of those Parliament Men that had
serv'd in the Reign of <HI>Charles</HI> II. be|ing
assembled in the House of Commons:
and at the meeting of the Convention
he gave up that Trust, which had been
committed to him but for a time, and
and left it to the Convention to lay
such a Foundation for the Security of
their Religion, Laws and Liberties, as they
themselves should think good. It was
never yet objected to him by his most
inveterate Enemies, that by any Acts of
Force, or Arts of Corruption, he
endeavour'd to work on the Members
of either House to labour his own Ad|vancement:
But that was the free Ele|ction
<PB N="49" REF="27">
of the Majority, after long De|bates
and Consultations on other Expe|dients:
He did not lay violent hands
on the Crown, but only accepted it
when offer'd, and upon the Conditions
offer'd with it.</P>
<P>It is a Truth undeniably manifest,
that King <HI>William</HI> did not purchase to
himself the Title of a King by any
Fact of his own, save that by his Ver|tue
and his Merit he recommended
himself to the Community, and their
Choice it was that made him King,
that's the Fact and Deed he claims by,
and 'tis the most Righteous and Law|ful
that can be, without a Miracle,
which I think the <HI>Jure Divino</HI> Doctors
do not pretend that we ought to wait
for, that so we may have a lawful
King.</P>
<P>The Election of the Prince of <HI>Orange</HI>
to supply the Vacancy of the Throne
gives him as Rightful and Lawful a Ti|tle,
as the Election of any Communi|ty
ever gave to the first elected King.
There's nothing in the nature of a King
<HI>De Facto,</HI> but King <HI>William</HI> has shown
his abhorrence of it; when he took the
<PB N="50" REF="28">
Oath, together with the Crown offer'd
him by the Scotch Commissioners, he
demurr'd at one dubious Expression,
and call'd Witnesses that he did not in|tend
by it to oblige himself to be a Per|secutor,
as if he had said, He would
not be obliged by any means, to Go|vern
in any Instances as a Tyrant, he
would be no other than a Legal King.</P>
<P>In short, if the Choice of a People,
whose King has broke the Original
Contract, and will not govern by Law,
but be the Law himself, or nothing;
if this Choice cannot create a Rightful
and Lawful King, then the Fault must
be in the Office; but if the Office has
no Fault in it, and it has none that I
know of, I am sure there is no Flaw in
the present Possessor's Title. It is im|possible
that every Member of the
Community should be pleas'd with the
Settlement of the Crown: but if a
Party think much to be concluded by
the Votes of the Majority, they ought
to withdraw their Persons from this
Kingdom thus setled contrary to their
likings, and seek out some Country
where Government is model'd more to
their Mind: For while they stay here
<PB N="51" REF="28">
and question the Right of King <HI>Willi|am,</HI>
what do they but ridicule and re|proach
their own Act? In their Sup|position,
that they have set up a King
<HI>DE FACTO,</HI> and no more, they
suppose that they have given a Man
Authority to play the Tyrant and do
Mischief, they suppose that they have
made Slaves of themselves, and gi|ven
away their Liberties and Proper|ties,
they suppose they have done all
that against their own Interest, which
they were angry that the late King at|tempted
to do: They will never vin|dicate
their Honour, unless they re|nounce
their Distinction, which I have
prov'd ill-grounded. I will next show
the mischievous Consequences of it.</P>
<P>The mischievous Consequences of it
are these:</P>
<P>I. It lessens the Honour of the King.
This Distinction was reviv'd in the first
Infancy of our present Settlement, by
some disappointed Persons, who, when
they found they could not serve their
turns of the Prince of <HI>Orange,</HI> [whom
with humble Supplications they had
<PB N="52" REF="29">
call'd in to their rescue from Popery
and Slavery] nor prevent his Election
to the Crown, presum'd that they
should take from him, by Artifice,
that which was confirm'd upon him
[maugre all their Opposition] by
Law.</P>
<P>It would have pleas'd them well, to
have been screen'd from the Tyranny
of King <HI>James,</HI> and protected in their
Tyranny over their Brethren; but
missing their point there, they thought
they might safely restore the Divine
Right to their late King, who could
no longer hurt them; and as for the
new elected Successor, who seem'd not
made to serve their Party-interest, be|fore
all things else, he should be to
them but as an Usurper, not have more
than the empty Name of a King. <HI>De
Facto,</HI> and <HI>De Jure</HI> nick'd this Contri|vance
to an hair, impair'd the Fame of
their envied Deliverer, and gave them
the ravishing Hopes of having their old
Master again upon their own Terms.</P>
<P>They could not have started, had
they studied for it, a more mischievous
Reproach than this against their gene|rous
Deliverer; for thus they charg'd
<PB N="53" REF="29">
his honest and well aim'd Declarations
with want of Truth and Sincerity, they
rob'd his heroick Actions of their Ci|vic
Garland, they plunder'd his happy
Successes of much of the just Welcom
and Esteem, which was due to them
from every free-born English-man.</P>
<P>Every dissatisfied Person that reviles
the King's Honour with this illegal <HI>De
Facto</HI> Title, Assassinates his glorious
Fame, and comes but little behind [if
he does not exceed nor equal] a <HI>Granvil,
Friend</HI> or <HI>Perkins.</HI></P>
<P>We have reason to believe that our
glorious King <HI>William</HI> values his honou|rable
Fame more than his Life; his ho|nourable
Fame may last thro' many
Ages, his Life cannot; the Nation in|deed
is most concern'd in his Life, Po|sterity
in his Fame: But we ought to
be tender of the last, for they who hold
him but a King <HI>De Facto,</HI> appear by
their common Discourses very tender
even of the Fame of his murderous As|sassines,
what little Stains a Brace of those
Miscreants had contracted, are thought
to have been done away by a <HI>Trium|virate</HI>
of Absolvers. I should be glad to
see that Affront to the Government re|proved
<PB N="54" REF="30">
by other Arguments, besides
what our Reverend Teachers use. The
<HI>Vncanonicalness</HI> and <HI>Vnrubricalness</HI> of
the bold Deed, not but that it might
be Uncanonical and Unrubrical too,
for ought I know; but I will swear
that the Publick Absolution of Tray|tors,
who are not pretended to have
declar'd their Sorrow for that devillish
Treason which brought them to the
Gallows, no, not so much as in the
Ear of the Absolver, was a more im|pudent
piece of Roguery, than ever
was committed by the Gown, in the
Face of the Sun, with a Reverend
Grace and Solemnity. I am afraid I
digress, but I hope I am within the
Purlues of the Forest.</P>
<P>It is the Distinction of <HI>De Facto</HI> and
<HI>De Jure</HI> which I am to arraign, and I
charge it to be Mischievous, because it
lessens the Honour of the King, it
draws King <HI>WILLIAM</HI>'s Picture
too like that of King <HI>James;</HI> there's
Difference enough, let but an ordinary
Painter have the Shadowing it, be|tween
a Tyrant that will not be limited
by Law, and a Rightful King who pre|tends
to no Power but what the Law
<PB N="55" REF="30">
gives him. Between the sternness of
the one awing the Poor Scholars of
<HI>Maudlin,</HI> and the Martial heat of the
other forcing proud <HI>Boufflers</HI> out of
<HI>Namur.</HI></P>
<P>It ought not to be forgot, that this
<HI>DE FACTO</HI> injury to King <HI>WIL|LIAM</HI>'s
Honour, is an instance of un|paralell'd
ingratitude, for he ventur'd
Life, and Fortunes for the Deliverance
of our enthrall'd Nation, and that, up|on
the humble requests of the Chief
of those very Men, who now requite
him, with this Wicked, Shameful, and
Ingrateful Distinction.</P>
<P>One would think it was not poli|tickly
done of them, as it is plain,
was not done honestly; for, who
would serve their interest another time,
if this be their way of Testifying their
Sense of the Obligation? They are a
Generation difficult, and hard to be
pleas'd, and possibly it were easier to
teach them their Duty, and make
them Subscribe to RIGHTFUL AND
LAWFUL KING, than to gratifie all
their Pretensions, for, whether they
know it or no, the honest English Men,
who were enough to carry it, for the
<PB N="56" REF="31">
Election of King <HI>WILLIAM</HI> to
supply the vacant Throne, are enough
to defend his Right, and establish his
Throne, maugre all their restless en|deavours
to supplant him.</P>
<P>II. As their malevolent distinction
lessens the honour of the King, so it
weakens the Government. Unto a
King <HI>DE FACTO</HI> only, there is no
esteem, no Thanks, no Allegiance due.
We may admire a difficult, and great
Atchievment, but it must be a Ver|tuous,
Honest, and Beneficent, which
wins our Esteem, and Love; we must
be the better for it, if it deserves our
thanks, we must have paid our thanks
in giving the Hero the Right of a King
or he can have no just claim to our
Allegiance.</P>
<P>Some Men teach, [and pretend the
Authority of the Church of <HI>England</HI>
for it, but therein they wrong their
holy Mother] that Allegiance is due
to successful Usurpers, and that Provi|dence,
together with success, grants
them that Authority, which the Peo|ple
ought to obey for Conscience
sake.</P>
<P><PB N="57" REF="31">
When an unhappy interest with-holds
us from professing our assent to an e|vident
Truth, we are many times
tempted to profess, and defend an
evident and shameful untruth: So it
is in the case before us. The <HI>De facto</HI>
Men refusing to own the rightful, and
lawful Title of King <HI>WILLIAM,</HI>
are forc'd to say that Allegiance is due
to Usurpers, for well they know,
should they pursue their Principle as
far as it would carry them, they could
have no pretence at all to his pro|tection;
besides, open and declar'd
enmity against the Government un|der
King <HI>WILLIAM</HI>'s Administra|tion,
was too much in all conscience
to be endur'd. Hence they found it
requisite to labour to perswade the
King, that they were oblig'd to obey
him, tho' he had no right to govern
them. 'T was a strange Paradox this,
so very strange, that, had they not
been endued with the uncommon wit,
and bouldness of guilding and varnish|ing
it at the expence of the honour of
God Almighty, they had made bold
with the honour of the King to very
little purpose.</P>
<P><PB N="58" REF="32">
But it is my business to wash off the
guilt and varnish, and show the odd
Paradox naked, that no Consciencious
weak mind be cheated thereby here|after.</P>
<P>They
would perswade the King,
that they were oblig'd to obey him,
tho' he had no right to govern them.
