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<DATE>2008-12-29</DATE>
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<NAME>Megan Marion</NAME>
<RESP>MURP</RESP>
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<STC T="W">H1809</STC>
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<BIBNO T="oclc">12846180</BIBNO>
<VID>94429</VID>
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<TEXT LANG="eng">
<BODY>
<DIV1 TYPE="dialogue">
<PB N="25" REF="1">
<HEAD>THE SECOND PART OF THE Hi&s;tory of Whiggi&s;me, OR THE <HI>Whiggi&s;h-PLOTS</HI> PRINCIPLES and PRACTICES (Mining and Countermining THE TORY-PLOTS, PRINCIPLES and PRACTICES) In REIGN of King CHARLES I.</HEAD>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>TORY.</SPEAKER>
<P>ONce more, well met Mr. <HI>Tantivee,</HI> and hone&s;t <HI>Whigg:</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg">1626. 2 <HI>Car.</HI> 1.</NOTE></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tantivee. Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>We come on purpo&s;e to hear the Continuation of your <HI>Hi&s;tory of Whiggi&s;me;</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>I neither am able <HI>(nor do I pretend)</HI> to tell you any thing but what is to be found in Chronicles, Hi&s;tories, and <HI>at large already</HI> in Print.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, but I have <HI>not Money</HI> to buy them, <HI>nor Lei&s;ure</HI> to read <HI>large</HI> Volumes, give us onely an <HI>Abridgment</HI> out of tho&s;e <HI>va&s;ter</HI> Collections, in relation only to the <HI>Whiggi&s;me</HI> of them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>With all my heart; where left I off?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>At Mr. <HI>Moor</HI>'s <HI>Relea&s;e</HI> and Di&s;charge by his Gracious Maje&s;ty <HI>Charles</HI> 1. and the Impri&s;onment and Relea&s;e of the Earl of <HI>Arundel.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Oh!</HI> 'Tis Right.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>But was not <HI>that part</HI> of the Kings <HI>An&s;wer</HI> about the Impri&s;onment of the
<PB N="26" REF="2">Earl of <HI>Arundel</HI> (namely&mdash;<HI>My Lords,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Whiggi&s;me</HI> before in p. 24.</NOTE> By this I do not mean to &s;hew the Power of a King, by dimini&s;hing your Priviledges;</HI>) ill re&s;ented by the Hou&s;e of Lords?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>It plainly Intimated that the King thought <HI>He had &s;uch a Power,</HI> or &s;ome (about him) made him believe he had &s;uch a Power of a King to <HI>Dimini&s;h their Priviledges,</HI> but he did <HI>not mean</HI> to &s;how it.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, the more Gracious King He.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>However, the Hou&s;e of Lords were <HI>&s;o Allarum'd</HI> at the Expre&s;&s;ion, that le&s;t they &s;hould happen to have a King that was <HI>le&s;s Gracious</HI> or of a <HI>wor&s;e Meaning,</HI> they would not meddle with any Bu&s;ine&s;s 'till they had &s;ecured as well as claim'd their Privi|ledges, by another Tenure than what was meerly Arbitrary, <HI>Ad libitum Regis,</HI> and therefore Adjourn'd <HI>in Di&s;gu&s;t,</HI> re&s;olving unanimou&s;ly to take nothing into Con&s;iderati|on, 'till they had Contrived how their Priviledges might be <HI>Secur'd to Po&s;terity;</HI> which being perceiv'd, the Earl of <HI>Arundel</HI> (as you have heard) was Releas't to them, for which he was <HI>thankfull.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, that was <HI>right Tory-like,</HI> and <HI>mo&s;t Loyally done;</HI> &s;ome <HI>Whiggs</HI> would not &s;o Religiou&s;ly have <HI>Ki&s;t the Rod</HI> that whips them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>'Tis &s;omewhat <HI>again&s;t the Grain</HI> of Humanity, to fawn, <HI>Spaniel-like,</HI> upon the Hand that beats them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Some men are &s;o Loyal as to make a Legg at every Box of the Ear; <HI>Who may &s;ay to a King what do&s;t thou?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Mi&s;apply'd and Mi&s;con&s;tru'd Scriptures <HI>make</HI> up a <HI>Tantivee,</HI> and makes a man be a <HI>Tantivee.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Why? Is not the <HI>King's Will</HI> a Law?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>In <HI>France</HI> they &s;ay, and in <HI>Turkey,</HI> not in <HI>England;</HI> for &s;o the Barons of <HI>Eng|land</HI> told the two <HI>Cardinals</HI> (whom the Pope &s;ent to Reconcile the Differences be|twixt King and People,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Chron. Ba|ker.</HI> p. 109.</NOTE> about <HI>Magna Charta,</HI> Liberties and Prerogative) That, there were many Worthy and Learned men in the Kingdom, who&s;e Council they would u&s;e and not Strangers, who knew not the cau&s;e of their Commotion, (in the Reign of K. <HI>Edward</HI> 2.)</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, I mu&s;t confe&s;s, that <HI>Forreigners</HI> (unacquainted with the Fundamental Con&s;titution of our Government and Laws) are <HI>no Competent</HI> Judges of the lawfulne&s;s or unlawfulne&s;s of Conte&s;ts betwixt King and People.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, the <HI>Engli&s;h</HI> were alwayes tender of their Liberties.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But if Engli&s;h Kings did Invade their Liberties, they u&s;ed no Remedy (I hope) but <HI>Prayers and Tears.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>And <HI>Bows and Arrows, and long Swords,</HI> until the Kings were Contented to Rule them according to <HI>their Oath,</HI> and the <HI>Law</HI> of the Land.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, Perhaps when they happened to have &s;ome <HI>ea&s;ie,</HI> weak, <HI>timerous</HI> and conde&s;cending King.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, In &s;uch a juncture, they were <HI>alwayes the calmer,</HI> but grew rough, raging, high and boy&s;terous, the more vehement, &s;trong and tempe&s;tuous their Kings were; as for In&s;tance, in <HI>Edw.</HI> 1. another <HI>Saul,</HI> for he was <HI>higher</HI> and taller than ordi|nary men <HI>by the Head and Shoulders,</HI> and as <HI>Tyrannical</HI> too as King <HI>Saul</HI> was: He at one time (at the In&s;tigation of <HI>William Marchian,</HI> then Lord Trea&s;urer) fetch't all the Riches out of the Churches and Religious Hou&s;es, and put it into his own Exche|quer; Loans, Benevolences, the Writ of <HI>Trailba&s;ton,</HI> great Fines were u&s;ed by him; in the Seventeenth Year of his Reign he Fined all his Judges (pretending) for Corrup|tion, the lea&s;t of them one thou&s;and Marks, an immen&s;e Summe in tho&s;e dayes; but &s;ome of them two thou&s;and, &s;ome three thou&s;and, &s;ome four thou&s;and, &s;ome &s;ix thou|&s;and, and the Chief Ju&s;tice (Sir <HI>Ralph de Hengham</HI>) &s;even thou&s;and Marks; the Chief Baron (Sir <HI>Adam Stratton</HI>) four and thirty thou&s;and Marks; but from <HI>Thomas Way|land</HI> all his Goods and whole E&s;tate Confi&s;cate, and him&s;elf Bani&s;h't; and ju&s;t &s;o he u&s;ed the <HI>Jews,</HI> which were then (in <HI>England</HI>) very rich and very numerous: 'Tis &s;aid of K. <HI>Hen.</HI> 8. that he never Spared <HI>Man</HI> in his Anger, nor <HI>Woman</HI> in his Lu&s;t; but King <HI>Edw.</HI> 1. was as re&s;olv'd as he, as Couragious and Stout (leaving the <HI>Marks of his per&s;onal Valour, the Trophies</HI> of his Victories in the <HI>Holy-land</HI> before he was King) but he could Di&s;gui&s;e his furious Re&s;entments, and Adjourn Revenge &s;even and &s;even Years, 'till he could &s;afely Execute it.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Safely! why who <HI>&s;hould or dur&s;t &s;ay</HI> to that mo&s;t Couragious and Victorious King, (that thrice Conquer'd <HI>Scotland, France</HI> and <HI>Wales,</HI>) What <HI>do&s;t thou?</HI></P>
</SP>
<PB N="27" REF="2">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>His own People and Subjects <HI>forc't him to rea&s;on,</HI> and to Rule them accor|ding to Law, his <HI>Oath,</HI> and <HI>Magna Charta;</HI> the <HI>Parliament-men</HI> came to his Parlia|ment Attended with <HI>Armed men,</HI> very numerous at <HI>Stamford,</HI> 28 <HI>Edw.</HI> 1.
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Wal&s;ing|ham, H<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 letter">&s;t. Angl.</HI> p. 48. <HI>Y<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="2 letters">ligm. n<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="2 letters">&s;tr</HI> p. 88. <HI>H<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 letter">n. de Knighton. de event. Angl.</HI> 3. l. cap. 13. col. 2528.</NOTE> to <HI>make him fulfill</HI> and Execute the <HI>Charter</HI> of the <HI>Forre&s;t;</HI> &s;ays <HI>Wal&s;ingham</HI> and <HI>Knighton</HI> two Fa|mous Hi&s;torians of tho&s;e times, <HI>Rex Angliae &s;ub his diebus Parliamentum tenuit Stam|ford, ad quod convenerunt Comites &amp; Barones cum equis &amp; armis, co prout dicebatur propo&s;ito, ut Executionem Chartae de Fore&s;ta hacten&ugrave;s dilatam extorquerent</HI> (mind that) <HI>ad plenum.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, but how did the Stout King <HI>Edward</HI> Treat the&s;e Armed Petitioners?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>They ask't nothing but what the <HI>Laws and his own Oath ought</HI> to have <HI>Com|pelled</HI> him unto, and the King yielded to their Reque&s;ts; <HI>Rex autem eorum In&s;tantiam &amp; Importunitatem attendens, eorum voluntati in omnibus conde&s;cendit; (Knighton</HI> &s;ayes) <HI>De qu&acirc; re Rex Integr&egrave; &amp; plen&egrave; eorum voluntatem Implevit ad vota;</HI> in which matter the King fully and wholly granted their De&s;ires to their Wi&s;hes.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>It was very <HI>civilly</HI> done of him.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>It was <HI>wi&s;ely and hone&s;tly</HI> done, and as his Coronation Oath, Equity, Rea|&s;on, Con&s;cience and the Laws, (from none of which Engli&s;h Kings pretend to be exempt) <HI>did adjure him,</HI> and Con&s;train him; and they are <HI>devilli&s;h Councellors,</HI> and the Kings wor&s;t Enemies and <HI>Traitors</HI> that per&s;wade him to act <HI>contrary to Law:</HI> Pow|er is <HI>high</HI> enough without being <HI>wanton,</HI> and la&s;ts <HI>longest</HI> when it is not <HI>Stretcht</HI> to the height, or <HI>Over-&s;tretcht,</HI> 'tis a wonder that a thing <HI>&s;o unea&s;ie</HI> &s;hould plea&s;e.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ambition and Covetou&s;ne&s;s know no bounds, and I have read King <HI>Edward</HI> got the <HI>Pope</HI> to &s;et him <HI>free from the obligation of his Coronation Oath and Magna Charta.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But did the <HI>Pope ab&s;olve him</HI> and let him loo&s;e and free from his Oath and the Laws?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, he did; for the Pope was a Native of <HI>Burdeaux,</HI> Born in King <HI>Edward</HI>'s Domnions,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Baker Chron.</HI> p. 99.</NOTE> but yet he would not acquit him of his Oath and Obligation to his Subjects and his own Con&s;cience, <HI>'till the King</HI> &s;ent his Holi&s;hip all manner of Ve&s;&s;els belonging to a Chamber, <HI>made of pure Gold,</HI> and then the Pope untied the King from the Cove|nant made with his Subjects concerning their Charters, Confirmed unto them by his la&s;t three Acts of Parliament.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Has the Pope power to do the&s;e things?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, <HI>Fools think &s;o,</HI> and Knaves would per&s;wade others to think &s;o; the King and the Pope got by it, but the poor Engli&s;h Subjects paid for all.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But did not the <HI>King pay part</HI> of the Reckoning?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No doubt on't, King <HI>Edward</HI> 1. made a &s;hift with much Bickering to <HI>rub through,</HI> and come to his Grave in Peace, dying on his fair Death; but his Son <HI>Edw.</HI> 2. that followed his Fathers &s;teps <HI>when he could</HI> or <HI>dur&s;t,</HI> had not the Wit, or el&s;e not the Luck to manage the Feat &s;o well; <HI>(poor Rehoboam!)</HI> for he was <HI>Depo&s;ed</HI> by the Parlia|ment, or rather was per&s;waded to <HI>Depo&s;e him&s;elf,</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Chron. Ba|ker</HI> 112.</NOTE> le&s;t his Son al&s;o &s;hould be Excluded from the Crown: (for &s;o they threatned, and to make a King of <HI>another Race</HI>) Thus he lo&s;t his Kingdom, no Blow &s;truck, no Battel Fought, done <HI>forcibly</HI> and yet <HI>without force,</HI> violently and yet with Con&s;ent.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then &s;urely he had <HI>fir&s;t lost</HI> the Hearts of his People.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>You may be a&s;&s;ured of it, for (at fir&s;t) his Subjects refu&s;ed to &s;uffer him to be Crowned, unle&s;s he would remove <HI>Gave&s;ton</HI> from the Court and Kingdom,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Bak. Chron.</HI> p. 105.</NOTE> which dampt King <HI>Edward</HI>'s Spirit, e&s;pecially many of his great Friends being then at Court witne&s;&s;es of his Di&s;grace, as <HI>Charles of Valois</HI> the Queens Unkle, and Brother to her Father (<HI>Philip</HI> the Fair) the French King, the Dukes of <HI>Brittain</HI> and <HI>Brabant,</HI> the Count of <HI>Luxemburg,</HI> who was afterwards Emperour, the Duke of <HI>Savoy,</HI> the Dutch|e&s;&s;es of <HI>Brabant</HI> and <HI>Artois,</HI> with many other <HI>Princes</HI> and great Ladies, &s;o that the King <HI>&s;olemnly Swore</HI> he would do <HI>what they de&s;ired in the next</HI> Parliament, &s;o they would be quiet now; and <HI>thereupon</HI> the Coronation went on.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Could not <HI>&s;o many Forreign Princes and &s;o powerful,</HI> Encourage the King to repel <HI>(with force)</HI> his Subjects <HI>In&s;olence.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>In&s;olence?</HI> Oh Brave <HI>Tantivee!</HI> What would have become of thee if thou had&s;t liv'd in the&s;e dayes to have an an&s;wer in Parliament for your <HI>Tantivee-principles,</HI> &s;o Di&s;crepant from, and <HI>Incon&s;i&s;tent</HI> with our <HI>Engli&s;h</HI>-frame, Con&s;titution and Funda|mental Laws?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Why? were Parliaments <HI>&s;o Malapert</HI> in tho&s;e dayes?</P>
</SP>
<PB N="28" REF="3">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Malapert?</HI> Hey day! what again in your Tantivee-&s;train, you have got the Language of &s;ome <HI>late Addre&s;&s;ers,</HI> that take upon them <HI>to Judge</HI> the highe&s;t Court and Council of the Kingdom, <HI>the Parliament.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>In your Opinion</HI> (you mean) the <HI>Highe&s;t</HI> Council.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Dare you &s;ay to the contrary, whatever you think?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I dur&s;t, if I were &s;ure never to live to &s;ee another Parliament.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, thou art a good one, but the Parliament (as &s;oon as they met) drew Ar|ticles of their Grievances,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Anno 1. <HI>Edw.</HI> 2. <HI>Chron. Bak.</HI> 106.</NOTE> which, though &s;eeming <HI>Har&s;h</HI> to the King, yet for avoiding <HI>further Inconvenience,</HI> he yielded unto them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Inconvenience?</HI> What Inconvenience? they were Subjects and <HI>Chri&s;tians</HI> in tho&s;e dayes, and had <HI>no weapons but prayers and tears,</HI> which can bring no great In|convenience, if a man re&s;olve to be hard-hearted.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, thou (I <HI>believe</HI>) art Prayer-proof; but King <HI>Edward</HI> 2. remembred well,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Anno 25. <HI>Edw.</HI> 1.</NOTE> that in his <HI>&s;tout Fathers time,</HI> the Parliament met at <HI>London, Octob.</HI> 10. <HI>Non ta|men nudi,</HI> not naked and unarm'd, but (<HI>imm&ograve; cum quingentis equis armatis &amp; multitu|dine magn&acirc; peditum Electorum,)</HI> with five hundred Hor&s;e, and a va&s;t number of choice Foot:
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Hen. de Knighton. de event. Angl.</HI> l. 3. c. 9. to 14.</NOTE> <HI>Induxerunt etiam cives Londoniarum, ut pro recuperandis libertatibus &s;ecum &s;ta|rent;</HI> The Citizens of <HI>London</HI> were brought to &s;tand up with them, for the recovery of their Charters and Liberties: <HI>Comitibus itaque &amp; Baronibus pariter conglobatis &amp; confederatis, necnon majoritate populi eis inclinante;</HI> &s;everal Lords and Barons confede|rating and leaguing &s;olemnly together, with <HI>the majority of the common-people,</HI> Inclining to their &s;ide.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>What? <HI>again&s;t the King?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, <HI>for the Ling,</HI> again&s;t evil Councellors that <HI>&s;educ'd the King</HI> again&s;t his Oath, his Con&s;cience, Religion and Law: And the Hi&s;torian <HI>Hen. Knighton</HI> gives the rea&s;on of this general Confederacy&mdash;<HI>quia communem profectum &amp; utilitatem ample|ctebatur,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>H. Knigh|ton,</HI> ibid.</NOTE> communes diligebant eos fortiter;</HI> becau&s;e the Conlederates or <HI>Covenanters</HI> &s;tood for the <HI>common benefit</HI> and common-weal, <HI>and the Laws,</HI> therefore the People lov'd them <HI>mightily;</HI> and voluntarily accompanyed their Parliament-men to <HI>London with hor&s;e and Arms</HI> at their own charge: Nay, 'tis a wonder that any man that had an Engli&s;h heart in his Belly could be a fawning <HI>Spaniel-like Tantivee;</HI> &s;ome <HI>French Ba&s;tard</HI> &s;ure.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But, what &s;aid the King <HI>to his armed Parliamentarians?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Said?</HI> he <HI>did</HI> (in&s;tead of <HI>&s;aying any thing) his duty,</HI> and <HI>confirmed their Char|ters and Liberties,</HI> &s;o often confirmed and &s;o often <HI>wickedly and illegally</HI> broken and encroach't upon: but King <HI>Edward</HI> 1. was loath to confirm their Charters, except with this clau&s;e&mdash;<HI>&s;alvo Jure Coronae no&s;trae;</HI> &s;aving the Rights of our Crown: But, the People would not, by any means, admit that <HI>&s;aving</HI>&mdash; and Exception; &s;o that the King confirm'd them <HI>as formerly;</HI> as K. <HI>Charles</HI> 1. after a long Tugg in the Hou&s;e of Lords con&s;ented to the Petition of Right, without the <HI>&s;aving;</HI> or <HI>leaving intire that Sovereign power</HI> wherewith, &amp;c.</P>
<P>Whereupon,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">4 <HI>Car.</HI> 1.</NOTE> &mdash; (&s;ayes Mr. <HI>Noy</HI>) To adde a <HI>&s;aving</HI> is not <HI>&s;afe:</HI> And &s;ayes Mr. <HI>Alford</HI> &mdash; Let us look into the <HI>Records,</HI> and &s;ee what they are; what is <HI>Sovereign power? Bodin</HI> &s;aith, That is <HI>free from any condition,</HI> by this we &s;hall acknowledge a <HI>Regal</HI> as well as a <HI>Legal</HI> Power; let us give <HI>that</HI> to the King <HI>that the Law gives</HI> him and <HI>no more:</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>There &s;poke a <HI>Whigg.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>True:</HI> (&s;o Mr. <HI>Pym</HI> added) I know how to adde <HI>Sovereign</HI> to his <HI>Per&s;on</HI> but <HI>not to his Power:</HI> Al&s;o, We <HI>cannot</HI> leave to him a <HI>&s;overeign power:</HI> Al&s;o, We ne|ver were po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ed of it:</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Our King <HI>(God ble&s;s him)</HI> does not pretend to ab&s;olute and arbitrary Power.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Sovereign power</HI> cannot be inve&s;ted in any thing that is not Omnipotent. And the <HI>great Oracle</HI> of the Law added, that <HI>the &s;aving,</HI> or <HI>leaving intire the &s;overeign Pow|er,</HI> &amp;c. will overthrow all <HI>our Petition of Right;</HI> It trenches to all the Parts of it; It flyes at <HI>Loans,</HI> and at the <HI>Oath,</HI> and at <HI>Impri&s;onment</HI> and <HI>Billeting of Souldiers,</HI> This turns <HI>all about</HI> again. I know that <HI>Prerogative</HI> is part of the Law, but <HI>Sovereign Pow|er</HI> is <HI>no Parliamentary word:</HI> In my opinion, it weakens <HI>Magna Charta</HI> and all our Statutes, for they are <HI>ab&s;olute without any &s;aving</HI> of Sovereign Power; take we heed what we yield unto: <HI>Magna Charta</HI> is <HI>&s;uch a fellow</HI> that he <HI>will have no Soveraign:</HI> I wonder this <HI>Soveraign</HI> was not in <HI>Magna Charta</HI> or the <HI>confirmations</HI> of it; If we
<PB N="5" REF="3" MS="y">grant this, by <HI>Implication</HI> we give a <HI>Soveraign power</HI> above all the&s;e Laws, (mind that; for <HI>all Power and Liberties and Prerogatives are bounded and limited by the Laws, and though they be great as the Sea, yet have their bounds, the Law &s;aying, Hitherto &s;halt thou go, and no further, and here &s;hall thy proud Waves be &s;tay'd;</HI> no <HI>Prerogative is infinite</HI> in <HI>England,</HI> nor any power <HI>omnipotent,</HI> (except that of God alone) the Law limits and bounds us all <HI>from the greate&s;t to the lea&s;t.</HI>) And therefore Sir <HI>Eward Cook</HI> goes on, telling the Hou&s;e; That <HI>Power in Law</HI> is taken for a <HI>power with force;</HI> The Sheriff &s;hall take the <HI>power</HI> of the County; what it means here, God only knows: It is repugnant to our Petition (<HI>that is, the King &s;hall not Billet Souldiers, rai&s;e Money by Privy Seals, Loans, Impri&s;on without cau&s;e in Law &s;hewn,</HI> &amp;c. &s;aving by his Sove|raign Power:) our Petition is a <HI>Petition of Right,</HI> grounded on Acts of Parliament: Our Predece&s;&s;ors would never endure a <HI>Salvo Jure &s;uo,</HI> no more than the Kings of Old could endure for the Church, <HI>Salvo Honore Dei &amp; Eccle&s;iae;</HI> we mu&s;t not admit of it, and to qualifie it, is impo&s;&s;ible: Let us hold our Priviledges <HI>according to the Law;</HI> that Power that is <HI>above this,</HI> it is <HI>not &s;it for the King</HI> and People to have it di&s;puted further.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>The <HI>Oath of Allegiance</HI> binds us all to maintain the Kings Prerogative.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No doubt on't; and let it be for ever Sacred, let no Prophane Hand or Tongue touch it; no, nor &s;o much as think upon it <HI>Irreverently,</HI> both <HI>it and the Peo|ples Liberties</HI> (as afore&s;aid) are va&s;t and great; but they are not Infinite, they have their <HI>known Bounds</HI> and <HI>ancient Land-marks,</HI> and Cur&s;ed is <HI>that evil Councellor</HI> that makes &s;uch a Stir to Encroach or <HI>Remove</HI> them, extend them or <HI>Stretch them,</HI> &s;uch de&s;erve to <HI>Stretch for it;</HI> For 'tis certain that there is no Soveraign Power or Prerogative where|with any King of <HI>England</HI> hath been intru&s;ted either by <HI>God or Man,</HI> but what is for <HI>Edification, not for De&s;truction;</HI> for the <HI>Weal</HI> of his People, and for their Protection, <HI>Safety</HI> and Happine&s;s.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Our Gracious <HI>Soveraign</HI> (in his late <HI>Declarations</HI>) pretends to <HI>no other</HI> Prero|gative but what is <HI>legal.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>All the better for him and us,</HI> his Royal Father <HI>(of Gracious Memory)</HI> &s;eem'd to <HI>Di&s;gu&s;t</HI> his Lords (as afore&s;aid) when he told them, that he <HI>meant not</HI> to &s;hew the <HI>Power</HI> of a King by dimini&s;hing their Priviledges.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>He wanted not bad In&s;tillers &s;ometimes, as he Confe&s;t afterwards.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>The <HI>Summer</HI> &s;hall want <HI>Flies,</HI> e're the <HI>Crown</HI> want <HI>Sycophants &s;warming</HI> about it, yet like <HI>Musketoes too,</HI> they u&s;ually <HI>Burn their Wings</HI> in the Flame; to this &s;ort &s;ome a&s;cribed tho&s;e words in the Kings Speech,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">4 <HI>Car.</HI> 1.</NOTE> <HI>I owe the account of my Actions to God a|lone,</HI> &amp;c. <HI>But as for Tunnage and Poundage it is a thing I cannot want.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>No: why &s;hould he?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>The <HI>matter</HI> of taking it was <HI>not &s;o much</HI> the que&s;tion, as the <HI>manner</HI> of taking it, namely, taking it <HI>before and without</HI> the gift thereof to the King, by them that had the <HI>only power</HI> to di&s;po&s;e thereof.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then there was <HI>hard Mea&s;ure</HI> to &s;ome, as well as <HI>hard Impri&s;onment,</HI> if the Parliament had the <HI>only power</HI> to give Tunnage and Poundage; for the Kings Com|mi&s;&s;ion to the Cu&s;tomers begins thus:
<LETTER LANG="eng">
<OPENER><SIGNED>C. R.</SIGNED></OPENER>
<P>WHereas the Lords of the Council, taking into Con&s;ideration our Revenue, and finding that Tunnage and Poundage is a principal Revenue of our Crown, and has been continued for the&s;e many Years, have therefore Order'd all tho&s;e Duties of Sub&s;idie, Cu&s;tom and Import, as they were in the Twenty fir&s;t of King <HI>James,</HI> and as they &s;hall be appointed by Us under our Seal, to be Levyed; Know ye, that we, by the Advice of our <HI>Lords,</HI> De|clare <HI>our Will,</HI> that all tho&s;e Duties be Levyed and Collected as they were in the time of our Father, and in &s;uch manner <HI>as we &s;hall appoint;</HI> and if any Per&s;on refu&s;e to Pay, then <HI>our Will is,</HI> that the Lord Trea&s;urer &s;hall <HI>Commit to Pri&s;on</HI> &s;uch, &s;o Refu&s;ing, 'till they <HI>Conform</HI> them&s;elves; And we give <HI>full Power</HI> to all our
<PB N="6" REF="4" MS="y">Officers from time to time to give A&s;&s;i&s;tance to the Farmers of the &s;ame, as <HI>fully,</HI> as when they were Collected <HI>by Authority</HI> of Parliament.</P>