This is pretended, first to have been
the Opinion of some of the best Law|yers
of former days, and Instance is
offer'd in Sir <HI>Edw. Coke,</HI> the Judges in
<HI>Baggett</HI>'s Case, the Lord Chief Justice
<HI>Hales</HI> and the Lord Chief Baron
<HI>Bridgman.</HI> But the Lord Chief Justice
<HI>Hales</HI> for what he says, quotes Sir <HI>Ed.
Coke</HI> only, against Sir <HI>Edw. Coke</HI>'s Au|thority
many things are obvious, be|sides
that it stands singly on <HI>Baggett</HI>'s
Case; the Parliament Roll recited in
that Case, is pointed directly against
what Sir <HI>Edw. Coke</HI> is suppos'd to have
asserted; Lord Chief Baron <HI>Bridgman</HI>
has said nothing in favour, but much
against the Paradox. For a fair and
full illustration of these particulars, I
refer to the <HI>Review of</HI> Dr. Sherlock<HI>'s
Case of Allegiance,</HI> Printed in the Year
1691.</P>
<P><PB N="59" REF="32">
As our Law is not chargeable with
so foolish and unrighteous an injunction,
as that, which requires obedience to
Kings in possession, Kings falsely so
call'd, who have no right to govern;
so much less is it to be defended from
the words of Holy Scripture. But as
it sometimes happens in other Cases,
so in this, where Men have the least
reason for it, there they put the great|est
trust.</P>
<P>There is not a Text in the Bible
which commands Obedience to Ty|rants
or Usurpers. The Scope of the
places, and the evident reason of things
all along evinces, that the Kings, Ma|gistrates,
and other Superiours, whom
we are commanded to obey, have a
lawful Authority to govern. Yet by
artifice, and dextrous shifting the Sails,
our <HI>De facto</HI> Men hope to weather
the point.</P>
<P>Their method is, to refer all events
to the over-ruling disposals of Provi|dence;
so as if Providence left nothing
to the free will of Man.</P>
<P>Indeed if it were the positive Will
of God, that Ambitious Men should
grasp Sceptres, and Arbitrarily Lord
<PB N="61" REF="33">
it over cheated or conquer'd People,
then we ought to obey Tyrants, and
Usurpers for Conscience-sake, but then
the Argument would prove too much,
for such Ambitious Men being the Mi|nisters
of God's Providence, and exe|cuting
only what he would have them,
they ought not to be called Tyrants
and Usurpers, they have according to
this reasoning, from Providence, a
lawful Tittle. But the Sophistry, in
this way of arguing from Providence,
is plainly discover'd, and refuted by
distinguishing between the Will, and
the Permission of God Almighty. When
those things, that ought to be done
and which are just and good, are done,
then the Will of God is complied with;
when contrary things are done, then the
Will of God is resisted, and oppos'd, for
as Dr. <HI>Sherlock</HI> has excellently observ'd,
<HI>We are to learn our duty from the law
of God, not from his Providence; the
Providence of God will never justify any
action which his Law forbids.</HI></P>
<P>Let me add, nor can we, without
the highest impiety, ascribe an unlaw|ful
action, to his over-ruling influence;
he does not so much as give leave to
<PB N="60" REF="33">
the attempts of Ambitious Men, he is
not pleas'd with Usurpation and Ty|ranny,
and therefore it is impossible
for him to require, that Obedience be
paid to Usurpers and Tyrants.</P>
<P>God, for many wise Reasons, per|mits
the Affairs of the World to go
on, as they are mov'd by the force of
Natural Causes, thence it comes to
pass; that Craft, and Cruelty often
prevail over Right, and Innocence:
But God has not made the misfortunes
of honest Men their Duty; neither
Reason, nor Revelation forecloses them,
from using the lawful means to free
themselves from Oppression and Sla|very.</P>
<P>When
the <HI>Calvinists</HI> are charg'd
with making God the Author of Sin,
they commonly answer, that the Di|vine
Decrees do indeed necessitate eve|ry
Action, taken materially, not for|mally;
I acknowledge this Distinction,
to be an empty nominal distinction,
not containing any sound reason to in|validate
the heavy charge brought a|gainst
them; But however, it showes
that the Men have some modesty, for,
whatever may be the Consequence of
<PB N="62" REF="34">
their Doctrines, which they pretend
not to see, they will not charge God
so foolishly, as to say in direct terms,
that he is the Author of Sin; But the
Defenders of the <HI>De facto</HI> Notion ap|plied
to King <HI>WILLIAM,</HI> are not a|fraid
to make God the Author of Usur|pation.
They Blasphemously affirm,
That <HI>Allegiance is due, not to legal
Right only, but to the Authority of God
who sets up Kings, without any regard
to legal Right, or humane Laws.</HI></P>
<P>If there be any Doctrine which
more than another deserves to be call'd
a Doctrine of Devils, it must be this,
which boldly flies in the Face of God
himself, and in downright terms pro|claims,
that the Judge of all the World
does wrong. The publishing and de|fending
such Notions as this, natural|ly
tends to promote all flagitious and
unjust attempts, and thereby to bring
Confusion and Ruin upon a Nati|on.</P>
<P>The
Great God has a just Authori|ty
over all Men, for He made them;
they ought to obey him, for his com|mands
are just, when he expostulates
with Disobedient Sinners, he appeals
<PB N="63" REF="34">
to them, whether his Laws are not
reasonable. He gives none but reasona|ble
commands, but to obey Usurpers
and Tyrants is not reasonable, nor any
command of his.</P>
<P>The success of Ambitious Usurpers
is not promoted by any favourable
assistance from Heaven; but is only
the consequence of the Wit, Vigour,
and industry of those Usurpers, the
Almighty permiting, and leaving the
course of things to the force of Natu|ral
Causes. It is a most impious
thought to imagin, that the Righte|ous
God should require us to be aid|ing,
and assisting to wicked Usurpati|ons.
It might as well be thought, that
he should bid us disobey lawful Pow|ers,
as bid us to obey Usurpers. In
short, even the <HI>De facto</HI> Men them|selves
have granted all this, in their
Discourses of God and Providence,
when they have not had a By-cause to
serve.</P>
<P>What I have now mention'd and
censur'd, was all, which for some
while, Envy and Ingratitude against
our Glorious Deliverer, and Rightful
King, could advance in behalf of that
<PB N="64" REF="35">
shameful Paradox&mdash;which requires
Allegiance to be paid to a successful
Usurper, a King <HI>DE FACTO,</HI> who
has no right to govern.</P>
<P>But when it was observ'd, that nei|ther
our Law-Books, nor Bibles, by
all the artful application of ill-affected
Lawyers, and Priests, could be per|swaded
to spread a sheltring Umbrage
over that shameful Paradox of theirs,
which the denial of King <HI>WILLIAM</HI>'s
Right forc'd them to devise, some
more refin'd Phoilosophers, with a par|ticular
Court-like Address, thought to
save its Credit. The Throne (say
they) being fill'd, [no matter how]
we are protected by it, and the bene|fit
of Protection requires the recipro|cal
duty of Obedience. By this one
Argument, they would have us be|lieve,
that all Differences may be com|promiz'd,
their Consciences sav'd, and
the Government in no danger.</P>
<P>But by their Favour, tho' perhaps
their Consciences may shift well e|nough,
come what will; yet I think
the Government cannot be safely ven|tur'd
upon their gratitude, we have
had so many Plots, and Trayterous
<PB N="65" REF="35">
Correspondencies of Discontented Men,
who were not only protected, but
some of them trusted, and honour'd;
that there's no avoiding such a suspici|ous
thought.</P>
<P>But to speak close to their Argu|ment:
They make possession of the
Throne, tho' obtain'd by bloody, and
violent Mischiefs, the same thing as
Protection; to an Usurper's Admini|stration
they give the name of a Be|nefit,
and to such a Violent Benefit
obtruded upon Men against their wills,
they would have Obedience paid, as
Duty. More Absurdities cannot well
be crowded into so few words. A vi|olent
Possessour is like to give but an
odd sort of Protection to them, who
do not uphold his violent Possession,
as far as they are able; his dealing
to all but the Friends of his Usurpa|tion
will look more like Tyranny
than Protection, and must more pro|perly
be called an Injury than a Be|nefit.</P>
<P>A violent Possessor does, by his first
unjust Violence a present great Injury,
to all them on whom he imposes his
Yoke; and how should they expect
<PB N="66" REF="36">
any future Benefit from him? For, by
his Usurpation, they are depriv'd of all
Right to claim, or expect it by any
Obligation of Laws, or claim of Ju|stice;
what they shall chance to meet
with of that kind, they must have from
his unconfin'd Will and arbitrary Pow|er,
which is a very Capricious and For|tuitous
thing.</P>
<P>Are we oblig'd to obey a Prince,
whom not our Law, but his own
Might advanc'd over us? Then it
must be his Might that obliges us, and
the Obedience which we pay, is Obe|dience
<HI>per</HI> Force, Obedience falsly so
call'd, in truth, it is no more Obedi|ence
than Possession is Protection, and
Governing us whither we will or no, a
Benefit; true Obedience is from choice,
and always paid for real and valuable
Considerations. The due Allegiance
of Subjects is paid for the Enjoyment of
Life, Liberty and Property, defended
by such Laws as the Subjects have con|sented
to, the Execution of which Laws
is committed to his Trust, who is by
due Course of Law made their Gover|nor,
under what high Character or Ti|tle
soever.</P>
<P><PB N="67" REF="36">
He that is advanc'd to the Throne
by due course of Law and Consent of
the People, becomes a King <HI>De Jure,</HI>
a Rightful and Lawful King, and to
him Obedience is really due; for, from
his legal Possession, we have a real and
not an imaginary Benefit under his Go|vernment;
we have a Protection from
certain and known Laws, not from un|certain
and unknown Will and Pow|er.</P>
<P>From this plain and clear state of the
Case it appears, That our refin'd Philo|sophers
in their neat Argument are guil|ty
of a wilful or weak Mistake in put|ting
one Word for another, in calling
violent Possession Protection, an Inju|ry,
a Benefit, Suffering Obedience:
Whether I should call it a wilful or
weak Mistake, I know not, for' tis not
plain to me which they value most,
their Wit, or Honesty, but a manifest
Mistake it is, and will not pass upon
the Nation, unless they who take such
pains to dress things in Disguises, had
that Command in Rhetorical Sophistry
which the old Declamators at <HI>Athens</HI> so
valued themselves upon, pretending to
be able to make the worst Cause look
<PB N="68" REF="37">
well; unless they could by artificial
studied Words, and Strains of Wit,
make the People esteem it as great a
Benefit to live in the Apprehension and
Expectation of being Slaves, as in the
Condition of Subjects; unless they
could by wheedling Amusements, per|suade
them, that their Lives, Liberties
and Properties are as safe under uncon|trouled
and Arbitrary Power, as under
a Power limited by those Laws, which
they themselves had a share in ma|king.</P>
<P>In
short, if this be good Reasoning,
he that fills a Throne, tho' he has no
right to fill it, does, by filling it, give
Protection to the People; and by go|verning
them without their Consent,
bestows a Benefit upon them, in return
for which they are oblig'd to obey
him: Then Thieves that break open
a House, and spare the Lives of the
Family, may be said to give them Pro|tection,
and in disposing the Goods at
their own Pleasure, to bestow a Bene|fit
on the true Owners, and what the
Owners suffer under such a Terror,
may be called Obedience: Nay, accor|ding
to these Measures, the Man that
<PB N="69" REF="37">
is hang'd may be said to pay Obedience,
and he that trusses him up, right or
wrong, is his Ruler <HI>De Facto.</HI></P>
<P>The Preachers of Passive Obedience
made it their Business to abuse the Peo|ple
with a very pernicious false Do|ctrine,
but they gave it a proper, agree|able,
and true Name; for, the plain
signification of Passive Obedience is,
<HI>Suffering, Actual Suffering, Irremedia|ble
Suffering:</HI> With a bareface it teach|es,
that if we receive no manner of Pro|tection
or Benefit by the Laws of the
Land, but on the contrary, are de|priv'd
of our Liberties and Properties,
yet we must submit and suffer: But
the Authors of the Argument which I
am reproving, are pleas'd to call Suffer|ing,
Obedience; the one would enslave
us by a confident belying of Religion,
the other by a subtle misuse of seeming
Reason.</P>
<P>I have prov'd in General, that the
distinction of a King <HI>De Jure</HI> and <HI>De
Facto,</HI> as applied to King <HI>William,</HI> weak|ens
the Government. I will now exem|plisy
the same in some Particulars.</P>
<P><PB N="70" REF="38">
I. They that do not believe King
<HI>William</HI> to be their King <HI>De Jure, i. e.</HI>
their True and Lawful King, are not
like to bear true Faith and Allegiance to
him. They have no Motive, no Temp|tation
to induce them: If they bear
true Faith and Allegiance to a King, in
their Opinion, an Usurper, they must
contradict the Principles which God
and Nature have implanted in them,
they must cross their own present Incli|nations
without the Prospect of a fu|ture
Advantage. It is as much as ever
our Preachers can do, to keep Men
from indulging their present Inclinati|ons
by the Hopes of a Recompence
hereafter; but 'twould puzzle all their
Eloquence to persuade them to this,
when the Instance is not a moral Acti|on
fit to be done, nor any thing to be
got by it.</P>
<P>The wonderful and unreasonable
Confidence of those Jacobizing Au|thors,
who would persuade their Rea|ders,
that Allegiance ought to be paid
to a King, whom they believe to have
no Right to require it, made me with
<PB N="71" REF="38">
a strict Thoughtfulness consider, on
what Bottom they could pretend to
ground the Obligation; but Bottom
could I find none, save that from the
Christian Precept of loving Enemies, a
merry Man might make a Jest on't.
By the way, this most difficult of Chri|stian
Precepts, had been recommended
to the World before our Blessed Ma|ster's
Time, by wise Heathens, <HI>Grotius</HI>
in his Book <HI>De Ver. Rel. Christianae,</HI>
quotes several, but no wise Heathen or
Christian, ever explain'd that Precept
so far, as to exact the Payment of good
Offices to an Enemy at the Expence of
the just Rights of a Friend, or Allegi|ance
to an arbitrary King in Possession,
to the Wrong of the lawful King un|happily
dispossess'd: And I am Opi|nion,
that the Consideration of this, or a
less justifiable cause mov'd a good Doctor
to mince the matter thus: <HI>It is our Du|ty
to pray for the King in Possession,
while we take care to do it in such
terms, as not to pray against the dispos|sess'd
Prince.</HI> Which is as much as to
say, We may pray that God would do
such a King some small Personal Kind|nesses,
<PB N="72" REF="39">
or so; but not to discomfit his
Enemies, or establish his Throne, and
this justifies my Position. That they
who do not believe King <HI>William</HI> to be
their King <HI>De Jure,</HI> are not like to
bear him true Faith and Allegiance; we
have but too long seen the Effects of
the Doctor's Caution, one while many
were contented to pray for King <HI>Willi|am</HI>
only from the Desk in appointed
Forms, they abstain'd from mentioning
his Name in the Pulpit; the most
thought it enough in General Terms to
pray God to be Gracious to King <HI>Wil|liam;</HI>
not one of a hundred at this Day
dares pronounce him Rightful and Law|ful
King; they will, 'tis true, not
grudge to call him the King that God
has set over them; but that's an ob|lique
Reflexion, for, the same is their
Phrase also for an Usurper.</P>
<P>The questioning King <HI>William</HI>'s Title,
was always the profess'd Cause of the Re|fusal
of Swearing to bear Faith and true
Allegiance to him. Indeed the above
mention'd Doctor was pleas'd to tell the
Nation, <HI>That he did not refuse the Oaths
out of any Fondness for the Government
<PB N="73" REF="39">
of King</HI> James, <HI>nor Zeal for his Return:</HI>
But I am confident he did not refuse
them out of any Persuasion of the
Right of King <HI>William,</HI> nor Zeal for
his Establishment; in Truth, his Refu|sal
of the Oaths, was a plain Declara|tion
of his Sense against King <HI>William</HI>'s
Right; but when he took the Oaths,
then to insinuate that King <HI>William</HI> had
no Legal Right&mdash;<HI>hic nigrae succus so|liginis,
haec est aerugo mera.</HI> Yet this
Doctor is a Saint, in Comparison with
that Loyal Rector, who essay'd to
prove, that notwithstanding his Oath
to King <HI>William</HI> and Queen <HI>Mary,</HI> he
had not put himself out of a Capacity
to perform what he swore to the late
King: Which makes it plain that they
who are not persuaded of King <HI>Willi|am</HI>'s
Rightful Title, cannot be willing
to give him, no, not their Oaths, unless
it be for the better Opportunity to be|tray
him. In short, I would sooner
hope to find an Atheist, zealous to pro|mote
the practise of Vertue and Piety,
than that the Government under King
<HI>William</HI> should be rightly serv'd, by
those that are persuaded of the Right
of the late King.</P>
<P><PB N="74" REF="40">
When the late King sent Forces a|gainst
the late Duke of <HI>Monmouth</HI> he
was in the right, not to put his trust
in the County Troops, for he look'd
upon many of them to have no opi|nion
of his Title, but rather to think
well of the cause of the Invader.</P>
<P>'Tis the ordinary Policy of every
Tyrant to oppress his own People
with Mercenary Foreigners, or such
Subjects of his own, as are Souldiers,
who have nothing but Fortune, and
his Bounty to trust to; 'twere as
foolish to go about to suppress them
by other Instruments, as 'tis wicked to
oppress them at all.</P>
<P>Perhaps a hungry Lawyer may
plead for his Fee against his Consci|ence,
but a lover of his Country will
not be the Chief Justice of an Arbitra|ry
Monarch.</P>
<P>II. They that do not believe King
<HI>WILLIAM</HI> to be their Righful
and Lawful King, are bound in Con|science
to endeavour to dispossess
him.</P>
<P><PB N="75" REF="40">
I know there be some <HI>Casuists,</HI> who
contend earnestly, that an Erroneous
Conscience does not oblige a Man to
follow it; in proof of their Negative,
they muster many Zealous, and some
Witty Pleadings, proper to amuse,
and entertain one sort of Readers, but
no Man can be convinc'd by them.