</LETTER></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>This occa&s;ion'd Debates that ended in the Di&s;&s;olution of that Parliament, after which the King call'd no more of eleven long Years, and Straits and Nece&s;&s;ities were urgent and remedile&s;s without a Parliament, and woful work in Conclu&s;ion.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Why did the Parliament meddle with the Cu&s;tomers?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Becau&s;e they collected Cu&s;toms in Tunnage and Poundage without Autho|rity of Parliament.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>King <HI>James</HI> had them before they were given to him in Parliament.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>King <HI>James</HI> had them by Authority of Parliament, from the day before his fir&s;t Parliament begun; but the Statute <HI>gave him Power</HI> &s;o to do, but <HI>not from the fir&s;t day</HI> of his coming to the Crown;
<NOTE PLACE="marg">1602. 1603.</NOTE> for he came to the Crown <HI>March</HI> 24. 1602. His fir&s;t Parliament began at <HI>We&s;tmin&s;ter March</HI> 19. 1603. and took many things into Con|&s;ideration, and Enacted them, <HI>before</HI> they took into con&s;ideration <HI>Tunnage and Poundage,</HI> but 1 <HI>Jac.</HI> cap. 33. the Commons, by the Advice and con&s;ent of the Lords, <HI>gave the King</HI> the Sub&s;idy of Tunnage and Poundage, at a very low rate; namely, but three Shillings a Tun for Wine, and &s;o proportionably for quantities greater or <HI>le&s;&s;er than a Tun;</HI> but this expir'd with the Kings Life: his only Son and Succe&s;&s;or took it (<HI>without</HI> Authority of Parliament) as his Father took it <HI>by</HI> Authority of Parliament, to the great Di&s;gu&s;t of his Parliament, who did at length grant him Tunnage and Poundage, upon certain Tru&s;ts and Confidences, from the 9th of <HI>Augu&s;t,</HI> 1641. for about three months, 16 <HI>Car.</HI> 1.22.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>What no longer?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Not at one loo&s;e; then by 16 <HI>Car.</HI> 1.25. <HI>they tru&s;ted the King</HI> with the Cu&s;toms, from <HI>November</HI> 30. 1641. to <HI>February</HI> 1. namely, for two Months longer: Then <HI>(the other Hitch)</HI> for five Months, namely from <HI>February</HI> 1. 1641. until <HI>July</HI> 2. 1642. Then they continued it for &s;ome little time by 16 <HI>Car.</HI> 1. c. 29. &amp; <HI>cap.</HI> 31. &amp; <HI>cap.</HI> 36.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But did the <HI>Free,</HI> Free-Parliament in 12 <HI>Car.</HI> 2.4. give it to our gracious King for <HI>no longer time?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, yes, <HI>for his Life,</HI> but <HI>upon tru&s;t too,</HI> &s;o &s;ayes the Act; namely,</P>
<P><Q><HI>The</HI> Commons <HI>A&s;&s;embled in Parliament, repo&s;ing</HI> Tru&s;t and Con|fidence <HI>in your Maje&s;ty, in and for the</HI> Guarding <HI>and defending of the Seas, again&s;t all Per&s;ons, intending or that &s;hall intend the</HI> Di&s;turbance <HI>of your &s;aid</HI> Commons, <HI>in the Intercour&s;e of Trade, and the Invading of this Realm,</HI> &amp;c.</Q></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then it was granted for the&s;e U&s;es and Con&s;iderations, belike, and <HI>&s;hould</HI> be made U&s;e of <HI>for no other end,</HI> you would &s;ay.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yea, I do &s;ay &s;o, as the &s;aid Statute &s;ayes.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But how will you mend your &s;elves, if I get &s;ome of it for <HI>&s;ecret Service?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Thou art capable of any &s;ecret Service but <HI>Pimping.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Pimping? <HI>that</HI> becomes not <HI>my Coat.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>True, but I could tell you a time when Pimping, and <HI>Conniving at Whore|dom</HI> and Adultery, has been <HI>as ready a road to a Bi&s;hoprick,</HI> as ever <HI>Sybthorp, Manwa|ring,</HI> or <HI>Mountague</HI> took.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>In what time; I pray?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>In what time? Catch-pole! in <HI>no good time.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Well, &s;ay <HI>(tho') in what time?</HI> good <HI>Whigg!</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>When Popi&s;h Councils prevail'd mo&s;t, and Popi&s;h Intere&s;t.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Oh! a great while ago.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, yes, Man-Catcher! how fain thou would&s;t find me tripping?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But did King <HI>Charles</HI> 1. take Tunnage and Poundage, and Impri&s;on the refu|&s;ers <HI>without Authority</HI> of Parliament, for the fir&s;t 15 years of his Reign?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes indeed, Mr. <HI>Richard Chambers</HI> was Impri&s;oned for refu&s;ing to pay Cu|&s;toms,
<PB N="7" REF="4" MS="y">and had al&s;o 7060 Pounds of his goods taken from him, and was fined 2000 <ABBR><HI>l</HI></ABBR> in the <HI>Star-chamber.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>See what it is to be ob&s;tinate and Rebellious.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>What language</HI> the&s;e Tantivees have? <HI>Ob&s;tinate and Rebellious!</HI> when it was Voted and Declared by the honourable Hou&s;e of Commons, <HI>Anno</HI> 1627. &amp; 1628.</P>
<P><Q><P>That who&s;oever &s;hall Coun&s;el or Advi&s;e the taking or Levying of the Sub&s;idy of Tunnage and Poundage, not granted by Parliament, or &s;hall be any Actor or In&s;trument therein, &s;hall be reputed an In|novator in the Government, and a capital Enemy to the Kingdom and Common-wealth.</P>
<P>And if any Merchant or Per&s;on what&s;oever &s;hall voluntarily yield or pay the &s;aid Sub&s;idy of Tunnage or Poundage, not being granted by Parliament, they &s;hall likewi&s;e be reputed Betrayers of the Liber|ties of <HI>England,</HI> and Enemies to the &s;ame;</P>
<P>As may appear by the &s;aid Order upon Record.</P></Q></P>
<P>Now, <HI>(good Tantivee!)</HI> what &s;hall a Subject do in this Ca&s;e? he mu&s;t nece&s;&s;arily be <HI>ground-cru&s;ht</HI> between two Mill-&s;tones; if he <HI>Payes not,</HI> the Kings party take all from him; and <HI>if he Payes,</HI> the Parliament puni&s;hes him for Betraying the Liberties of <HI>Eng|land,</HI> and as a common and capital Enemy.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>There is <HI>but Right and Wrong</HI> in the World, which of them were in the Right?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Neither of them would acknowledge them&s;elves in the Wrong, <HI>I'le war|rant,</HI> 'till the <HI>longe&s;t Sword decided</HI> the Quarrel.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But might not Mr. <HI>Chambers</HI> have been Pardoned, if he would have Recant|ed the&s;e words,&mdash;<HI>They</HI>&mdash;meaning the Merchants&mdash;<HI>are in no parts of the World &s;o &s;crew'd and wrung as in</HI> England, <HI>and that in</HI> Turkey <HI>they have more In|couragement.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Recant?</HI> yes, they brought him a <HI>Recantation to Sub&s;cribe, and then</HI> he &s;hould be <HI>Relea&s;ed</HI> of his Fine, &mdash; 2000 <ABBR><HI>l</HI></ABBR> But the draught of Submi&s;&s;ion <HI>he Sub&s;cri|bed</HI> &mdash; thus &mdash;</P>
<LETTER LANG="eng">
<P>All the above&s;aid Contents and Submi&s;&s;ion, I <HI>Richard Chambers</HI> do <HI>utterly abhor</HI> and dete&s;t, as mo&s;t unju&s;t and fal&s;e, and <HI>never 'till Death</HI> will acknowledge any part thereof.</P>
<CLOSER><SIGNED>Richard Chambers.</SIGNED></CLOSER>
</LETTER>
<P>Al&s;o he underwrit the&s;e Texts of Scripture, in&s;tead of Submi&s;&s;ion, namely,
<LETTER LANG="eng">
<P><NOTE PLACE="marg">I&s;a. 29.21.</NOTE><HI>That make a man an Offender for a word, and lay a &s;nare for him that reproveth in the gate; and turn a&s;ide the ju&s;t for a thing of nought.</HI></P>
<P><HI><NOTE PLACE="marg">Mic. 2.1, 2.</NOTE>Wo to them that devi&s;e Iniquity, becau&s;e it is in the Power of their hand,
 and they covet Fields and take them by Violence, and Hou&s;es, and take them away; &s;o they Oppre&s;s a man and his hou&s;e, a man and his heritage.</HI></P>
<P><HI><NOTE PLACE="marg">Ezek. 45.9. &amp; 40.8.</NOTE>Thus &s;aith the Lord God, let it &s;uffice you, Oh Princes of</HI> I&s;rael:
 <HI>Remove Violence and Spoil, and execute Judgment and Ju&s;tice, take away your Exactions from my Peo|ple, &s;aith the Lord God.</HI></P>
<P><HI><NOTE PLACE="marg">Eccle&s;. 5.8.</NOTE>If thou &s;ee&s;t the Oppre&s;&s;ion of the Poor,
 and violent perverting of Judgment and Ju|&s;tice in a Province; marvel not at the matter, for he that is higher than the highe&s;t regardeth, and there be higher than they.</HI></P>
<CLOSER><SIGNED>Per me <HI>Richard Chambers.</HI></SIGNED></CLOSER>
</LETTER></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But did He <HI>that is higher than the highe&s;t</HI> regard and &s;hew his Di&s;plea&s;ure in this Affair?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>It is <HI>neither &s;afe nor ea&s;y</HI> to unriddle the meaning of Gods Providence, <HI>by the Events:</HI> But as to <HI>matter of Fact,</HI> Hi&s;tory tells us, that <HI>Richard Chambers,</HI> notwith&s;tanding his va&s;t Lo&s;&s;es (for which he never had con&s;iderable Reparation
<PB N="8" REF="5">when time &s;erv'd, <HI>&s;o thankle&s;s an Office</HI> it is to be a <HI>State Martyr,</HI> as to the gratitude of men, but) by <HI>Gods goodne&s;s</HI> to him, he liv'd to be <HI>Sheriff of London,</HI> and a wor&s;hipful <HI>Alderman</HI> thereof; <HI>but his Judges</HI> in the Star-Chamber (many of them) did <HI>not come to the Grave in Peace;</HI> but went out of the World as naked as they came into it, &s;tript of all before they were bereav'd of Life; yet the Lord Trea&s;urer <HI>We&s;ton</HI> dyed of his fair death, flying beyond Sea, and withall he dyed a <HI>profe&s;&s;ed</HI> (as before he was vilely &s;u&s;pected, and taken upon &s;u&s;pition for a Ma&s;querade) <HI>Papi&s;t.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>You Whiggs</HI> thought him a Covert-papi&s;t, or a Prote&s;tant in Ma&s;querade, <HI>when he was &s;o preferr'd at Court</HI> from Chancellor of the <HI>Exchequer,</HI> to be the <HI>great Lord Trea&s;urer.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>He was a Creature of <HI>Buckingham</HI>'s making, and Bi&s;hop <HI>Laud</HI>'s Con|firming.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Do Bi&s;hops confirm</HI> Lord Trea&s;urers?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Sometimes, as well as turn Lord Trea&s;urers them&s;elves, as they u&s;ed to be.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>The wor&s;t of the Di&s;ciples carryed the Bag.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>That Rule holds not always true.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But if the <HI>&s;aid Trea&s;urer</HI> did Dye a profe&s;t Papi&s;t, that <HI>looks not well</HI> on our &s;ide.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Nor can it &s;urely be deny'd;
<NOTE PLACE="marg">1626. 2 <HI>Car.</HI> 1.</NOTE> and the Commons were &s;o &s;en&s;ible of it, that they agreed upon this en&s;uing Petition to his Maje&s;ty concerning Recu&s;ants, (long be|fore <HI>We&s;ton</HI> grew &s;o high) in the&s;e words:
<LETTER LANG="eng">
<HEAD>To the Kings mo&s;t Excellent Maje&s;ty.</HEAD>
<P>YOUR Maje&s;ties mo&s;t Obedient and Loyal Subjects,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">2 <HI>Car.</HI> 1.</NOTE> the Com|mons in this pre&s;ent Parliament A&s;&s;embled, do with great Com|fort remember the many Te&s;timonies which your Maje&s;ty hath given of your Sincerity and Zeal for the true Religion E&s;tabli&s;hed in this Kingdom, and in particular, your gracious An&s;wer to both Hou&s;es of Parliament at <HI>Oxford,</HI> upon their Petition concerning the Cau&s;es and Remedies of the Increa&s;e of Popery, that your Maje&s;ty thought fit and would give Order to Remove from all Places of Authority and Government, all &s;uch Per&s;ons as are either Popi&s;h Recu&s;ants, or according to direction of former Acts of State ju&s;tly to be &s;u&s;pect|ed, which was then Pre&s;ented as a great and principal Cau&s;e of that Mi&s;chief; but not having received &s;o full redre&s;s herein as may conduce to the Peace of this Church, and &s;afety of this Regal State, they hold it their Duty once more to re&s;ort to your Sacred Maje&s;ty, humbly to Inform you, that upon Examination they find the Per|&s;ons underwritten to be either Recu&s;ants, Papi&s;ts, or ju&s;tly &s;u&s;pected according to the former Acts of State, who now do, or &s;ince the Sit|ing of the Parliament did remain in places of Government, and Au|thority and Tru&s;t in your &s;everal Counties of this your Realm of <HI>Eng|land,</HI> and Dominion of <HI>Wales.</HI></P>
<P><Q>The Right Honourable <HI>Francis</HI> Earl of <HI>Rutland,</HI> Lieutenant of the County of <HI>Lin|coln, Rutland, Northampton, Nottingham,</HI> and a Commi&s;&s;ioner of the Peace, and of <HI>Oyer</HI> and <HI>Terminer</HI> in the County of <HI>York,</HI> and <HI>Ju&s;tice</HI> of <HI>Oyer</HI> from <HI>Trent</HI> Northwards; and al&s;o again&s;t his <HI>Deputy Ju&s;tice in Oyer</HI> from <HI>Trent</HI> northwards; the right Honourable Vi&s;count <HI>Dunbar,</HI> Deputy Lieutenant in the Ea&s;t riding of <HI>York-&s;hire,</HI> his Wife and Mother, and the greate&s;t part of his Family being Popi&s;h Recu&s;ants; al&s;o again&s;t <HI>Willi|am</HI> Lord <HI>Eure,</HI> a convict Popi&s;h Recu&s;ant, and in Commi&s;&s;ion for the Sewers; <HI>Henry</HI> Lord <HI>Abergavenny, John</HI> Lord <HI>Tenham, Henry</HI> Lord <HI>Morley, John</HI> Lord <HI>Mordant, John</HI> Lord St. <HI>John</HI> of <HI>Ba&s;ing,</HI> Captain of <HI>Lidley Ca&s;tle</HI> in Com. <HI>Southampton; Em.</HI> Lord