For God gave us Conscience to be our
Guide, and Nature will have us to
follow it, whether in the doing good
or evil. I prove it by this plain Rea|son&mdash;
if we are not oblig'd to obey
an Erroneous Conscience, then we
are not oblig'd to obey a right and
well perswaded Conscience, for the
Erroneous Conscience thinks it self in
the right, as well as the Conscience
that both thinks so, and is so. A Man
who is Erroneously perswaded in Mo|ral
Matters cannot but sin; he sins in
following his Erroneous Conscience,
when it prompts him to an Immoral
Action, because by the Word of God,
and Right Reason, he might have in|form'd
his Conscience better: He sins
most audaciously when he acts against
his Conscience, because he thinks it his
<PB N="76" REF="41">
Duty to obey it. Bishop <HI>Taylor</HI> tea|ches,
That it is a greater sin to do a
good Action against our Conscience,
than to do an evil Action in obedience
to it. The Example he brings answers
exactly but to one part of his Rule,
but comes near the other, and leads to
our purpose. <Q>Fryar <HI>Clement</HI> the <HI>Ja|cobine</HI>
thinks Erroneously, that it is
lawful to kill his King: The poor
Damosel <HI>Faucette</HI> thinks it unlawful
to spit in the Church; but it hap|pen'd,
that one day she did it a|gainst
her Conscience; and the Fry|ar
one day with his Conscience and
a long Knife kill'd the King. If
the Question be here who sinn'd
most, the disparity is next to infi|nite,
the poor Woman was to be
chidden for doing against her Con|science,
and the other to be hang'd
for doing according to his.</Q> Thus
say I, those Assasines deserve to be
hang'd who attempt to kill, and those
also who consult, and labour to dis|posses
our Rightful and Lawful King
<HI>WILLIAM;</HI> but while with an
Erroneous Conscience, they believe
<PB N="77" REF="41">
him to be only King <HI>DE FACTO, i.e.</HI>
a false King, but a real Usurper, I do
not see how they can avoid <HI>Treason,
and the danger of the Gallows.</HI> Now,
bless us! and deliver us! Some Friends
of the Party may say, from so barba|rous
Doctrine as this. What! Hang
Men for obeying their Consciences?
and doing what in their Circumstan|ces
they could not avoid. But to a|bate
their Wonder, and let them into
the cruel Mystery, I reply, it is but a
Just, Reasonable, and Necessary Do|ctrine;
for why should their Consci|ences
disturb our Settlement, and en|danger
the Life of our King. They
should labour to inform their Consci|ences
better, or carry them to some
other Country, where our Govern|ment,
and the Life of our King, may
be as safe from the treacherous practi|ces
of their Consciences, as their Con|sciences
from the Just, and but too
slow, Vengeance of the Government;
For, as Mr. <HI>Johnson</HI> told them long a|goe.
<HI>He ought not to live under any
Government, who refuses to give it the
customary and legal caution.</HI></P>
<P><PB N="78" REF="42">
They shall put you out of the Syna|gogues,
<HI>said Christ to his Apostles,</HI> yea
the time cometh, that whosoever killeth
you, will think, that be doth God good
service.</P>
<P><HI>Friend,</HI> and <HI>Perkins,</HI> and their Fel|low
Assassines thought themselves ob|lig'd
in Conscience to take off King
<HI>WILLIAM,</HI> because they look'd up|on
him only as a King <HI>DE FACTO,</HI>
a meer Usurper: In Conscience they
held themselves oblig'd to endeavour
the Restoration of the late King, be|cause
they look'd on him as King <HI>DE
IVRE.</HI> And rather than not effect
these Purposes they engage to pro|mote
a <HI>French</HI> Invasion, which would
have made bloody Work among us,
but what car'd they for that, as long
as it was to reinstate the right Heir.
A more Mischievous Distinction can|not
be imagin'd than this of a King
<HI>DE IVRE,</HI> and <HI>DE FACTO,</HI> the
former being applied to the late King,
the latter to King <HI>WILLIAM;</HI> but I
will descend to some particular Instan|ces.</P>
<P><PB N="79" REF="42">
This wicked Distinction, thus Mis|chievously
applied, long encourag'd
troublesom Commotions in <HI>Scotland,</HI>
but more fatally delay'd the Reducti|on
of <HI>Ireland.</HI> It famish'd some Thou|sands
in <HI>London-Derry,</HI> kept a gallant
Army from Action One Summer for
Six Weeks, that was, till the Season
for Action was over; so that the Vi|ctory
of the next Year cost the King
some of his own Blood, and the Life
of his brave General. It betray'd our
Councils, and brought the <HI>French</HI> Fleet
into our Channel, prevented the push|ing
on our Successes, so that our dis|honour
is not yet reveng'd, as it ought,
and perhaps might be, it expos'd our
Merchants, and ruin'd our Trade, it
hatch'd many a Hellish Plot in <HI>Ire|land,</HI>
in <HI>Flanders,</HI> in <HI>England,</HI> against
the Life of King <HI>WILLIAM</HI> and
Queen <HI>MART,</HI> against the Liberties
of this Nation, and the Lives of all
honest Protestants, it hinder'd the due
Examination of discover'd Plots, and
rescued Traytors convict, without ob|liging
them to Confession.</P>
<P>This Wicked, and Mischievously ap|plied
<PB N="80" REF="43">
distinction contriv'd the last Hell|ish
Conspiracy, laid it deep, and spread
it wide, urg'd it on with a steddy
Zeal, and unwearied Application under
the Auspices of an exil'd Tyrant, and
at the vast expence of his proud Pro|tector,
watch'd all opportunities to
begin the Bloody Execution; conceal'd
it obstinately, pursued it after disap|pointments,
and we have reason to be|lieve,
that we are not got so far into
the horrid Secret, but they have their
hopes to retrieve it. However, blessed
be God, who has brought so much of
it to light, that we shall not perish&mdash;
that we shall not perish,&mdash;unless
it be our own fault;&mdash;if we please,
&mdash;the Sun may be let in upon it,
the Law may effectually spppress it,
and then,&mdash;and not till then, we shall
be safe, both we, and our King.</P>
<P>The undantedly honest Mr. <HI>Johnson,</HI>
and one or two more, out of dry love
to their Country, some Years ago
oppos'd this Wretched, Mischievous,
and Misapplied Distinction, with Learn|ing,
Wit, and Reason; but the Friends
of the late King <HI>James</HI> could endure
<PB N="81" REF="43">
that Opposition, and reply little, while
they met with no Penal Opposition
from the Government: But when one
or two of the Conspirators, averse to
so horrid a Villany, as was in agitation
among them, reveal'd the design to the
King, and the King laid it before the
House of Commons; of a sudden the
Spirits of that Honourable Body, the
Representatives of the People of <HI>Eng|land,</HI>
were rouz'd from the confus'd
Lethargy of a doubtful Opinion, into
a clear discerning Sense of the dan|ger,
into which the Sacred Life of
KING <HI>WILLIAM,</HI> and all the
dearest Interest of all true English|men
were betray'd by the distinction
of a King <HI>DE IVRE,</HI> and a King <HI>DE
FACTO.</HI> Immediately therefore to re|pair
their Errour, with a just warmth,
they declar'd the right of their King,
that so they might on a stable Rock,
build their own defence, which had
been vilely shaken by the rotten Foun|dation
of an Usurper, daub'd over with
the empty name only of a King. A very
great Majority of that August Assem|bly,
presently cheerfully subscrib'd the
<PB N="82" REF="44">
Association, wherein, after they Sin|cerely,
and Solemnly Profess, Testifie,
and declare, That his present Majesty
King <HI>WILLIAM</HI> is Rightful, and
Lawful King of these Realms; they
mutually promise and engage to stand
by, and assist each other to the utmost
of their Power, in the support and de|fence
of his Majesties most Sacred
Person, and Government, against the
late King <HI>James</HI> and his Adherents.
Further they oblige themselves, if the
King should come to any violent and
untimely death, which God forbid, to
revenge the same on his Enemies, and
their Adherents, Lastly, To support
the Succession of the Crown accord|ing
to an Act made in the First Year
of KING <HI>WILLIAM</HI> and QUEEN
<HI>MARY.</HI></P>
<P>The House of Lords also, moved
by the same amazing occasion, as the
Commons, damn'd the Mischievous
distinction <HI>DE FACTO,</HI> and <HI>DE
IVRE,</HI> declaring that His present
Majesty King <HI>WILLIAM</HI> hath <HI>A
Right by Law to the Crown,</HI> which
Words one might be afraid of, but
<PB N="83" REF="44">
that their Lordships, ever Honourable,
and Sincere, took care to secure them
from Exception, by the next Plain,
Righteous and Decretory Sentence,&mdash;<HI>And
that neither the late King</HI>
James, <HI>nor the pretended Prince of</HI>
Wales, <HI>nor any other Person, hath any
right whatsoever to the same.</HI></P>
<P>I can't see wherein this Declarati|on
comes short of that of the House
of Commons, for here the Lords de|termine,
that King <HI>WILLIAM</HI> hath
a Right by Law to the Crown, and
such a Right by Law, that neither
the late King, nor the pretended Prince
of <HI>Wales,</HI> nor any other Person hath
any Right whatsoever to the same;
then of Consequence, He hath all the
right to the Crown that can be, all
the right that ever Prince had, or
can have. And is in their Lordships
Judgments, what the Commons have
declar'd him, <HI>Viz.</HI> our Rightful and
Lawful King. I am glad the Houses
are so well agreed. But alas! neither
has their happy Agreement, nor the
following hearty and just Votes of the
Commons carried the Association of
<PB N="84" REF="45">
the Commons thro' the Kingdom,
with that success as might have been
expected, and as was due to so well
advised a Sanction for the Publick
good. The reason of which disap|pointment
I cannot imagine, for I
hope, that <HI>Commoner</HI>'s Chaplain was
not in the right, who openly told an
Acquaintance, that the Penalties infor|cing
the Association were only <HI>In
terrorem.</HI> But as if he had been a|ble
to give the Refusers Security,
many stood off, and began to frame
Exceptions against it. To pass by
the little Cavils, and impertient Sar|casms,
started by vain and unquiet
Men, who are proud to tell the World
with what unfair Equivocation they
swallow'd the Oaths of Allegiance,
and consonant to that Scandalous
Wickedness, will affix a sense of their
own devising to the Parliament Associ|ation,
or else Associate in a cold emp|ty
Form of their own drawing up; to
pass by every thing of this nature, I
shall only reflect on the grand Excepti|on,
which is so common in the mouths
of all the <HI>De facto</HI> Men. And that is
<PB N="85" REF="45">
this&mdash;They have as their boun|den
duty does require, that awful
regard for the Divine Prohibition of
Revenge, that they can by no means
agree to oblige themselves to revenge
the King's violent death upon his Trea|cherous
Enemies.</P>
<P>To this I have several things to re|ply.</P>
<P>1. Tho' with some Men the Blood
of a King is so cheap that it may be
spilt like Water on the Ground, and
they never trouble their hearts about
it: Yet I make no question, but
were it the Blood but of an Arch-Bishop
of St. <HI>Andrew,</HI> they would be
very active to hunt the Murtherers
from their Coverts, and bring them
to condign Punishment. That these
words may not be wrested, I do avow,
that it was a necessary piece of Ju|stice,
the Punishment of that Arch-Bishop's
Murtherers. But I argue <HI>a
fortiori,</HI> how necessary then is it to pu|nish
Wicked Regicides?</P>
<P><PB N="86" REF="46">
II. when a Noble Peer is impeach'd in
Parliament for High-Treason, the Lords
Spiritual pretend to a Right of Sit|ing,
and Voting among his Judges,
so that Clergy-Men are not willing to
be wholly Sequestred from their share
in legal Revenges.</P>
<P>III. When the House of Commons
declar'd, [upon the occasion of the
Popish Plot, discover'd by Doctor
<HI>Oates,</HI>] that if His Majesty, King
<HI>Charles,</HI> that then was, should come
to any violent Death, [which they
pray'd God to prevent, tho' [as 'tis
thought,] they were not heard] they
would revenge it to the utmost on
the Papists. None of this Clan of
Non-Associators bawl'd against that
Vote, as unchristian; and yet I do
not see, but King <HI>WILLIAM</HI>'s Life is
as precious, and ought to be as dear to
the Nation as ever King <HI>Charles</HI>'s was;
besides, I perswade my self, that po|pish
Assassines deserve not to be more
severely treated, than&mdash;than any other
Assassines.</P>
<P><PB N="87" REF="46">
IV. When any private Person unites
with the House of Commons, to re|venge
the Violent death of the King,
[which God prevent,] he unites with
the Representatives of the Body of the
People, for the just Execution of a le|gal
Revenge.</P>
<P>V. He that is not willing to do his
part towards the bringing the Assassines
of the King to suffer the Law, may be
justly suspected as an Abettor of the
Assassination, [if such a thing should
happen, which God prevent] and if he
be treated accordingly, he is not worse
treated, than the old Lady <HI>Lisle.</HI></P>
<P>VI. In a state of Nature, every
Man has a Right to preserve all his ho|nest
Interests against the Injuries of o|thers,
and to punish such Injuries accor|ding
as he judges they deserve to be
punish'd. In political Society every
Man resigns up this natural right to the
Community, who intrust some chosen
Man or Men to govern them, by setled
Laws made with their own Con|sent:
<PB N="88" REF="47">
Now if wicked Assassines shall
traiterously take off the chief Head or
Heads that govern, and so reduce the
People to the unhappy Necessity of
a new Choice, from whence may arise
infinite Mischiefs, by Reason of the
Differences of ambitious Pretenders,
the People seem reduc'd to a state of
Nature, and then every particular indi|vidual
Person has a Right to be re|veng'd
of the Assassines. It is true,
the English Government is Hereditary,
and by Act of Parliament setled after
the Death or demise of King <HI>William,</HI>
on the Princess <HI>Ann</HI> and the Heirs of her
Body, but then there is Danger that
Jacobite Zeal may wade thro' more
Blood to make a clear Vacancy for a
Royal Abdicator; and if so, there's
Reason for every true Englishman, by
the Parliaments Association to denounce
Vengeance against the Assassines; but
the single loss of King <HI>William</HI> alone by
violent, sudden Treachery, might
chance to throw us into those Confusi|ons,
that it is just and prudent to as|sociate
to be aveng'd of them, that shall
tear that dear Interest from us.</P>
<P><PB N="89" REF="47">
VII. Let who will refuse the Associ|ation,
yet it is honestly and wisely done
of them who enter into it; for there|by
they not only discharge the Duty
which they owe to the King; but also
do that which has a powerful Influence
to deter execrable Assassines from at|tempting
the desperate Villany; for it
is the hope of Impunity that confirms
the bold Nonjurers in their declar'd En|mity
to King <HI>William;</HI> the hope of
Impunity that animates the sneaking
perjur'd Jurors to abide by their mis|chievous
Distinction of a King <HI>De Fa|cto</HI>
and <HI>De Jure;</HI> the hope of Impuni|ty
that hatches Conspiracies, and car|ries
on Correspondencies with <HI>France;</HI>
and no doubt King-killers hereafter will
be harder to be hired, because that par|ticular
Villany has the least hope of
Mercy; to say no more, 'tis the hope
of Impunity that hardens a perverse
Conscience, and makes so many Non-associators.</P>
<P>VIII.
'Tis not indeed unwisely done
of the Non-associators, that they may
<PB N="90" REF="48">
put the best Colour they can upon
their Refusal, to pretend that they are
Christians, and cannot be reveng'd, no
not upon their most mischievous Ene|mies;
but then it is easy to see thro'
this Pretence; a wet Finger will fetch
off the false Varnish; for tho' they
dare not for the World Associate to re|venge
the violent Death of King <HI>Willi|am;</HI>
yet they are well contented to
give up Three Nations to the Ven|geance
of the late King, who if ever he
returns, [which God of his Infinite
Mercy, I beseech him, prevent] will
return like the Evil Spirit in the Gos|pel,
<HI>with Seven other Spirits more wicked
than himself, and the last state of</HI> our
Nation <HI>shall be worse than the first:</HI>
For, as it is said by the Apostle, <HI>It had
been better never to have known the
way of righteousness, than having known,
to depart therefrom:</HI> So it had been
better for us never to have been deli|ver'd
from the Yoke of the late King's
Tyranny, than to submit our Necks to
it again; if he hooks us under his Pow|er
a second time, it will be a Mercy
to dispatch us; he will hamper us so
<PB N="91" REF="48">
sufficiently, that our next Deliverer
must be that sure Conqueror, who
makes the ill figure in Churches with
his Scythe and Hour-glass.</P>
<P>IX. Among the rest of the Mischiefs
whereof the <HI>De Jure</HI> and <HI>De Facto</HI> di|stinction
is the procuring Cause, set it
down for one, That it keeps them
who falsly and maliciously apply it to
King <HI>WILLIAM,</HI> from associa|ting
with their Representatives in Par|liament.</P>
<P>It
comes into my Mind now, ve|ry
opportunely, I think, That their
Tyrant <HI>De Jure,</HI> just upon his departure,
[and the Words of departing Friends
we know sink deep into the Minds of
good Christian People] advis'd his Loy|al
Officers and Soldiers expresly, and
all his other Well-wishers [not worth
naming] tacitly, not to expose them|seves
by resisting a foreign Enemy,
and a poison'd Nation [that was his
Complement to Old <HI>England</HI>] but to
keep themselves free from Associations
and such pernicious things. Our mis|chievous
<PB N="92" REF="49">
Distinguishers have observ'd
this Advice most exactly, they have
not yet rashly ventur'd their Carcas|ses
in the Field against our King and
Government. Their Treachery must
succeed before they try their Valour;
and as for Associations, and such perni|cious
things, they most religiously keep
themselves pure and undefil'd.</P>
<P>For another particular Instance of
the Mischief caus'd by the wretched
Distinction, I might mention, That
it encourages the Attempts of the
French King, to re-impose on us the
late King <HI>James</HI> as his Deputy, [for
that's the most the late King in his
vainest hopes can expect; nay, if it
should rain Crowns and Miracles on
<HI>his</HI> Head, who may have more Faith
to believe the latter, than Strength to
bear the former; he must govern by
the imperious Dictates of his Protectors
Arbitrary Will, he must be but the
prime Minister of a superior Tyrant,
nay, hardly that, for <HI>Lewis</HI> would not
trust him but under French School-ma|sters,
<PB N="93" REF="49">
and having first deliver'd up cau|tionary
Towns.]</P>
<P>If King <HI>Lewis</HI> were not well assur'd
that the mischievous Distinction was
suffer'd among us with impunity, he
would not be at the Expence of a Livre
to make a Descent upon us, but rather
be glad to secure his own Shoars, which