<PB N="33" REF="5"><HI>Scroop,</HI> Lord <HI>Pre&s;ident</HI> of his Maje&s;ties Council in the <HI>North,</HI> Lord <HI>Lieutenant</HI> of the County and City of <HI>York,</HI> and of <HI>King&s;ton</HI> upon <HI>Hull; Anthony</HI> Vi&s;count <HI>Mountague</HI> in Commi&s;&s;ion of the Sewers; Sir <HI>William Wray</HI> Knight, Deputy Lieutenant, Collonel to a Regiment, his Wife a Recu&s;ant; Sir <HI>Edward Mu&s;grave,</HI> Sir <HI>Thomas Lampley,</HI> Ju&s;tices of <HI>Peace</HI> and <HI>quorum;</HI> Sir <HI>Thomas Savage</HI> Deputy Lieutenant and Ju&s;tice of the Peace, his Wife and Children Recu&s;ants; Sir <HI>Richard Egerton</HI> a Non-communicant; <HI>Thomas Savage</HI> E&s;quire, a <HI>Deputy Lieutenant</HI> a Recu&s;ant, and his Wife Indicted and Pre|&s;ented; <HI>William Whitmore,</HI> Sir <HI>Hugh Bee&s;ton,</HI> Sir <HI>William Ma&s;&s;y,</HI> Sir <HI>William Courtn<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 letter">y</HI> Knight, Vice-warden of the Stannery, and <HI>Deputy Lieutenant, a Popi&s;h Recu&s;ant;</HI> Sir <HI>Thomas Ridley,</HI> Sir <HI>Ralph Conyers, James Law&s;on</HI> E&s;quire, Sir <HI>John Shelley</HI> Knight and Baronet, a Popi&s;h Recu&s;ant; <HI>William Scot</HI> E&s;quire, a Recu&s;ant, <HI>John Finch</HI> E&s;quire, not convicted, but comes not to Church; Sir <HI>William Mullineux,</HI> Deputy Lieutenant and Ju&s;tice of the Peace, his Wife a Recu&s;ant; Sir <HI>Richard Houghton</HI> Knight, Deputy Lieutenant, Sir <HI>William Norris</HI> Captain of the General Forces, and Ju&s;tice of Peace, a Recu&s;ant; Sir <HI>Gilbert Ireland</HI> Ju&s;tice of Peace, a Recu&s;ant; <HI>James Anderton</HI> E&s;quire, Ju&s;tice of Peace, and one of his <HI>Maje&s;ties Receivers; Edward Rigby</HI> E&s;quire, Clerk of the Crown, Ju&s;tice of Peace, him&s;elf a good Communicant, but his Wife and Daugh|ter Popi&s;h Recu&s;ants; <HI>Edward E&mdash;, Robert Warren Clerk,</HI> a Ju&s;tice of the Peace, ju&s;tly &s;u&s;pected for five Rea&s;ons there mentioned, Sir <HI>Henry Compton</HI> Knight, Deputy Lieutenant, Ju&s;tice of the Peace, and Commi&s;&s;ioner for the Sewers; Sir <HI>John Shelly</HI> Knight and Baronet, him&s;elf and his Lady Recu&s;ants; Sir <HI>John Gage</HI> a Popi&s;h Recu&s;ant, with a va&s;t number more of Ju&s;tices of Peace, and Commi&s;&s;ioners of Sewers, either Pa|pi&s;ts or ju&s;tly &s;u&s;pected.</Q></P>
<P>Wherefore they humbly be&s;eech your Maje&s;ty not to &s;uffer your loving Subjects to continue any longer di&s;couraged by the apparent &s;ence of that Increa&s;e both in number and power, which by the Fa|vour and Countenance of &s;uch like ill affected Governours accrew|eth to the Popi&s;h Party; but that according to your own Wi&s;dom, Goodne&s;s and Piety, (whereof they re&s;t a&s;&s;ured) you will be gra|ciou&s;ly plea&s;ed to Command that An&s;wer of your Maje&s;ties to be effectually ob&s;erved, and the Parties above named, and all &s;uch others to be put out of &s;uch Commi&s;&s;ions and Places of Authority where|in they <HI>now</HI> are in your Maje&s;ties Realm of <HI>England, Contrary to the Acts and Laws of State in that behalf.</HI></P>
</LETTER></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Tho&s;e la&s;t words</HI> were Pungent.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Not prevalent</HI> &s;urely, for the Parliament was &s;oon after Di&s;&s;olved, and the Hou&s;e of Commons having Intimation of their intended Di&s;&s;olution made what ha&s;t they could to perfect a <HI>Remon&s;trance</HI> or Declaration again&s;t the Duke of <HI>Buckingham,</HI> and concerning <HI>Tunnage and Poundage,</HI> taken by the King &s;ince his Fathers death with|out con&s;ent in Parliament, and which <HI>were never payable</HI> (they &s;ay in their Remon|&s;trance) to any of his Maje&s;ties Ance&s;tors, but <HI>only by a &s;pecial Act</HI> of Parliament, and <HI>ought not</HI> to be levyed without &s;uch an Act.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>And did the King go on Collecting and taking Tunnage and Poundage not|with&s;tanding?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, he &s;aid he could not want it; and &s;ent them a former Me&s;&s;age, that <HI>if He had not a timely &s;upply, He would betake him&s;elf to</HI> New Councils.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>New Councils,</HI> what were they?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>The Commons in their &s;aid Remon&s;trance often with thoughtful Hearts re|member the words&mdash;<HI>New-Councils,</HI> repeating, and <HI>Repeating</HI> them as if <HI>they</HI> were &s;omewhat again&s;t the <HI>old</HI> Parliamentary Councils and cour&s;e of this Kingdom; and they Order'd every Member of the Hou&s;e to have a <HI>Copy</HI> of the &s;aid <HI>Remon&s;trance,</HI> for they had not time to Pre&s;ent it to his Gracious Maje&s;ty, but were Di&s;&s;olv'd, though the <HI>Lords al&s;o</HI> prepared a Petition to &s;tay the Kings purpo&s;e in Di&s;&s;olving the Parliament, &s;ending Vi&s;count <HI>Mandevil,</HI> Earl of <HI>Manche&s;ter,</HI> Lord Pre&s;ident of his Maje&s;ties Council, the Earls of <HI>Pembrook, Carli&s;le,</HI> and <HI>Holland,</HI> to entreat his Maje&s;ty to give Audience to the whole Hou&s;e of Peers.</P>
<PB N="34" REF="6">
<P>But the King returned An&s;wer, that <HI>his Re&s;olution was to hear no motion</HI> for that pur|po&s;e, but <HI>He would Di&s;&s;olve</HI> the Parliament, and he was <HI>then</HI> as good as his Word, for he immediately Di&s;&s;olved them by <HI>Commi&s;&s;ion</HI> under the great Seal, Dated at <HI>We&s;tmin&s;ter June</HI> 15.2. <HI>R. R. Car.</HI> 1. 1626. To that purpo&s;e:</P>
<P>And withall Publi&s;hes a <HI>Declaration</HI> in Print, concerning the <HI>Grounds and Cau&s;es</HI> which moved his Maje&s;ty to Di&s;&s;olve <HI>this,</HI> as al&s;o the <HI>former</HI> Parliament, Dated <HI>June</HI> 13. 2 <HI>Car.</HI> 1. two dayes before the Date of the Commi&s;&s;ion.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>It was the readyer again&s;t the time of u&s;ing it; <HI>Coleman</HI> was as provident.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Right,</HI> And al&s;o a <HI>Proclamation</HI> was publi&s;hed <HI>again&s;t the &s;aid Remon&s;trance</HI> of the <HI>Commons,</HI> commanding all Per&s;ons of <HI>what Quality &s;oever,</HI> who have or &s;hall have hereafter <HI>any Copyes or Notes</HI> of the &s;aid <HI>Remon&s;trance,</HI> forthwith to <HI>Burn</HI> the &s;ame, that the Memory thereof might be utterly aboli&s;hed, upon Pain of his Maje&s;ties Indig|nation and high Di&s;plea&s;ure.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then the Tide did run very high.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>The King al&s;o Publi&s;hed another <HI>Proclamation again&s;t Preaching</HI> or Di&s;puting the <HI>Arminian</HI> Controver&s;ies <HI>Pro</HI> or <HI>Con;</HI> but the <HI>effects</HI> of that Proclamation, how equal|ly &s;oever intended, became the <HI>&s;topping of the Puritan</HI>'s Mouths, and an uncontroul'd <HI>Liberty to the Tongues</HI> and Pens of <HI>the thriving Divinity-men,</HI> the ri&s;ing &s;ide, <HI>Mounta|gues</HI> Party.</P>
<P>And though the Parliament was Di&s;&s;olv'd, &s;o that the Duke of <HI>Buckingham</HI> for that <HI>nearly-reflecting Article,</HI> the la&s;t, again&s;t him, which the King <HI>in Honour,</HI> and by the <HI>Bonds of natural Affection and Piety</HI> to the Memory of his Decea&s;ed Father, thought him&s;elf obliged to <HI>Call him to a publick account for &s;o Daring</HI> an In&s;olence, in applying a Plai&s;ter to the Kings brea&s;t <HI>again&s;t his Will,</HI> and without the Advice, and <HI>contrary to the Opinion</HI> of the Sworn Phy&s;itians of King <HI>James,</HI> who attributed the <HI>Cau&s;e of his trouble</HI> unto the <HI>&s;aid Pla<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="5 letters">, and a Drink</HI> that <HI>Buckingham</HI> gave him, as was Alledged in the Thirteenth Article of the Dukes Impeachment; and the &s;aid Drink <HI>twice given</HI> to the King by <HI>Buckingham</HI>'s own Hands, and a third time refu&s;ed by the King, who felt great Impairment of his Life and Health, complaining of the Drink that the Duke gave him; His Phy&s;itians telling him, <HI>to Plea&s;e him</HI> and Comfort him, that His &s;econd Im|pairment was <HI>from cold taken,</HI> or &s;ome other ordinary Cau&s;e; <HI>No, no,</HI> &s;aid his Maje&s;ty, <HI>It is that which I had from Buckingham,</HI> as more at large <HI>much aggravated</HI> and in&s;i&s;ted upon by Mr. <HI>Wandesford,</HI> who managed the Thirteenth Article of the Impeachment again&s;t <HI>Buckingham.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But what &s;aid the Duke in <HI>his own Ju&s;tification</HI> and Defence in the <HI>Star-Chamber?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>He denyed it,</HI> and examined divers Witne&s;&s;es about the matter.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>And <HI>what then?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Nothing more,</HI> the Cau&s;e <HI>never came to Judicial Hearing</HI> in that Court.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then let us hear no more of it; I <HI>am &s;ick of it my &s;elf:</HI> I never heard &s;o much before; <HI>Go on.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>After the <HI>Parliament</HI> was <HI>Di&s;&s;olv'd</HI> and <HI>things well hu&s;ht,</HI> the Privy Council <HI>Or|der'd all Cu&s;toms</HI> to be paid, and the Refu&s;ers <HI>Puni&s;ht</HI> by Fines, <HI>Impri&s;onment,</HI> this was deem'd one <HI>New-council,</HI> and Loans <HI>another.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Loans,</HI> prythee <HI>Tory,</HI> what were they?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>The King &s;ent to the Rich a Letter (beginning, <HI>Tru&s;ty and Well-beloved,</HI> &amp;c.) under the <HI>Privy Seal,</HI> requiring him or them to &s;end him within twelve dayes &s;o much Money (as for Example, in the <HI>We&s;t-riding</HI> in <HI>York-&s;hire,</HI> to Sir <HI>Thomas Wentworth</HI> 20 <ABBR><HI>l</HI></ABBR> Sir <HI>Francis Fuljam</HI> 20 <ABBR><HI>l</HI></ABBR> Sir <HI>Edward Osburn</HI> 30 <HI><ABBR>l</ABBR> Godfrey Copley</HI> E&s;quire 15 <ABBR><HI>l</HI></ABBR>) promi&s;ing in the <HI>Name</HI> of the Kings Maje&s;ty, his Heirs and Succe&s;&s;ors, to <HI>repay</HI> the Mo|ney &s;o lent.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, <HI>when?</HI> lets hear that.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Within eighteen Months.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>And was the Money <HI>Repayed?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Pi&s;h!</HI> that's a &s;illy que&s;tion; <HI>then</HI> of the City of <HI>London,</HI> the King bid them lend him a <HI>hundred thou&s;and</HI> pound.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Well &s;aid, a few &s;uch Summs from Towns or Cities would do the bu&s;ine&s;s; but did they lend the Money?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, the City de&s;ir'd to be excu&s;ed.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>And what then?</P>
</SP>
<PB N="35" REF="6">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then the <HI>Privy-Councel</HI> required them, <HI>all excu&s;es &s;et apart,</HI> to return a <HI>Di|rect and &s;peedy</HI> An&s;wer to his Gracious Maje&s;ty, or in <HI>default thereof,</HI> that his Maje&s;ty may frame his Councils as <HI>appertaineth to a King</HI> in &s;uch extream and Important occa&s;i|ons.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>And <HI>were they not afraid</HI> and apprehen&s;ive of the <HI>Innuendo?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>The Commands re&s;ted not here, for they al&s;o commanded the City to <HI>Equippe twenty</HI> of their be&s;t Ships in the River, with all manner of Tackle, Sea-&s;tores and Am|munition, men and Victuals for three Months.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>And did they do it?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>They grumbled at it, &s;aying it was <HI>without Pre&s;ident;</HI> as did al&s;o the Deputy-Lieutenants and Ju&s;tices of Peace at <HI>Dor&s;et,</HI> having received the Kings Commands for &s;etting forth Ships from <HI>Pool, Weymouth,</HI> and <HI>Lime;</HI> but the Council checkt them <HI>for daring to di&s;pute</HI> Orders, in&s;tead of <HI>obeying</HI> them; and whereas they mention <HI>pre&s;i|dents,</HI> they might know that the <HI>pre&s;idents</HI> of former times were <HI>Obedience,</HI> not <HI>Di|rection.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>It would puzzle a good Hi&s;torian to find <HI>pre&s;idents of Obedience</HI> in <HI>England</HI> to <HI>Arbitrary-&s;way, and Orders of Privy-Council</HI> for Impo&s;itions without Law to back them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>How?</HI> Did not &s;tout King <HI>Edward</HI> 1. Command <HI>Roger Bigot</HI> Earl of <HI>Norfolk,</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg">25 <HI>Edw.</HI> 1.</NOTE> and Lord <HI>Mar&s;hal of England,</HI> and &s;everal other Lords to go to the Wars in <HI>Ga&s;coygne</HI> in <HI>France,</HI> which they refu&s;ing, except the King him&s;elf <HI>went al&s;o in Per&s;on;</HI> But the King threatned then to take away their Lands and their Lives; &s;aying to the Lord Mar|&s;hal, and Swearing&mdash;<HI>By God, Sir Earl, you &s;hall either Go or Hang.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, but the Earl an&s;wered the King at the &s;ame moment,&mdash;<HI>I Swear by the &s;ame Oath, I will neither Go nor Hang,</HI> and &s;o without leave went out of the Room and departed; and &s;hortly after, he and <HI>Humphrey Bohun</HI> Earl of <HI>Hereford,</HI> and other Lords and Noble-men A&s;&s;embled, and other their Friends to the number of thirty Bannerets, <HI>one thou&s;and five hundred men at Arms,</HI> well appointed and &s;tood upon their Guard; but the King <HI>Di&s;&s;embled his Re&s;entments</HI> at that time, being about to go to <HI>Flanders,</HI> where he &s;pent much Money, and for recruit Summons a Parliament (to meet) at <HI>York,</HI> pro|mi&s;ing from thenceforth never to charge his Subjects <HI>otherwi&s;e than by their Con&s;ents</HI> in Parliament, and al&s;o to Pardon all &s;uch as had denyed to attend him in this Journey.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>And did they <HI>tru&s;t the Kings</HI> word?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes: <HI>but he broke it and all his other Oaths</HI> and Confirmations of the Peoples <HI>Charters</HI> made in Parliament, two Years after;
<NOTE PLACE="marg">27 <HI>Edw.</HI> 1.</NOTE> having obtained and <HI>bought a Pardon</HI> for &s;o doing, (as afore&s;aid) of his <HI>Holine&s;s;</HI> nay, he begun to play his Arbitrary Pranks long before that, for (in 8 <HI>Edw.</HI> 1.) he &s;ent out his <HI>Writ of Quo Warranto</HI> (a fine En|gine to get Money) to examine by what Title men held their Lands,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Bak. Chron.</HI> p. 100.</NOTE> which upon flaws found in their Charters, and pryed into by the Lawyers brought him in much Mo|ney; 'till <HI>John</HI> Earl of <HI>Warren</HI> &s;topt the Current and &s;tem'd the Tyde, for calling upon him to &s;how his Title, <HI>He drew out</HI> an old ru&s;ty Sword, and &s;aid, He <HI>held his Land by that,</HI> and by <HI>that</HI> would hold it <HI>to Death,</HI> and having many Backers, it <HI>made the King de&s;i&s;t</HI> from his Project.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>An <HI>old ru&s;ty Sword,</HI> do&s;t &s;ay? <HI>that was more</HI> than the old Chri&s;tian Weapons, <HI>Prayers and Tears.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>And <HI>&s;topt the Kings Tyranny</HI> and lawle&s;s U&s;urpations, <HI>more than a thou&s;and Peti|tions,</HI> Prayers and Tears.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Still I &s;ay Subjects, <HI>Chri&s;tian Subjects</HI> &s;hould u&s;e <HI>no Weapons but Prayers and Tears.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>What, <HI>not again&s;t Robbers,</HI> Thieves and Murderers?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Not again&s;t Magi&s;trates that Rob by Law.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Thou <HI>talk'&s;t like an A&s;&s;e</HI> every day more than other; <HI>Rob by Law?</HI> a Con|tradiction <HI>in terminis;</HI> if there be Law for it, it is not Robery, Theft nor Murder; and if it be again&s;t Law or without Law, all violent taking of mens Goods (one Subject from another) is <HI>Theft and Robbery,</HI> except the Law enjoyn it, and may <HI>lawfully be Re&s;i&s;ted,</HI> without all doubt, in like manner and with &s;uch Weapons as the On&s;et or A&s;&s;ault is made.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>What in an Officer, a Commi&s;&s;ion-Officer?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No man can be Authoriz'd to do an ill thing, or an illegal thing by any mans Commi&s;&s;ion, <HI>much le&s;s by the Kings Commi&s;&s;ion,</HI> or the Broad-Seal, for the <HI>King can do
<PB N="36" REF="7">no wrong;</HI> if it be wrong, it <HI>&s;tands for nothing;</HI> it is <HI>not the Kings act,</HI> nor the Kings Commi&s;&s;ion, but <HI>Surreptitious,</HI> and <HI>puni&s;hable.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>And who &s;hall Judge of its Legality, or the legality of the Re&s;i&s;tance?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>The Judges, and the Law, and the Juries.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Nay, then <HI>we are well enough yet.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>If you be well, <HI>keep you &s;o,</HI> whil'&s;t you are well, but remember <HI>Belknap, Tre|&s;ilian,</HI> &amp;c. many Judges have been Hang'd (right, <HI>right and good Rea&s;on</HI>) for corrupt and fal&s;e Judgment, there are they that &s;hall judge the Judges.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, <HI>but when?</HI> at the day of Judgment?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, yes, no more on't; but this <HI>Doctrine of re&s;i&s;ting</HI> with <HI>other Weapons</HI> than Prayers and Tears, Force with Force, <HI>Violence</HI> with <HI>Violence,</HI> in our own <HI>ju&s;t De|fence,</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Augu&s;tin. cont. Ma|nich. l.</HI> 22. <HI>cap.</HI> 74. <HI>Lud. Viv. In&s;titut. Fem. Chri&s;t. lib.</HI> 1.</NOTE> &s;eems <HI>&s;o &s;trange to</HI> the new <HI>Tantivee-men,</HI> that herein join with the old Error of the <HI>Anabapti&s;ts,</HI> (condemned in the 37 Article of the Church of <HI>England</HI>) as al&s;o the <HI>Family of Love,</HI> who Condemned all Wars, as did the <HI>Manichees;</HI> nay, the learned <HI>Ludovicus Vives</HI> &s;aith, <HI>Arma Chri&s;tianum Virum tractare ne&s;cio an fas &s;it;</HI> I know not whether or no it be lawful for a Chri&s;tian to Fight at all, or go to the Wars, and wear Weapons; <HI>Lactantius al&s;o</HI> was again&s;t all Killing, right and wrong, <HI>by Law, or without Law,</HI> by or without the Magi&s;trate.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>The Article you mention, &s;ayes, it is lawful to wear Weapons, and &s;erve in the Wars <HI>at the Command of the Magi&s;trate.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Right, I &s;ay no other, the other re&s;i&s;ting <HI>without the Magi&s;trate,</HI> is onely in a <HI>Chri&s;tians own Defence,</HI> the dictates of the Law of <HI>God,</HI> the Law of <HI>Nature,</HI> the Law of <HI>Wi&s;dom,</HI> rea&s;on and <HI>Prudence;</HI> the Law that Worms and all Creatures have of <HI>Self-pre&s;ervation;</HI> he's acce&s;&s;ary to his own Death, and <HI>felo de &s;e,</HI> that re&s;i&s;ts not a Mur|therer or a Robber.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, but &s;uppo&s;e the Magi&s;trate take your Goods <HI>violently again&s;t Law.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>That al&s;o is impo&s;&s;ible, for as he is a Magi&s;trate he acts by Law, and cannot po&s;&s;ibly Act as <HI>a Magi&s;trate but by having the Law</HI> on his &s;ide; if he has not the Law to Vouch him, he Acts <HI>not like a Magi&s;trate,</HI> but as a <HI>Robber;</HI> but this mu&s;t be certain, clear and evident, otherwi&s;e Re&s;i&s;tance is a Sin.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>This is right <HI>Whiggi&s;h Principles,</HI> and <HI>Whiggi&s;h Doctrines,</HI> and Whiggi&s;h Practi|ces.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>This is the old <HI>Engli&s;h Practice,</HI> and the dictates of <HI>right Rea&s;on</HI> and the Law.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Where did you learn the&s;e Doctrines?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>I cannot well tell where <HI>fir&s;t</HI> I had them, for they are <HI>connate</HI> and <HI>coeval</HI> with the rea&s;on of every <HI>Wi&s;e</HI> man, and <HI>Good</HI> man, but I think I fir&s;t had them <HI>in Print,</HI> out of a <HI>Sermon</HI> Preach't by one of the Kings Chaplains in Ordinary, <HI>William Haywood</HI> D. D. Preacht before his Maje&s;ty at <HI>Newport</HI> in the <HI>I&s;le</HI> of <HI>Wight,</HI> during the time of the <HI>Treaty</HI> there (for Peace) betwixt the King (<HI>Charles</HI> 1.) and the <HI>Parliament;</HI> upon a &s;uitable Text (<HI>Rom.</HI> 12.18.) <HI>If it be po&s;&s;ible, as much as lyeth in you, live peace|ably with all men:</HI> Where, <HI>excellently and &s;uitably</HI> he Di&s;cour&s;es of the fir&s;t words of the Text; I'le repeat onely <HI>his own</HI> words in Print, in de&s;cant upon the words&mdash;<HI>If it be po&s;&s;ible,</HI> namely, (He &s;ayes,)
<Q><P>A form of Speech this is which implieth often Difficulties in the bu&s;ine&s;s; and &s;ometimes Impo&s;&s;ibility; difficult where the Parties to be reconciled are froward, and &s;elf-willed Enemies to Peace in <HI>Davids</HI> language. Impo&s;&s;ibility where no Agreement will be had, without lo&s;s of a good Con&s;cience: Where Gods Honour, or the admini&s;tration of Ju&s;tice, or the di&s;charge of our calling lieth at &s;take, &s;o that we cannot have Peace with men, unle&s;s we be irreligious, unju&s;t or unfaithful. In the former ca&s;e where Peace is only difficult; that &s;hould &s;tir up our dilgence the rather; endeavour with &s;o much the more Patience and unwearied Indu&s;try to overcome the frowardne&s;s of tho&s;e we have to deal with; and where &s;o precious a Jewel as Peace is to be compa&s;&s;ed, with expence of our labour or our &s;ub&s;tance, there &s;pare for no co&s;t or pains. But where it is impo&s;&s;ible to a Servant of God, where nothing will do it but the &s;ale of a good Con&s;cience, there rou&s;e up our courage, and prefer not outward Peace before inward; mens contentment, or our own temporal commodity or &s;afety, before Gods Honour, our Souls quiet and the publick good. But it will here be demanded, How we may know when Peace is po&s;&s;ible, when not: Six ca&s;es are mentioned by &s;ome Divines, ye may referr them
<PB N="37" REF="7">to the three heads aforenamed, of Religion, Ju&s;tice, and Faithfulne&s;s in our calling. Of Religion fir&s;t. God him&s;elf (in ca&s;e his publick Wor&s;hip be indangered) en|joyns us flatly to break the Peace. <HI>If thy Brother the &s;on of thy Mother, or thy Son, or thy Daughter, or the Wife of thy bo&s;om, or thy friend, which is as thine own Soul, entice thee &s;ecretly, &s;aying, Let us go and Serve other Gods which thou &s;halt not know,</HI> &amp;c. <HI>Thou &s;halt not con&s;ent unto him, nor hearken unto him, neither &s;hall thine eye pitty him: Thou &s;halt not &s;pare, nor conceal him, but thou &s;halt &s;urely kill him, thy hand &s;hall be fir&s;t upon him, and afterward the hand of all the People,</HI> Deut. 13.6. Thus ye are to under&s;tand it in ca&s;e of Temptation to manife&s;t Idolatry, <HI>(and Po|pery is clearly prov'd to be Idolatry)</HI> Bla&s;phemy, Here&s;ie or Apo&s;tacy from the true Faith and Wor&s;hip of God: we can have no Peace, nay, we can have no Mercy; we are not allowed to &s;pare and conceal the party &s;o tempting us, but deliver him up to ju&s;t Puni&s;hment, be he never &s;o near, or dear to us. Secondly, where our &s;elves are Per&s;ecuted for Religion, or Vertue, or Obedience to Gods Law in any kind, and there is no way of &s;atisfying our Per&s;ecutors, or delivering our &s;elves from trouble, but by denying our Faith, yielding up our Vertue, or violating our Obedience to Gods Commandments. In the&s;e two ca&s;es, the one offen&s;ive, the other defen&s;ive; for pre&s;ervation of our Religion, and our Duty to God, no Peace po&s;&s;ible.</P>
<P>Two other ca&s;es follow, which belong to Ju&s;tice. One where we are pa&s;&s;ive, or tho&s;e who are one with us: and we are violently a&s;&s;aulted contrary to Law and Equity. We may then break the Peace for our own Pre&s;ervation, in defend|ing our &s;elves, &s;o we do it <HI>Cum moderamine inculpatae tutelae,</HI> go not beyond what is needful to our hone&s;t defence, or theirs who depend on us, as our Wives, Children or Family. The like holds when we are violently handled, becau&s;e we will not joyn with others in breaking Peace, and trampling down Ju&s;tice. <HI>Ca&s;t in thy lot among us: We will find all precious &s;ub&s;tance, and fill our Hou&s;es with spoil,</HI> Prov. 1.13. Thus where in defence of Ju&s;tice to our &s;elves, and our own private, being Innocent, and again&s;t wrongful Authority, our Lot is to be pa&s;&s;ive. Ano|ther ca&s;e may fall out, wherein it becomes us to be active, though our &s;elves, in our particular Intere&s;t &s;uffer not: and that is, where we &s;ee our innocent neighbours wrongfully abu&s;ed, and di&s;tre&s;&s;ed to extremity by lawle&s;s hands; we may there ri&s;e up in re&s;cue of oppre&s;&s;ed Innocence, and do as much in our neighbours ca&s;e, as we would wi&s;h done in our own. Thus <HI>Lot</HI> re&s;i&s;ted the <HI>Sodomites</HI> in behalf of the Angels whom they Invaded with violence: And <HI>Mo&s;es</HI> &s;uccoured the <HI>I&s;raelite</HI> &s;triving with the <HI>Egyptian,</HI> Exod. 2.12. And thus every good man, armed with wealth and power, may, and ought to &s;tand up in defence of the poor Widow and fatherle&s;s, again&s;t their tyrannous oppre&s;&s;ors. Nor are they breakers of the Peace in &s;o doing; but the&s;e cruel grinders of the Poor whom they re&s;i&s;t.</P></Q></P>