indeed is more than he can do now,
<HI>Rebus sic stantibus.</HI> But that I may
not on this Head chance to touch on
some things said before, I am content
to dismiss it with this bare mention|ing,
only let me take my leave of the
<HI>De Facto</HI> Men with one question upon
the whole matter: Since they vex
their Wits to serve the Fury of a Prince
whose Tyranny t' other day themselves
could not brook, let them tell the
World, Is Tyranny one of those Bles|sings
whose value we can never enough
esteem till we begin to want it?</P>
<P>I make haste to conclude my Dis|course,
and therefore shall wholly pass
by some little <HI>Inconveniences</HI> caus'd by
the Distinction of a King <HI>De Facto</HI> and
<PB N="94" REF="50">
<HI>De Jure,</HI> such as that it hinders the late
King's Devotions; if it were not for
the vain hope of returning to be re|veng'd
of a certain poison'd Nation;
why, he might retire to a Religious
House, and spend the Remnant of his
Life in Prayers, Mass it early and late,
for the Soul of his Elder Brother, or
any of the unlucky Assassines that t'o|ther
day fell in his Cause, and might
for ought he knows drop into Purgato|ry
notwithstanding their Absolution:
Or if a Court is the thing with which
his Heart is ravish'd, he might e'en be|take
himself to his Holy Father, the
Blessed Pope's Holy Court, where he
might be forgiven, submitting to Pe|nance,
all the Improvidences and Cow|ardize
in his frustrated pious Attempt
to Massacre a Nation or two of He|reticks.</P>
<P>As a Corallary to the foregoing Dis|course,
take this&mdash;The Impunity of
them who own King <HI>WILLIAM</HI>
only as a King <HI>De Facto,</HI> discourages
the Friends of the Government, who
own him, and believe him to be our
<PB N="95" REF="50">
Rightful and Lawful King. It is true, a
Man of steddy Vertue will not be
put by the Practice of those Duties
which serve the Interest of his Coun|try,
by any Neglects from the Go|vernment,
or Apprehensions of Dan|ger
likely to happen: But surely their
Number, who have wrought them|selves
up to such consummate Ex|cellence,
bears no Proportion, ei|ther
with their own Friends, who
are but [more or less] well in|clin'd,
or with their Enemies who
are mischievously bent: Of the
most of them that sincerely believe
King <HI>WILLIAM</HI> to be right|ful
and lawful King; I fear this is
the extent of their Praise: They
are ready to defend the Government
as far as the Government is willing
to defend it self and them; but cau|tiously
do they abstain from an over|active
Zeal, which is not well accep|ted,
for fear it should be visited upon
them and their Children in another
Revolution. For my part, I believe
it as impossible for our late King
<PB N="96" REF="51">
<HI>James,</HI> to recover his forfeited and
abdicated Crowns, as for the in|treaguing
King of <HI>France</HI> to make
himself Monarch Universal: But
the annual Succession, and thickning
of Jacobite Plots, and the last refu|sal
of a Bill to be brought in, obli|ging
certain persons to abjure King
<HI>James;</HI> convince me, that Men of
good and bad Principles, have, the
one hop'd for, the other suspected
and fear'd such a new dismal Scene
of Affairs. And, for ought I know,
the Establishment and Security of
the Government under King <HI>WIL|LIAM,</HI>
may be owing more to
what has been done against it, than
to what has been done for it. <HI>Per&icirc;s|sem
nisi per&icirc;ssem:</HI> I think it was the
Saying of the brave <HI>Themistocles,</HI>
by which I suppose he design'd to de|clare
that it was his Opinion, he
had not arriv'd at that Heighth of
Greatness, if he had not been ruffled,
oppos'd and banish'd; and I am ve|ry
fully satisfied, that if it had not
been for this last devillish Invasion
<PB N="97" REF="51">
and Assassination-Plot, we had not in
haste declar'd King <HI>WILLIAM</HI>
our Rightful and Lawful King, nor
associated for the Preservation of his
Life, by threatning to revenge his
violent Death.</P>
<P>There is a difference between those
that were to have had their part in
the Assassination, and those that were
concern'd only in the Invasion. The
Assassines are not able to devise any
the least colour to take off from the
Heinousness of their intended Villa|ny.
<HI>Perkins</HI> was a little asham'd of
this infamous Design; but as for the
Promoters of the Invasion, their
Treason was but Consonant to their
old mischievous Distinction of a King
<HI>De Facto</HI> and <HI>De Jure:</HI> Some of
the Assassines have met their deserv'd
Fate, but the simple Invaders have
hardly been scar'd; yet if they shall
not be call'd to an Account also [who
bid fair for slaying Ten Thousands
of the People, and so making up in
Numbers, a Sacrifice equal to that
<PB N="98" REF="52">
of their King] they will not only
be confirm'd that they have distin|guish'd
well, but prompted more vi|gorously
to pursue the fatal end and
purpose of their threatning Di|stinction.
And this indeed is enough
and enough to cool the Zeal, and to
discourage the Endeavours of them
that are otherwise very well dis|pos'd
to serve the Interests of King
<HI>WILLIAM,</HI> their Country, and
the Protestant Religion. Our King
himself is not capable of endan|gering
his own just Rights, or
the Safety of the People of <HI>Eng|land,</HI>
unless by his singular Mercy
and Goodness, which like his fear|less
Valour, knows no Bounds:
as for the Representatives of the
People, it may be Reasonably pre|sum'd,
they will at last provide,
that the <HI>De Facto Jacobites</HI> shall not
have the Temptation of Impunity
to attempt to subvert the Liber|ties
of the Nation, and to destroy
the Lives of all that love their Li|berties.
They have indeed, accor|ding
<PB N="99" REF="52">
to the Trust reposed in them,
honestly endeavour'd and advanc'd
some Paces towards such a necessa|ry
Provision, by their Noble, Just,
and Righteous Association: But
there remains a great deal more
for them to do still, lest what they
have already done, be frustrated,
and render'd all together ineffectual;
for their Association is no sooner
drawn up, subscrib'd by a great
Majority, and the Session pro|rogu'd.</P>
<P>But
Ante-Associations are form'd
against it by some of the Clergy,
not indeed in broad Words direct|ly
contrary, but in cold and emp|ty
Flourishes of their own devi|sing,
and such borrowed Expres|sions
as they imagine capable of
an interpretation, that will not
utterly subvert their Distinction
of a KING <HI>DE FACTO,</HI>
and <HI>DE IVRE,</HI> Which Di|stinction
while it Reigns unpu|nish'd,
KING <HI>WILLIAM</HI>
<PB N="100" REF="53">
does not reign secure. Several of
the Ante-Associations were drawn
up so little favouring the Title of
His present MAJESTY, so lit|tle
consulting the Security of his
Administration, that it was scanda|lously
manifest, the Subscribers as|sociated
only in lewd Hypocisy,
to avoid the Envy of Non-associa|ting,
to sham the Authority of the
Nation with some deceitful Com|plements,
but in Reality and Truth,
to preserve their dear Distinction.
Such Associations therefore as these,
were rejected, as they well deser|ved,
nor could all the Academic
Elegance bestowed upon them,
help them through the officious
Hands of Friends, to his Majesty's
gracious Acceptance: But these Gen|tlemen
carried it highly, if his Ma|jesty
would not accept such As|sociation
as they had drawn up,
he should have none at all from
them. This being observ'd by o|ther
Persons of the same Order,
they wisely consider'd what Incon|veniences
<PB N="101" REF="53">
might possibly happen
from not Associating at all, and
therefore determin'd to comply,
but resolv'd to come off as cheap
as they could. They would ven|ture
to Associate, but not with
their Parishoners in the Form pre|scrib'd
by the House of Commons
[except here and there an honest
Parson that had no Priestcraft in him]
wherefore they carefully abstain from
declaring it to be their perswasion,
that His present Majesty King <HI>WIL|LIAM,</HI>
is Rightful and Lawful
King of these Realms; and as for
his Violent and untimely death,
should it happen, which God pre|vent,
they oblige not themselves
to revenge it upon his Enemies and
their Adherents. But let us see!
What do they give us in the room
of RIGHTFUL AND LAWFUL
KING, and instead of making it
the utmost danger to kill him?
Why? They borrow some words
from the Association of the House
Lords, and insert the same among
<PB N="102" REF="54">
some empty Flourishes of their own;
upon which I note, that, altho' the
Form of the Association of the
House of Lords, be in the Literal,
Plain, and Obvious Sense, and in
the Sense by them intended, Tru|ly,
Just, and Highly Loyal, yet
when Clergy-men, who are repre|sented
by the House of Commons,
and not by the House of Lords,
shall Associate in the Language of
the latter, and not of the former,
it is a manifest sign, that they
dislike the Association of the House
of Commons, and that, tho' the As|sociation
of the Lords tends to the
same Just, Noble and Necessary
Purposes, yet in their Opinion it
may be interpreted to signifie some|thing
less. It cannot be imagin'd,
that any of the Clergy should de|cline
the Association of the House
of Commons, by whom they are
represented, if they were perswaded
that the same was a Just, and
Righteous Association; it cannot be
imagin'd that they should prefer
<PB N="103" REF="54">
the Phrase of the House of Lords,
by whom they are not represented,
if they were firmly perswaded [as
I declare my self to be] that, that
Phrase did come fully up, to the
Sense of the House of Commons,
and could not possibly be inter|preted
to signifie, with a <HI>Jacobite</HI>
abatement, something favourable
to their mischievously applied di|stinction
of a King <HI>De Facto,</HI> and <HI>De
Jure.</HI></P>
<P>Now in this their Practise they
do a great injury to both Houses,
they audaciously slight the one, and
wickedly traduce the other. What
reward so high a Misdemeanour
may deserve, I take not upon me
to pronounce; but I hope I may
have leave to say, that these Cler|gy-Association-Separatists
have not
that unquestionable fair pretence to
His Majesties Special Graces and
Favours, as the voluntary Subscrib|ers
of the Association of the House
of Commons; indeed they may,
<PB N="104" REF="55">
considering the Wonderful Genero|sity
of the King, expect as much
Forgiveness as they shall need, and
more Grace and Favour than they
are dispos'd to deserve: But it
were a Presumption very like Im|pudence
in them, to hope that His
Majesty King <HI>WILLIAM</HI> should
prefer them before his best affected
Liege People, who Associate, [as is
most Just and Proper, Fair and Un|exceptionable]
with their Represen|tatives
in Parliament, Heartily, Sin|cerely,
and Solemnly Professing, Testi|fying
and Declaring, that His Pre|sent
Majesty King <HI>WILLIAM</HI>
is Rightful and Lawful King of
these Realms, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> And that they
will stand by one another, in re|venging
his untimely death, [which
God prevent] upon His Enemies
and their Adherents.</P>
<P>It was a very sharp Reflection,
and, I would very fain perswade
my self, an unjust one, that of Mr.
<HI>Dryden, For Priests of all Religi|ons
<PB N="105" REF="55">
are the same;</HI> but it grieves my
Soul to think, that so necessary an
order of Men, Protestants, as well
as Papists, should be so generally
given to oppose the Proceedings of
the State.</P>
<P>Old and Crazy is the Body, I
cannot say, which I carry about
with me, but which is carried a|bout
for me; but yet, I am in
hopes, that it will hold out, till all
His Majesties Subjects represented
by the Commons, be taught the
necessity of Subscribing the Associ|ation
of the House of Commons;
for, I well remember, how before
the end of their last Sessions, they
set their own Members a day to
Subscribe it, or declare their Refu|sal;
also the Names of Refusers
were requir'd to be return'd, from
all or most Towns of the King|dom;
which was setting and a di|stinguishing
Mark upon them; and
it is not reasonable to suppose, that
they will suffer their August As|sembly,
<PB N="106" REF="56">
and Wise Councils to be
so contemptuously us'd, as they
must be, if that Form of Associati|on,
which their Wisdom judg'd ab|solutely
necessary to save the Ho|nour
and Life of the King; the
Lives, Liberties, and Religion of
the Subject, happen to be disap|pointed
by particular Forms of As|sociation,
devis'd by some Discon|tented
Ecclesiasticks, who refuse to
declare, that His present Majesty
King <HI>WILLIAM</HI> is Rightful and
Lawful King of these Realms; and
have so very little love for His
Person, that who as will may As|sassinate
him, for all them, with
impunity. O the Christianity of
these Gentlemen! Whose Consci|ences
will not serve them to be
aiding and assisting any just Or|ders
of Legal Revenge! If this be
Christianity, commend me to the
Manners, and Doctrine of Heathens.
But why should Christianity be re|proach'd
for their sakes? That Holy
Institution neither injures the Civil
<PB N="107" REF="56">
Rights of particular Persons, nor
alters the Grand Reason on which
Political Societies, Kingdoms, and
Commonwealths are founded, and
preserv'd. <HI>Salus populi</HI> the good of
the People is the grand Reason on
which Political Societies are found|ed;
the good of the People re|quires
that Enormous Wickednesses
should not escape unpunished; he
that has it in his power, but will
not contribute to the Legal Punish|ment
of an Infamous Assassin, is
wanting in the duty which he
owes to that Body Politick, where|of
he is a Member, In short, eve|ry
Member of a Body Politick is
in strict justice oblig'd to endea|vour,
as far as in him lies, to bring
to Legal Punishment the Bloody
Villain that shall murder the mean|est
of his Fellow Subjects; this is
a duty, which by the Fundamental
Reason of Society is owning from
every single Person to the Publick;
how much more strongly does it
oblige, if a brave Prince should
<PB N="108" REF="57">
fall [which God forbid] by the
Treacherous Cruelty of ingrateful
Miscreants, prompted by a dis|appointed
Tyrant, and supported
by a Faithless, Enchroaching
Foreign Enemy? It is a very
odd thing, that any Men should
pretend Conscience for their for|bearance
of that action, which they
are bound in duty to perform,
tho' they look no farther, than
their being Members of a Body
Politick. There is no Government
upon the face of the Earth, that
will take them in upon other con|ditions,
than their agreeing to be
reveng'd upon those Assassines,
whose desperate Malice shall wound
the Publick in so noble a part, as
her Chief Officer. And therefore
we have good reason to hope, that
since the Government knows her
boldest Enemies who [mindful of
the Advice from <HI>Rochester</HI>] will
not Associate with us at all; and
her No-friends who will not Asso|ciate
in the form of the House of
<PB N="109" REF="57">
Commons, since, I say, the Govern|ment
knows them <HI>intus &amp; incute,</HI>
fully, and throughly, [as she well
may, after Seven long Years trou|blesom
experience] that she will
now at last take the necessary se|curity,
that security which Provi|dence
hath so loudly, and so oft
proclaim'd to be the only necessa|ry;
by which not only the Go|vernment,
but, by the blessing of
God, even the Enemies thereof may
be brought to their right Wits,
and sav'd from cruel Tyranny, and
foolish Superstition. This looks,
some may object, as if I wish'd,
that the Association of the House
of Commons might be impos'd
on the Clergy. I might reply, if
that really was my wish, I know
no great harm which would fol|low;
but I rather choose with all
softness to clear the purpose of my
Writing.</P>
<P>I remember to have read some
Author, who vindicating the pra|ctice
<PB N="110" REF="58">
of the Church, [which some|time
had been,] in compelling
Men to Conformity, when he was
asham'd to affirm in express terms,
that violence might be offer'd to
Mens Consciences, in matters a|bout
Religious Worship; He gave
this turn to the matter&mdash;they
might lawfully be compell'd to
<HI>consider.</HI> I mean no more, as to
our Dissenting Associators. And
I am perswaded, let the Govern|ment
give them but one good Ar|gument
able to move them to con|sider
the matter, they will never
stand with their Representatives for
the Phrase of RIGHTFUL AND
LAWFUL KING, no, nor the
Word REVENGE neither, which
when the Parliament threatned a|gainst
the King's Enemies, they ne|ver
dream'd it would scare the Cler|gy.</P>
<P>For
the ground of this my per|swasion,
I will tell the Reader a
Story.</P>
<P><PB N="111" REF="58">
When Pope <HI>Paul</HI> the Vth. quar|rell'd
with the <HI>Venetians,</HI> the Impri|sonment
of a brace of Ecclesiastick
Villians was the least thing that
troubled him. But the great Of|fence
was from Two Decrees, the
First commanding that no more
Churches should be Erected within
the City Precincts; the Second
that no more Lands should be ali|enated
to the Ecclesiasticks, with|out
leave had from the Senate. It
seems the Senate were for Govern|ing
the Republick, by such Decrees,
as they judg'd necessary for the
Publick Good. The Pope Excom|municates
the Duke and Senate,
lays their Dominions under his In|terdict,
the Jesuits Associating on
the side of his Holiness, obey the
Interdict, and refuse to say Mass; for
this, the Senate banishes them, but
the People Associating with the Se|nate,
instead of mutining for the Holy
Fathers now ready to depart each
Man with the Hoast at his Neck,
intimating that they and JESUS
<PB N="112" REF="59">
CHRIST were both taking
their leave together, bid them be
gone with a vengeance. The Se|nate
pursu'd their steaddy Resoluti|ons
with an Order that all Eccle|siasticks,
who would not continue
the Celebration of Divine Service,
should retire out of their Domi|nions;
upon this, many of the
Holy Men, especially the <HI>Capu|chins,</HI>
had the Courage to make a
noise of departing, they intended
to have gone out in Procession with
the Sacrament, but that the Se|nate
forbid it; they actually did
use all Arts to make the People
apprehend the sadness of their case,
and that the being without Priests
was being without God in the
World. One Morning therefore
they celebrated Mass, they eat up
all their Gods, and concluded the
Service without blessing the Peo|ple.
But the Senate stood firm to
their Order, and the People were
quiet, and content to take care of
their own Souls, which so troubled
<PB N="113" REF="59">
these Holy Fathers, that several al|ter'd
their minds, and were content
to stay and do their Duties, most
of the <HI>Capuchins</HI> in the Territo|ries
of <HI>Berscia</HI> and <HI>Bergamo</HI> wisely
consider'd that they could not live
half so well without their Flock,
as their Flock without them; there|fore
when they saw they could not
help it, they associated with the
Senate, and celebrated Divine Ser|vice
as before, notwithstanding the
Pope's Interdict.</P>
<P>I will not say, That every
thing in this Story, which relates
to the Senate of <HI>Venice</HI> and their
Clergy, runs paralel with the Cir|cumstances
between the Govern|ment,
and our Clergy-dissenting-As|sociators;
but if any one shall say,
that there is no manner of Resem|blance
between the one and the
other, I must beg his Pardon.