<P>Now <HI>Tantivee,</HI> what think you of your Doctrine, that Chri&s;tians may u&s;e <HI>no other Weapons</HI> but Prayers and Tears? and what your De&s;ign may be in Preaching up, and every Sunday inculcating &s;uch <HI>Crambee Doctrine</HI> at <HI>this Juncture,</HI> I do not know, it looks like a <HI>Set-bu&s;ine&s;s:</HI> What think you of <HI>Dalilah</HI>'s Policy? the crafty Whore was Brib'd to Betray <HI>Samp&s;on,</HI> but the Phili&s;tines <HI>dur&s;t not</HI> &s;et upon him 'till he was <HI>Bound,</HI> for they had <HI>woful</HI> Experience of <HI>his Whiggi&s;h Valour;</HI> therefore they hire <HI>the Hireling</HI> to Bind him <HI>fir&s;t,</HI> that they might <HI>&s;ecurely</HI> Spoil him; a very crafty Piece of Politicks.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, and if all you Whiggs were <HI>Bound</HI> Hand and Foot, 'till we did to you what we li&s;t, it were no great matter.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>It would be the <HI>&s;afe&s;t way,</HI> for Torles and Tantivees have <HI>no good Luck</HI> at Fighting, though none &s;o prone to Challenge and Quarrel as they; <HI>(right Hectors)</HI> witne&s;s a late <HI>double Duel</HI> of Chieftanes, <HI>Whiggs and Tories.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I never heard of it.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No matter, you &s;hall not then from me; for I purpo&s;ely conceal your <HI>Tory-Champion,</HI> out of profound re&s;pect to him, becau&s;e he was mo&s;t <HI>Piteou&s;ly</HI> baffled.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>What, <HI>out of his Life?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, no; To &s;ave that ignobly, he onely parted <HI>with his Honour;</HI> that he might <HI>die dayly</HI> and endure a <HI>thou&s;and Deaths,</HI> in con&s;cious memory and doleful regret for the <HI>cowardly ba&s;ene&s;s</HI> and <HI>lo&s;s of Honour,</HI> which none but the Son of <HI>W</HI>&mdash;no <HI>man of Honour</HI> will part <HI>with it;</HI> ba&s;ely to purcha&s;e a <HI>Sneaking reprieve</HI> for a <HI>baffled</HI> Life.</P>
</SP>
<PB N="38" REF="8">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I do not apprehend you.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No matter; It is not to the Hi&s;tory, but <HI>pat to</HI> our <HI>pre&s;ent purpo&s;e,</HI> whil'&s;t you <HI>Tantivee's</HI> would per&s;wade us to bind our own Hands 'till our Throats be cut, by <HI>Hectors and Tories,</HI> again&s;t Law, and that <HI>It is Divinity &s;o to do;</HI> I told you before, that this was the Old Doctrine in <HI>Ireland,</HI> ju&s;t before the Tory Cut-throats <HI>ba&s;ely Butch|er'd</HI> the Prote&s;tants, <HI>Man, Woman</HI> and <HI>Child</HI> that they could come at, or <HI>dur&s;t come at;</HI> and they came at all, and <HI>&s;pared not Man,</HI> Woman nor Child, who happened to be Arm|ed <HI>with no other Weapons</HI> but Prayers and Tears; old Earl <HI>Warren</HI>'s ru&s;ty Sword was the onely Shelter and Safe-guard <HI>under God,</HI> there is nothing el&s;e frights a Je&s;uit from a Ma&s;&s;acre, but <HI>fear of lo&s;ing</HI> his own life; but for Prayers and Tears, the <HI>Crocodiles re|lent not,</HI> though you Weep your Hearts out; no, let them <HI>once begin their Violence,</HI> (which God forbid) but if they do, he de&s;erves to have his Throat cut, and his Wife and Children fir&s;t mi&s;erably Butcher'd before his face, that <HI>&s;o unmans him&s;elf</HI> as not to defend the <HI>helple&s;s Babes</HI> with no other Weapons but Prayers and Tears. <HI>Prayers and Tears!</HI> is <HI>that</HI> the word? Why, <HI>box it about then</HI> in every <HI>Tantivee</HI> pulpit, and number the Converts, and tell me how many Engli&s;h-men (Prote&s;tants or Papi&s;ts) are pro&s;ely|ted to the <HI>new Tantivee-doctrine;</HI> yet if all the Papi&s;ts in <HI>Chri&s;tendome,</HI> and all the fierce Epi&s;copal or Presbyterian Bigots, who&s;e Religion is Per&s;ecution, and Blood and Wounds, an inho&s;pitable and inhumane Crew, that will think it Religion to kill men if they will not go to Heaven, Plunder and Fine them, if they will not march along (their way too) and yet in their publick Confe&s;&s;ions and Articles of Faith, acknowledge them|&s;elves <HI>fallible,</HI> and whether they be right or wrong they <HI>cannot well tell,</HI> to be &s;ure: Pretty hearts, all other People mu&s;t have no other Chri&s;tian-weapons but Prayers and Tears, <HI>whil&s;t they with Sword</HI> in Hand, hold a Bible in one hand, and dart and fla&s;h with the other, as if they <HI>(alone)</HI> were the <HI>Popes Commi&s;&s;ion-Officers,</HI> or <HI>Anti|tichri&s;ts Curaziers,</HI> arm'd Cap-a-pe, whil&s;t the <HI>trembling and better part</HI> of <HI>Chri&s;ten|dome</HI> kneel Weeping before them, Crying to them for &mdash; <HI>Mercy for Gods &s;ake,</HI> &mdash; Quar|ter for Heavens &s;ake; whil&s;t with deaf Ears, hardened Hearts, and bloody Hands, they are <HI>Killing men for Gods &s;ake;</HI> If I could not be reconciled, yet I could cohabit peaceably, lovingly and neighbourly <HI>with any Religion, except</HI> this Per&s;ecuting Religion, (under what form &s;oever it lurks:) <HI>It is not of God,</HI> but from <HI>Abaddon,</HI> (that is) <HI>the De&s;troy|er,</HI> who was a Murtherer from the beginning; an Inqui&s;ition, a High-Commi&s;&s;ion, an Eccle&s;ia&s;tical Jaylor, Horning, Cur&s;ing, Damning, Impri&s;oning, <HI>Stooling</HI> or <HI>Fool|ing</HI> upon the Stool of Repentance, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> differ but as the <HI>old Viper</HI> and <HI>her Brood,</HI> though they eat up one another, they are all Vipers, all the &s;ame Image of the Bea&s;t, and <HI>all of a Breed;</HI> or as a <HI>Serpent</HI> and a <HI>Dragon,</HI> a little time, and good &s;tore of Blood and growth <HI>makes</HI> the Serpent <HI>right Dragon:</HI> God ble&s;s us all from their Stings, from their Bloody Jaws and all devouring Maws.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Nay, the Fanaticks &s;ay the Epi&s;copal are more Conde&s;cending and Merciful than the Presbyterian.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>You know the Proverb, <HI>Cur&s;t Cowes have &s;hort Horns;</HI> but you may know the <HI>Nature of the Bea&s;t,</HI> the Cur&s;ed nature, by <HI>her Do&s;&s;ing</HI> at men on all trivial occa&s;ions, though <HI>her Horns are almo&s;t worn</HI> to the Stumps: of all Per&s;ecuting Religious there's <HI>never a Barrel better Herring;</HI> for they all do <HI>as much Mi&s;chief as they can;</HI> I grant &s;ome of them have not the force, the opportunity, the <HI>longed-for Power</HI> of being bloodily cruel, but they <HI>&s;how their good will,</HI> you &s;ee; though they are forc't <HI>(poor Hearts)</HI> to <HI>Thra&s;h in their Cloaks;</HI> the Cloaks and Pretences of Mercy and Chri&s;ti|an Compa&s;&s;ion: this makes <HI>&s;uch a jumble</HI> with their Practices, that they Thra&s;h <HI>now</HI> 'till they <HI>Sweat again,</HI> and are <HI>almo&s;t tired</HI> and out of breath; they <HI>cannot well tell</HI> what to do <HI>for the be&s;t,</HI> which makes them <HI>&s;o various from them&s;elves;</HI> &s;ometimes all Love and Kindne&s;s, Charity and Indulgence; and <HI>then again,</HI> at it again, <HI>with Cur&s;es and Gaols,</HI> Hell and Damnation; &mdash; Into what difficulties doth &s;in plunge poor Souls? whereas, how ea&s;ie is Chri&s;ts Yoak? what Guards and Bul|warks are nece&s;&s;ary to &s;ecure Tyranny and Cruelty, Oppre&s;&s;ion and Violence? and all too little; however, <HI>no fence</HI> (can be had) <HI>for</HI> their <HI>Fears,</HI> nor any cure for their wounded Spirits and Con&s;ciences: whereas on the contrary, <HI>How ea&s;y is it,</HI> and plea&s;ant to be Sober, Temperate, Virtuous, Loving, and to live according as the Law, coun&s;el us, not taking <HI>new Councels,</HI> New wayes, and <HI>by-wayes, out of the right Road</HI> of the Kings High-way.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Humanity</HI> teaches men <HI>no &s;uch mon&s;trous</HI> cruelty.</P>
</SP>
<PB N="39" REF="8">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>'Tis true, for <HI>their &s;uper&s;tition</HI> (Invented to be a <HI>Crutch for Pride</HI> and Avarice) under the <HI>Vizard of Divinity</HI> fir&s;t de&s;troyes <HI>Humanity out of the Bigots;</HI> and then, and <HI>not till then,</HI> they <HI>cea&s;e to be men,</HI> and lo&s;e all <HI>humane Bowels</HI> and Compa&s;&s;ion, being <HI>Tran&s;ub&s;tantiated to perfect Devils,</HI> and <HI>Abaddon</HI>'s, or De&s;troyers; &s;o <HI>devilli&s;h are all per&s;ecuting Religions:</HI> whereas Chri&s;ts Kingdom (the <HI>Go&s;pel</HI>) is <HI>not of this World,</HI> nor are its Weapons <HI>carnal</HI> but Spiritual; if Chri&s;ts Kingdom were of this World, <HI>then might,</HI> and would, and &s;hould his <HI>Servants fight</HI> for it; but <HI>now is his Kingdom not from hence.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>A little more of this would make me <HI>perfect Whigg,</HI> I think; yet I had rather hear more of the Hi&s;tory; <HI>How did the Loans thrive?</HI> when were they repay'd? or, was the <HI>Exchequer &s;hut up</HI> at pay-day? or what became of the Ships, and the <HI>Ship-money?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>The Ships, and Men, and Fleet, and Money went the way that a great deal of Engli&s;h-money has gone &s;ince that time, namely, to <HI>France</HI> with the Duke of <HI>Buckingham;</HI> who made a <HI>ba&s;e broken Voyage of it,</HI> and returned to get Recruits, which the King provided for him as well as he could; and away then the Duke went (for <HI>a &s;econd Venture</HI>) towards the I&s;le of <HI>Rhee</HI> again; but he got no further onward his way thither than <HI>Port&s;mouth,</HI> for there he was Stabb'd by Lieutenant <HI>Felton.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Upon what Provocation?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>I'le tell you anon; as for the Loans,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">1626.</NOTE> the King Promis'd that this <HI>way</HI> &s;hould <HI>not be made a Pre&s;ident</HI> for the time to come, to charge them or their Po&s;terity, to the Prejudice of their <HI>Ju&s;t and Ancient</HI> Liberties, enjoyed under his mo&s;t Noble Progenitors, and Promi&s;ing them, <HI>In the Word of a Prince,</HI> to repay &s;uch Summes.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>That is to be under&s;tood <HI>when he has the Money</HI> to repay.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, but that time <HI>never yet came.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I am not for this kind of Lending, <HI>whether I will or no,</HI> and without being able to &s;ue for, or recover (neither by <HI>fair</HI> means nor <HI>foul</HI>) neither Principal nor Intere&s;t, I'le Swear.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Nay, <HI>Do not Swear,</HI> I'le believe the <HI>Par&s;on</HI> without Searing; for <HI>Men of thy Coat and Tantivee-principle</HI> &s;eldom put out <HI>Money to Intere&s;t</HI> or U&s;e, except to the <HI>Ale-hou&s;e</HI> or Tavern, to wipe out the Chalk, and <HI>clear old Scores,</HI> and then run fre&s;h <HI>upon Tick again;</HI> what needs thou to care for the Liberties and Charters of an Engli&s;h-man? thou ha&s;t no Inheritance to lo&s;e, nor will thy Heirs fall out or quarrel about the Land thou leave&s;t them; thou wilt take a Cour&s;e for that, and <HI>make thine own Hands</HI> and Guts thy <HI>Executors.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>To the Impo&s;ition of <HI>Loans</HI> was added the Burthen of <HI>Billeting of Souldi|ers</HI> (return'd from that un&s;ucce&s;&s;eful and di&s;honourable Voyage from <HI>Cadiz</HI>) and Moneys to di&s;charge their quarters were for the pre&s;ent to be levyed upon the Countrey, to <HI>be repay'd</HI> out of Summes Collected upon the <HI>General Loan.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, when they could catch it.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>The Companies were &s;cattered here and there all the Kingdom over, but that did not much affright men out of their Pur&s;es, though many Felonies, Rob|beries, Rapes and Murders were Committed by the Souldiers and Mariners; but they were governed by <HI>Martial-law;</HI> and &s;ome were Executed, but they Ma&s;ter|ed the People, di&s;turbed the Peace of Families, committed frequent Rapes, Burglaries and Robberies, Murthers and Barbarous Cruelties, which made <HI>a general Outcry</HI> and Lamentation wherever they came: but the Lord Chief Ju&s;tice (Sir <HI>Randolph Crew</HI>) lo&s;t his Place for not favouring the <HI>Loan;</HI> and in his room &s;ucceeded a right Ca|valier, (Sir <HI>Nicholas Hide</HI>) who yet for his Abilities and Skill in Law, might without blu&s;hing climb up to the Bench; but he could not without great di&s;gu&s;t and general Pre|judice &s;ucceed a man &s;o <HI>univer&s;ally</HI> belov'd as was Sir <HI>Randolph Crew.</HI></P>
<P>To advance this Loan, one <HI>Sibthorp</HI> had contriv'd a <HI>Tantivee-Sermon,</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg">3 <HI>Car.</HI> 1.</NOTE> Preached by him at <HI>Northampton,</HI> at <HI>Lent</HI> A&s;&s;iizes, upon <HI>Rom.</HI> 13.7. called <HI>Apo&s;tolical Obedi|ence,</HI> and by all means the <HI>Divinity</HI> mu&s;t be <HI>in Print,</HI> or el&s;e you'l &s;ay, how could it have reacht the Ears of Bi&s;hop <HI>Laud,</HI> or made room for Preferment.</P>
<P>And Archbi&s;hop <HI>Abbot</HI> mu&s;t Licen&s;e it under his own Hand, or take what fol|lowes.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Why &s;ure he would not lo&s;e his Archbi&s;hoprick for want of Sub&s;cribing his Name.</P>
</SP>
<PB N="40" REF="9">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>He refu&s;ed to do it,</HI> though the Court pre&s;t him earne&s;tly to do it, and his Archbi&s;hoprick was <HI>Seque&s;tred</HI> &s;oon after.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Some &s;aid it was Bi&s;hop <HI>Lauds Policy,</HI> to pick a Quarrel with him, if he refu&s;ed to obey the Kings Commands,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">1627.</NOTE> or expo&s;e him to the Indignation of a Parliament, if he dared to Licen&s;e &s;uch <HI>Tantivee-Stuff,</HI> and illegal and wicked Po|&s;itions; &s;ome called them Traiterous Po&s;itions; he affirmed that the <HI>Prince who is the Head, and makes his Court and Council, it is his Duty to direct and make Laws.</HI> Eccle&s;. 8.3, 4. <HI>He doth what&s;oever plea&s;es him; where the word of the the King is, there is power, and who may &s;ay unto him, What do&s;t thou?</HI> And &mdash; <HI>If Princes Command any thing which Subjects may not</HI> Perform, becau&s;e 'tis again&s;t the Laws of God, or of Nature, or Impo&s;&s;ible, yet Subjects are bound to undergoe the Puni&s;h|ment <HI>without either re&s;i&s;ting,</HI> or railing, or reviling, and &s;o to yield a <HI>Pa&s;&s;ive Obe|dience</HI> where they cannot exhibit <HI>an active one:</HI> I know no other Ca&s;e but one of the&s;e three wherein a Subject may excu&s;e him&s;elf with Pa&s;&s;ive Obedience, but in all other he is bound to Active Obedience, &s;ayes <HI>Sybthorp.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>He had forgot the Laws of this Land, which all Kings are bound and Sworn to obey; for the <HI>municipal Laws</HI> are not immediately any of tho&s;e three, and Doctor <HI>Manwaring</HI> he fi&s;ht for Preferment with two Sermons to <HI>Drill</HI> in the <HI>Loan,</HI> though again&s;t Law, as the King confe&s;t in after Statutes; as al&s;o the <HI>Ship-writs</HI> Condemn'd by the King: (16 <HI>Car.</HI> 1.14.) But tho&s;e Court-Sermons did Mi&s;chief awhile, though in Conclu&s;ion the <HI>Court-Para&s;ites</HI> &s;marted for their <HI>&s;awcy ra&s;hne&s;s</HI> and fal&s;hood; <HI>Manwaring</HI> a&s;&s;erting, that the King is not bound to ob&s;erve the Laws of the Realm concerning the Subjects Rights and Liberties.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>This is ju&s;t <HI>like the Popes Pardon,</HI> and Ab&s;olving King <HI>Edward</HI> of and from the Obligation of his Coronation-Oath, Vows and Promi&s;es.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Manwaring</HI> al&s;o a&s;&s;erted, that tho&s;e who refu&s;ed to pay the Loan, <HI>Offend|ed again&s;t the Law of God.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Did he find <HI>that</HI> in the Bible?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>And that the Authority of Parliament is not nece&s;&s;ary for the rai&s;ing of Aids and Sub&s;idies.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>'Tis a wonder to me that the Parliament <HI>let him e&s;cape after this:</HI> what &s;ets a Kingdom <HI>in a flame</HI> but the&s;e <HI>Incendiaries,</HI> that <HI>do not,</HI> or <HI>will not</HI> know the Con&s;titution of this Kingdom and Common-wealth? An equal Bridle to curb <HI>Ty|ranny</HI> and Arbitrary Sway on the one hand, and <HI>Anarchy</HI> and Confu&s;ion on the other.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, our Laws are good enough, <HI>none better.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then <HI>what Traytors and Villains</HI> are they, that dare <HI>debauch</HI> the <HI>funda|mental</HI> Con&s;titutions and Laws?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>It was the <HI>way to Preferment.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>The <HI>way to the Gallowes,</HI> was it not? better a hundred thou&s;and &s;uch Sy|cophants were Hang'd, than a good King and his Laws Betray'd, and the King|dom Involv'd in blood through their &s;ly <HI>Tantivee-lea&s;ings</HI> and In&s;inuations.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Bi&s;hop <HI>Laud</HI> was <HI>the Man,</HI> and <HI>all in all</HI> with the King, all Preferments in Church and State he annuated, or <HI>He</HI> and <HI>Buckingham;</HI> though they &s;o <HI>mi&s;cheiv|ou&s;ly to the King</HI> and State, countenanc't the <HI>Loan,</HI> &s;o contrary to the grants of the <HI>great Charter,</HI> and the <HI>Subjects Liberties</HI> and Properties, which the King was bound by <HI>Oath and Duty</HI> to Pre&s;erve and Ob&s;erve, and was ready to do it <HI>of his own Benignity</HI> and Goodne&s;s, but tho&s;e <HI>Court-Para&s;ites</HI> ruin'd all at length, and them|&s;elves too.</P>
<P><HI>Popery</HI> and <HI>Arbitrary Sway</HI> are Twins, <HI>alwayes coupled;</HI> the Queen had great In|fluence upon the Favourites, either to <HI>make</HI> or <HI>marre</HI> them, and they <HI>knew it as well;</HI> and the <HI>Je&s;uits</HI> had <HI>too much Influence</HI> over her, what by <HI>fair</HI> means, what by <HI>foul;</HI> but the King was angry, when he heard they made her (for Penance) <HI>walk bare-foot to Tyburn.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>The <HI>Je&s;uits!</HI> Ay, they are pretty Creatures for <HI>Princes to be Slaves</HI> unto, and to become <HI>their Va&s;&s;als</HI> and In&s;truments; they have got the <HI>two Reyns</HI> (into their own hands) that guide the <HI>&s;illy World,</HI> namely, <HI>Hope</HI> and <HI>Fear,</HI> whom the <HI>hopes</HI> of Heaven cannot <HI>allure</HI> to their purpo&s;es, the <HI>fear</HI> of Hell and Purgatory does <HI>affright.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Brave doings! In <HI>Athens Themi&s;tocles</HI> was Governour and Rul'd the City,
<PB REF="9">
<PB REF="10">
<PB N="41" REF="10"><HI>his Wife</HI> rul'd him, and <HI>her Son</HI> rul'd her, where then were lodg'd the <HI>Reyns of Government?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>What's that to us here in <HI>England?</HI> good Impertinent!</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Do not interrupt us, you <HI>(Par&s;on)</HI> with <HI>your Non&s;en&s;ical Prate</HI> out of old Notes, which you read devoutly out of <HI>Sybthorp, Manwaring</HI> and <HI>Mountague;</HI> do not mi&s;take your &s;elf, you think the People of <HI>Athens</HI> had a brave time on't, lu&s;cious doings; if you had liv'd there, you would have known <HI>where,</HI> and <HI>to whom</HI> you would make your <HI>&s;pecial Addre&s;&s;es</HI> and clo&s;e Applications.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Archbi&s;hop <HI>Abbot</HI> was quite out of play, for refu&s;ing to Licen&s;e <HI>that doughty</HI> Sermon; to which he made many <HI>rational</HI> exceptions; as namely, in Page 2. to the&s;e words&mdash;<HI>And whereas the Prince pleads not the power of Prerogative:</HI> and in page 8. <HI>The Kings Duty is fir&s;t to direct and make Laws:</HI> and &mdash; page 10. <HI>If nothing may excu&s;e from active Obedience, but what is again&s;t the Law of God, or of Nature, or Impo&s;&s;ible:</HI> How does this agree with Page 5. <HI>That all Subjects are bound to all their Princes, according to the Laws and Cu&s;toms of the Kingdom wherein they live?</HI> (he might have hone&s;tly added) <HI>and no otherwi&s;e:</HI> and Page 12. yea, <HI>all antiqui|ty to be ab&s;olutely for ab&s;olute Obedience to Princes</HI> in all <HI>Civil</HI> and <HI>Temporal</HI> things.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Hey day, this is like Pope <HI>Boniface</HI> to <HI>Philip</HI> (the fair) of <HI>France, Sciat te in Temporalibus &amp; Spiritualibus nobis &s;ubjacere.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>They do not &s;ay in Spiritual things they would have their Prince ab&s;o|lute over all but them&s;elves, but is that Po&s;ition agreeable to the great Charter, and many more Acts of Parliament in <HI>Edw.</HI> 1. and <HI>Edw.</HI> 3. <HI>That the Subjects &s;hall not be grieved to &s;u&s;tain any Charge or Aid, but by the Common A&s;&s;ent, and that in Parlia|ment;</HI> and the Petition <HI>of Right</HI> at large Confirms the &s;ame, by the Repetition of many more Statutes to that purpo&s;e.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Enough, <HI>Enough</HI> of this.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>What Opinion had Archbi&s;hop <HI>Abbot</HI> of Dr. <HI>Laud?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>He</HI> &s;oon found him, and <HI>&s;aid,</HI> his Life in <HI>Oxford</HI> was to pick quarrels in the Lectures of the Publick Readers, and to give notice of them to the Bi&s;hop of <HI>Durham,</HI> that he might fill the Ears of King <HI>James</HI> with Di&s;contents, again&s;t the hone&s;t men that took Pains in their Places, and &s;ettled the <HI>truth</HI> (which he called <HI>Puritani&s;me</HI>) in their Auditors.
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ru&s;hw. Col.</HI> part 1. 440.</NOTE> It was an Ob&s;ervation <HI>what a &s;weet man</HI> this was like to be, that the fir&s;t ob&s;ervable Act that he did, was the Marrying the Earl of <HI>D.</HI> to the Lady <HI>R;</HI> when it was notorious to the World that &s;he had another Husband; King <HI>James</HI> did for many years take this &s;o ill, that he would never hear of any great Preferment of him: The Bi&s;hop of <HI>Lincoln,</HI> Doctor <HI>Williams</HI> got him at length advanc't to the Bi&s;hoprick of St. <HI>Davids,</HI> which he had not long en|joy'd, before he began to <HI>undermine his Benefactor.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>That Ingratitude is inexcu&s;able.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>He continued his Rancour again&s;t him <HI>to his utmo&s;t</HI> to the very la&s;t.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, Archbi&s;hop <HI>Abbot</HI> (that had woful cau&s;e to know him) gave this Character of <HI>Land,</HI> that <HI>&s;uch was his a&s;piring nature, That he would underwork any man in the World, &s;o that he might gain by it.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>The <HI>little man</HI> had a high <HI>towring Spirit;</HI> which made the Kings Je&s;ter, <HI>Archee,</HI> who would needs &s;ay Grace before the King, when little Bi&s;hop <HI>Laud</HI> was pre&s;ent, in the&s;e words &mdash; <HI>Great Prai&s;e</HI> be given to God, and <HI>little Laud</HI> to the <HI>Devil.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>The wor&s;t Crime that was laid to his Charge, was the <HI>Countenancing Ar|bitrary</HI> and illegal <HI>Taxes</HI> recommended by <HI>Sybthorp</HI> and <HI>Manwaring,</HI> and abetting the&s;e <HI>Sycophants;</HI> which &s;ome call <HI>Crimen le&s;ae maje&s;tatis Legis &amp; Regis;</HI> There cannot be a greater Trea&s;on than an endeavour <HI>to rob the King</HI> of his Goodne&s;s, <HI>Truth,</HI> Con&s;cience, <HI>Tru&s;t,</HI> and fidelity to his People, nor a readier Road to Ruine: The Kings Prerogative is the guard of the Subjects Liberties and Peace, he has no Prerogative but what the Law <HI>gives him,</HI> much le&s;s any Prerogative <HI>again&s;t</HI> Law, Equity, <HI>Rea&s;on,</HI> Con&s;cience and <HI>Ju&s;tice,</HI> though Sycophants for vile ends would &s;o have <HI>&s;tretch't</HI> it: They wore the <HI>old Text</HI> thredbare &mdash; <HI>(Give unto Cae&s;ar the things that are Cae&s;ars)</HI> in tho&s;e Tantivee-dayes.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Why &s;o?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>If you will not be Angry, <HI>(Par&s;on)</HI> I'le tell you a Story, a true one,
<PB N="42" REF="11">of my own certain knowledge and remembrance, that will for ever <HI>Spoyl</HI> (here|after) all <HI>your Tantivee-Sermons</HI> on <HI>that</HI> Text.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Nay, if it be &s;uch a <HI>&s;poyl-Sermon-&s;tory,</HI> keep it to your &s;elf, for I have four Sermons upon that Text, <HI>ready writ,</HI> and they will la&s;t me (<HI>with Repetitions</HI> you know, and <HI>eeking out</HI>) two whole Months.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Prythee, <HI>(Whigg)</HI> let's hear your &s;tory, (however) let the Par&s;on &s;torm as he plea&s;es, or be di&s;appointed.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Before one of the wi&s;e&s;t</HI> Kings that ever <HI>England</HI> had, King <HI>James,</HI> did one D. <HI>Har&s;net</HI> Preach a <HI>Tantivee-Sermon</HI> on that Text &mdash; <HI>Give unto Cae&s;ar</HI> &mdash; but his Sermon <HI>(poor man!)</HI> in&s;tead of getting <HI>thanks</HI> for the &s;ame, had <HI>the Hap</HI> (that afterwards befell <HI>Manwarings</HI> Sermon, it happened) <HI>to be Burnt</HI> by the com|mon Hangman.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Hard Hap! what was the matter?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Onely for a&s;&s;erting, (as thou ha&s;t done twenty times,) <HI>That all mens Goods and Moneys</HI> are <HI>Cae&s;ars;</HI> for which the Parliament (though the Sermon was Preached in the Kings Chappel at <HI>Whitehall</HI>) call'd my Gentleman <HI>coram nobis,</HI> taking great offence thereat.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>What was that Doctor <HI>Har&s;net?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>He was afterwards made Bi&s;hop of <HI>Chiche&s;ter,</HI> and then Bi&s;hop of <HI>Nor|wich,</HI> ju&s;t as Mr. <HI>Mountague</HI> leapt, and perhaps upon the &s;ame ri&s;e and advantage of the ground, <HI>(Tantivii&s;me,)</HI> and for the &s;ame Covetous rea&s;on too, becau&s;e the <HI>Norwich Bi&s;hoprick</HI> is the richer; and then leapt to <HI>Yorks Archbi&s;hoprick.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>But King <HI>James</HI> di&s;own'd the Doctor in that affair, and did not own him therein.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, yes, I told you he was a wi&s;e King, and u&s;ed to &s;ay, that he was a Tyrant that did not rule according to Laws, and calmed the bu&s;ine&s;s, modera|ting <HI>thus</HI> &mdash; and &s;aying,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ru&s;hw.</HI> part 1. 442.</NOTE> that the Bi&s;hop onely failed in this, When he &s;aid, <HI>the Goods were Cae&s;ars,</HI> he did not add, they were his <HI>according to the Laws and Cu&s;toms of the Country wherein they did live.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>I do not deny but the Bi&s;hops had great Sway and influence over affairs both in Church and State, if the Lord <HI>Faukland</HI>'s Speech in Parliament to that purpo&s;e, was well Calculated for tho&s;e times.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I have heard much Di&s;cour&s;e of <HI>the Speech</HI> of that <HI>Lord, &s;o fam'd</HI> for his <HI>Learning</HI> and Loyalty, as well as <HI>Nobility,</HI> but I could never get a &s;ight of it.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>It was call'd the <HI>true Picture</HI> of tho&s;e times, pourtraying <HI>that modern Epi&s;copacy</HI> to the life, <HI>Anno</HI> 1640. and here it is.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Read it.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>The <HI>whole</HI> would be tedious, I'le read <HI>part</HI> of it, thus he begins&mdash;