What may or may not be fitly
applied, the Reader shall freely
judge, I will not labour to pre|possess
<PB N="114" REF="60">
him with my Notions; yet
I will make bold to affix one Note
to the Story, and That's this&mdash;
It was not with the Popish Re|ligion,
nor its Ministers, that the
Senate had a Difference; only this
they firmly resolv'd, that none
should be Ministers of Religion
for them, that would not own,
that the Senate had a Rightful
and Lawful Authority to govern
the Republick by what Decrees
they pleas'd, without asking leave
of the Pope.</P>
<P>The Readers Trouble shall be
over, when I have told him, it is
not the Church of <HI>England,</HI> nor
Ministers of the Church of <HI>Eng|land,</HI>
as such, that I have here
tax'd; for I heartily and sincerely
profess a profound Veneration to
the Right Reverend Fathers in
God, my Lords, the Archbishops
and Bishops that are as faithful to
his Majesty King <HI>WILLIAM,</HI>
and the Interest of their Country,
<PB N="115" REF="60">
as <HI>Paolo Sarpio Veneto,</HI> better
known by the Name of Father
<HI>Paul,</HI> was to the Senate of <HI>Ve|nice;</HI>
I highly esteem and regard
all the inferior Clergy, whose Ho|nesty
and Loyalty keeps even Pa|ces
with the House of Commons,
the Representatives of the People
of <HI>England,</HI> and equals them to
those Venetian Ecclesiasticks, who
prefer'd the Decrees of the Senate
their Lawful Governors before the
Interdiction of their Holy, Medling,
Spiritual Father, the Pope.</P>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="postscript">
<PB N="116" REF="61">
<HEAD>POSTSCRIPT.</HEAD>
<P>OF the Mischiefs which
flow from the sediti|ous
Distinction of a King <HI>De
Facto</HI> and <HI>De Jure,</HI> there is
no end; as oft as I think
of it, new Instances of its
Mischievousness occur to my
mind: For might not a French
Commissioner at a Treaty of
Peace, from hence take occa|sion
to argue after this man|ner&mdash;
As it was said in be|half
of the Dutch, when they
first refus'd the Bank of <HI>Eng|land</HI>'s
Bills, <HI>Why should they
take them, when the English
<PB N="117" REF="61">
among themselves would not?</HI>
So it may be said in behalf of
the French King, <HI>Why should
he own King</HI> William <HI>for
Rightful and Lawful King of</HI>
England, &amp;c. <HI>when so many
of the Clergy, enjoying their
Tythes and Pulpits, and not a
few of the Laity in publick
Office and Imployment will not?</HI></P>
<P>Might not the Monsieur
pursue the Raillery thus&mdash;
When the Government does
not think fit to impose the
Lawfulness of King <HI>William</HI>'s
Title on the Consciences of
the Clergy, and all other
Officers and Magistrates com|missionated
by his Majesty,
why should it be im|pos'd
on the Conscience of
<PB N="118" REF="62">
the French King, who is none
of King <HI>William</HI>'s Subject,
but a Crown'd Head, as well
as himself? I know not what
could be reply'd to this argu|mentative
Raillery, which
mingles Reason and Reproach
together, unless that English
Subjects of all Orders and
Degrees should be better
taught their Duty for the fu|ture,
and then the French
King would stand with us for
nothing&mdash;When once those
wretched Inventions of Usur|pation,
Conquest and Deser|tion,
Branches of the <HI>De Fa|cto</HI>
Doctrine, are penally re|strain'd,
as by English Law
they might and ought to be;
there's not a Clergyman of an
hundred, but shall justify the
<PB N="119" REF="62">
choice of the People and speak
honourably of the Conventi|onal
Parliament; there's not a
Lay-Magistrate but shall know
under whom, and for whom
he was created, and dare as
well be&mdash;as betray King
<HI>William</HI> or his Country.</P>
<P>Let Clergy-men and Lay-men
be compell'd to Associ|ate
in the Form of the House
of Commons, to defend their
Rightful and Lawful King
<HI>William,</HI> and to revenge his
untimely Death, which God
prevent, [and a very little
compulsion will doe, for the
most backward of them, are
only a little Knavish, or so,
not obstinate] and there
shall not be a Mercenary Vil|lain
<PB N="120" REF="63">
found, that will be hir'd to
lift up a hand against him, not
a Crown'd, nor Decrown'd
Head so foolishly wicked, as
to go about to hire them.</P>
<P><HI>Note,</HI> That this should have
been inserted among the Ar|guments,
which are offer'd
against the <HI>Non-Associators,</HI>
who scruple the word Re|venge.</P>
<P>A Parliament-Association
with the Royal Assent,
is in all its Parts, as Legal,
as any other Parliamentary
Act with the same Royal As|sent;
and if the Supream Au|thority
of a Nation, may de|cree
what sort of Punishment,
<PB N="121" REF="63">
they judge most proper, to be
inflicted on Thieves and Rob|bers,
House-breakers and Mur|derers;
nothing hinders but
that they may decree what
Punishments they please, to be
inflicted on those Treacherous
Assassines, that shall kill King
<HI>William.</HI> And if the Supream
Authority of a Nation may
lawfully Authorize all and e|very
Person of the Nation to
kill a mischievous Out-law,
where e're they find him; no
Reason can be giv'n why they
may not Authorize all and e|very
Person of the Nation to
be reveng'd according to the
utmost of their power, of the
Treacherous Assassines that
shall kill King <HI>William.</HI> It
is the interest of the Nation
<PB N="122" REF="64">
that such Treacherous Assas|sines
should not scape Venge|ance,
it is therefore the pru|dence
of the Parliament to
Commission every particular
Man against them.</P>
<TRAILER>FINIS.</TRAILER>
</DIV1>
</BODY>
<BACK>
<DIV1 TYPE="publisher's advertisement">
<PB REF="64">
<HEAD>Some Books sold by John Law|rence,
at the Angel in the
Poultery.</HEAD>
<P>THE Life of the Reverend
Mr. <HI>Richard Baxter,</HI> Pub|lished
by Mr. <HI>Mathew Sylvester, Folio.</HI></P>
<P>Mr. <HI>Lorrimers</HI> Apology for the
Ministers, who Subscribed only to
the Stating of Truths and Errors in
Mr. <HI>William</HI>'s Book, in Answer to
Mr. <HI>Trail</HI>'s Letter. 4^o</P>
<P>Mr. <HI>Lorrimer</HI>'s Remarks upon Mr.
<HI>Goodwin</HI>'s Discourse of the Gospel. 4^o</P>
<P>Dr. <HI>Burton</HI>'s Discourses of Purity,
Charity, Repentance, and seeking
first the Kingdom of God. Published
with a Preface by Dr. <HI>John Tillotson,</HI>
late Arch-Bishop of <HI>Canterbury.</HI> In 8^o</P>
<P>Bishop <HI>Wilkin</HI>'s Discourse of Pray|er,
and Preaching.</P>
<P>Mr. <HI>Adday</HI>'s Stenographia: Or
the Art of Short-Writing Compleat|ed,
in a far more Compendious way
than any yet Extant, 8^o</P>
<P>Mr. <HI>Addy</HI>'s Short-Hand Bible.</P>
<P><PB REF="65">
The <HI>London Dispensatory</HI> reduced
to the Practice of the <HI>London</HI> Phy|sitians;
wherein are contained the
Medicines both Galenical and Chy|mical
that are now in use, those out
of use omitted; and those in use,
not in the Latin Copy, here added.
By <HI>John Peachey</HI> of the College of
Physitians <HI>London.</HI> 12^o</P>
<P><HI>Atkin</HI>'s English Grammer: Or
the English Tongue reduced to
Grammatical Rules, Composed for
the use of Schools. 8^o</P>
<P><HI>Cambridge</HI> Phrases for the use of
Shools. 8^o</P>
<P>The <HI>Dying Man</HI>'s <HI>Assistant:</HI> Or,
Short Instructions for those who
are concern'd in the Preparing of
Sick Persons for Death. Being also
no less worthy the Consideration of
all Good Christians in time of Health.
As shewing the Importance of an
Early Preparation for their Latter
End; with regard as well to their
Temporal, as Eternal State. 12^o</P>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="publisher's advertisement">
<PB REF="65">
<HEAD>Books sold by R. Baldwin,
near the Oxford-Arms in
Warwick-Lane.</HEAD>
<P>THE History of Religion. Writ|ten
by a Person of Quality.
1694.</P>
<P>A Twofold Vindication of the
late Archbishop of <HI>Canterbury,</HI> and
of the Author of <HI>The History of Re|ligion.</HI>
The first part defending the
said Author against the Defamations
of Mr. <HI>Fr. Atterbury</HI>'s Sermon, and
both those eminent Persons against a
Traiterous Libel, titled, <HI>The Charge
of Socinianism against</HI> Dr. Tillotson
<HI>consider'd.</HI> In two Letters to the
Honourable Sir <HI>R. H.</HI> The Second
containing Remarks on the said
Sermon, and a Reply to the
same Libel: Wherein some Right is
done to that great and good Man,
Dr. <HI>Tillotson,</HI> in the Points of the
<HI>Original of Sacrifices,</HI> the <HI>Sacrifice
<PB REF="66">
of Christ, Future Punishments,</HI> &amp;c.
and a Word in Defence of the Emi|nent
Bishop of <HI>Salisbury.</HI> By ano|ther
Hand. 1696.</P>
<P>Twelve Dissertations out of Mon|fieur
<HI>Le Clerk</HI>'s <HI>Genesis,</HI> Concern|ing
I. The Hebrew Tongue, II.
The manner of Interpreting the Bi|ble.
III. The Author of the Penta|teuch.
IV. The Temptation of <HI>Eve</HI>
by the Serpent. V. The Flood.
VI. The Confusion of Languages.
VII. The Original of Circumcision.
VIII. The Divine Appearances in the
<HI>Old Testament.</HI> IX. The Subversion
of <HI>Sodom.</HI> X. The Pillar of Salt.
XI. The coming of <HI>Shiloh.</HI> XII.
The several obscure Texts in <HI>Ge|nesis</HI>
Explain'd and illustrated. Done
out of Latin by Mr. <HI>Brown.</HI> To
To which is added, a Dissertation
concerning the <HI>Israelites</HI> Passage
through the <HI>Red Sea.</HI> By another
Hand. 1696.</P>
<PB REF="66">
</DIV1>
</BACK>
</TEXT>
</EEBO>
</ETS>