<Q><P><HI>MA&s;ter Speaker,</HI> he is a great &s;tranger in <HI>I&s;rael</HI> who knows not that this Kingdom hath long laboured under many and great Oppre&s;&s;ions, both in Religion and Liberty: and his acquaintance here is not great, or his ingenuity le&s;s, who doth not both know and acknowledge that a great, if not a principal cau&s;e of both the&s;e have been &s;ome Bi&s;hops and their adherents.</P>
<P><HI>Ma&s;ter Speaker,</HI> a little &s;earch will &s;erve to find them to have been the De|&s;truction of Unity, under pretence of Uniformity, to have brought in Super&s;ti|tion and Scandal, under the titles of Reverence and Decency; to have defil'd our Church, by adorning our Churches; to have &s;lackned the &s;trictne&s;s of that Uni|on which was formerly between us and tho&s;e of our Religion beyond the Sea; an action as unpolitick as ungodly.</P>
<P><HI>Ma&s;ter Speaker,</HI> we &s;hall find them to have Tith'd Mint and Ani&s;e, and have left undone the weightier works of the Law; to have been le&s;s eager upon tho&s;e who damn our Church, than upon tho&s;e who upon weak Con&s;cience, and per|haps as weak rea&s;ons (the di&s;like of &s;ome commanded Garment, or &s;ome un|commanded po&s;ture) onely ab&s;tained from it. Nay, it hath been more dange|rous for men to go to &s;ome neighbours Pari&s;h, when they had no Sermon in their own, than to be ob&s;tinate and perpetual Recu&s;ants; while Ma&s;&s;es have been &s;aid in &s;ecurity, a Conventicle hath been a crime, and which is yet more, the conforming to Ceremonies hath been more exacted than the conforming to Chri|&s;tianity;
<PB N="43" REF="11">and while&s;t men for Scruples have been undone, for attempts upon <HI>Sodomy</HI> they have onely been admoni&s;hed.</P>
<P><HI>Ma&s;ter Speaker,</HI> we &s;hall find them to have been like the Hen in <HI>Ae&s;op,</HI> which laying every day an Egg upon &s;uch a proportion of Barly, her Mi&s;tre&s;s increa&s;ing her proportion in hope &s;he would encrea&s;e her eggs, &s;he grew &s;o &s;at upon that addition, that &s;he never laid more: &s;o though at fir&s;t their Preaching was the occa|&s;ion of their preferment, they after made their Preferment the occa&s;ion of their not Preaching.</P>
<P><HI>Ma&s;ter Speaker,</HI> we &s;hall find them to have re&s;embled another Fable, the Dog in the manger; to have neither Preached them&s;elves, nor employ'd tho&s;e that &s;hould, nor &s;uffered tho&s;e that would: to have brought in Catechi&s;ing only to thru&s;t out Preaching, cryed down Lectures by the name of Factions, either becau&s;e their Indu&s;try in that Duty appeared a reproof to their neglect of it, (not un|like to that we read of him, who in <HI>Nero</HI>'s time and <HI>Tacitus</HI> his &s;tory was ac|cu&s;ed, becau&s;e by his Vertue he did appear <HI>Exprobrare vitia Principis</HI>) or with intention to have brought in darkne&s;s, that they might the ea&s;ier &s;owe their tares, while it was night; and by that Introduction of Ignorance, introduce the better that Religion which accompts it the Mother of devotion.</P>
<P><HI>Ma&s;ter Speaker,</HI> in this they have abu&s;ed his Maje&s;ty, as well as his people, for when they had with great wi&s;dom (&s;ince u&s;ually the Children of darkne&s;s are wi&s;er in their generation than the Children of light; I may gue&s;s not with|out &s;ome eye upon the mo&s;t politick action of the mo&s;t politick Church) &s;ilen|ced on both parts tho&s;e Opinions which have often tormented the Church, and have, and will alway trouble the Schools, they made u&s;e of this declaration to tye up one &s;ide, and let the other loo&s;e, whereas they ought either in di&s;cretion to have been equally re&s;trained, or in ju&s;tice to have been equally tolerated. And it is ob&s;ervable, that that party to which they gave this Licen&s;e, was that who&s;e Doctrine, though it were not contrary to Law, was contrary to Cu&s;tom, and for a long while in this Kingdom was no oftner Preached than recanted.</P>
<P>The truth is, <HI>Ma&s;ter Speaker,</HI> that as &s;ome ill Mini&s;ters in our State fir&s;t took away our Money from us, and after endeavoured to make our Money not worth the taking, by turning it into Bra&s;s by a kind of <HI>Antiphilo&s;ophers-&s;tone;</HI> &s;o the&s;e men u&s;ed us in the point of Preaching, fir&s;t depre&s;&s;ing it to their power, and next labouring to make it &s;uch, as the harm had not been much if it had been de|pre&s;&s;ed; the mo&s;t frequent Subjects even in the mo&s;t &s;acred Auditories, being the <HI>Jus divinum</HI> of Bi&s;hops and Tithes, the Sacredne&s;s of the Clergy, the Sacriledge of Impropriations, the demoli&s;hing of Puritani&s;m and propriety, the building of the Prerogative at <HI>Pauls,</HI> the introduction of &s;uch Doctrines, as admitting them true, the truth would not recompen&s;e the &s;candal; or of &s;uch as were &s;o far fal&s;e, that as Sir <HI>Thomas Moore</HI> &s;ays of the Ca&s;ui&s;ts, their bu&s;ine&s;s was not to keep men from &s;inning, but to inform them <HI>Qu&agrave;m prop&egrave; ad peccatum &s;ine peccato liceat ac|cedere:</HI> &s;o it &s;eemed their work was to try how much of a Papi&s;t might be brought in without Popery, and to de&s;troy as much as they could of the Go&s;pel, without bringing them&s;elves into danger of being de&s;troyed by the Law.</P>
<P><HI>Ma&s;ter Speaker,</HI> to go yet further, &s;ome of them have &s;o indu&s;triou&s;ly labour|ed to deduce them&s;elves from <HI>Rome,</HI> that they have given great &s;u&s;pition that in gratitude they de&s;ire to return thither, or at lea&s;t to meet it half way: Some have evidently labour'd to bring in an <HI>Engli&s;h,</HI> though not a <HI>Roman</HI> Popery: I mean not only the out&s;ide and dre&s;s of it, but equally ab&s;olute; a blind depen|dance of the People upon the Clergy, and of the Clergy upon them&s;elves; and have oppo&s;ed the Papacy beyond the Sea, that they might &s;ettle one beyond the water. Nay, common Fame is more than ordinary fal&s;e, if none of them have found a way to reconcile the Opinions of <HI>Rome</HI> to the Preferments of <HI>England;</HI> and be &s;o ab&s;olutely, directly and cordially Papi&s;ts, that it is all that fifteen hundred pounds a year can do to keep them from confe&s;&s;ing it.</P>
<P><HI>Ma&s;ter Speaker,</HI> I come now to &s;peak of our Liberties; and con&s;idering the great Intere&s;t the&s;e men have had in our common Ma&s;ter, and con&s;idering how great a good to us, they might have made that Intere&s;t in him, if they would have u&s;ed it to have informed him of our general Sufferings; and con&s;idering how little of their freedom of Speech at <HI>Whitehall</HI> might have &s;aved us a great
<PB N="44" REF="12">deal of the u&s;e we have now of it in the Parliament-hou&s;e, their not doing this alone were occa&s;ion enough for us to accu&s;e them as the betrayers, though not as the de&s;troy|ers of our Rights and Liberties: Though, I confe&s;s, if they had been onely &s;ilent in this particular, I had been &s;ilent too; But, alas, they who&s;e Ance&s;tors in the darke&s;t times excommunicated the breakers of <HI>Magna Charta,</HI> did now by them&s;elves, and their adherents, both write, preach, plot, and act again&s;t it, by encouraging Doctor <HI>Beal,</HI> by preferring Doctor <HI>Mannering,</HI> appearing forward for Monopolies and Ship|money: and if any were &s;low and backward to comply, bla&s;ting both them and their Preferment with utmo&s;t expre&s;&s;ion of their hatred, the title of <HI>Puritans.</HI></P>
<P><HI>Ma&s;ter Speaker,</HI> we &s;hall find &s;ome of them to have labour'd to exclude both all per&s;ons and all cau&s;es of the Clergy, from the ordinary Juri&s;diction of the temporal Magi&s;trate, and by hindring prohibitions (fir&s;t by apparent power again&s;t the Judges, and after by &s;ecret agreements with them) to have taken away the only legal bound to their arbitrary power, and made as it were a conque&s;t upon the common Law of the Land, which is our common Inheritance; and after made u&s;e of that power to turn their Brethren out of their Free-holds, for not doing that which no Law of man required them to do; and which (in their Opini|ons) the Law of God required of them not to do. We &s;hall find them in ge|neral to have encouraged all the Clergy to &s;uits, and to have brought all &s;uits to the Council-table; that having all power in Eccle&s;ia&s;tical matters, they labour|ed for equal power in Temporal, and to di&s;po&s;e as well of every Office, as of every Benefice, which lo&s;t the Clergy much Revenue, and much reverence (where|of the la&s;t is never given when it is &s;o asked,) by encouraging them indi&s;creet|ly to exact more of both than was due; &s;o that indeed the gain of their great|ne&s;s extended but to a few of that order, though the envy extended upon all.</P>
<P>We &s;hall find of them to have both kindled and blown the common fire of both Nations, to have both &s;ent and maintained that Book, of which the Au|thor no doubt hath long &s;ince wi&s;h'd with <HI>Nero, &V;tinam ne&s;ci&s;&s;em litera!</HI> and of which more than one Kingdom hath cau&s;e to wi&s;h, that when he writ that, he had rather burn'd a Library, though of the value of <HI>Ptolomie</HI>'s. We &s;hall find them to have been the fir&s;t and principal cau&s;e of the breach, I will not &s;ay of, but &s;ince the Pacification at <HI>Berwick.</HI> We &s;hall find them to have been the almo&s;t &s;ole abettors of my Lord of <HI>Strafford,</HI> whil&s;t he was practi&s;ing upon ano|ther Kingdom that manner of Government, which he intended to &s;ettle in this, where he committed &s;o many, &s;o mighty, and &s;o manife&s;t Enormities and Op|pre&s;&s;ions, as the like have not been Committed by any Governour in any Government, &s;ince <HI>Verres</HI> left <HI>Sicily.</HI> And after they had called him over from being Deputy of <HI>Ireland,</HI> to be in a manner Deputy of <HI>England:</HI> All things here being Govern'd by a <HI>Juntillo, (who dare &s;ay thus much at this time of day?</HI>) and that <HI>Juntillo</HI> Govern'd by him, (<HI>And he Govern'd</HI> by <HI>I know who</HI>) to have a&s;&s;i&s;ted him in giving of &s;uch Councels, and the pur&s;uing of &s;uch Cour&s;es, as it is a hard and mea&s;uring Ca&s;t, whether they were more Unwi&s;e, more Unju&s;t, or more Unfortunate; and which had Infallibly been our De&s;truction, if by the Grace of God their &s;hare had not been as <HI>&s;mall</HI> in the <HI>&s;ubtilty of Serpents,</HI> as in the <HI>In|nocency of Doves. Ma&s;ter Speaker,</HI> I have repre&s;ented no &s;mall quantity, and no mean degree of Guilt.</P></Q></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Enough, enough of this, I &s;ee <HI>Whiggi&s;h Doctrines,</HI> Principles and Practices, <HI>grow upon us.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Do not mi&s;take your &s;elf, <HI>(Tory!)</HI> it is <HI>your Tory-Plots</HI> and Principles have <HI>&s;well'd</HI> of late years to a <HI>mon&s;trous</HI> Tumour and <HI>Deformity,</HI> almo&s;t to the <HI>Con|&s;umption</HI> of our <HI>right</HI> and natural <HI>Con&s;titution;</HI> and becau&s;e we make <HI>warm Applica|tions</HI> &s;ometimes to <HI>draw down the Swelling, and let out</HI> the Corruption, how you <HI>Tantivees Kick</HI> and <HI>Frisk?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Kings (of old) us'd not to be <HI>Bearded</HI> nor <HI>Brav'd</HI> by their Subjects.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, <HI>there was no Cau&s;e for it,</HI> but read the Hi&s;tory of the Lives of King <HI>John, Henry</HI> 3. <HI>Edw.</HI> 1. <HI>Edw.</HI> 2. what <HI>Bickering there was</HI> to keep tho&s;e Kings <HI>from encroaching</HI> on the Subjects <HI>Liberties and Properties, the &s;ubject of the</HI> great Quarrel, Conte&s;t and Battels fought betwixt <HI>King</HI> and <HI>People,</HI> in all (and <HI>onely in</HI>) the un|happy Reigns of <HI>unhappy Kings,</HI> that &s;uffer'd them&s;elves to be Seduc't out of their
<PB N="45" REF="12">Faith and Truth, and to <HI>out&s;tretch</HI> their <HI>Prerogatives</HI> beyond its <HI>Maker</HI> and Creator <HI>(the Law)</HI> and out&s;tretch their Con&s;ciences and their Oaths, till they <HI>broke all to pieces.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Poor <HI>feeble</HI> Kings <HI>(perhaps)</HI> they were; <HI>Worms</HI> &s;oone&s;t grow in <HI>&s;oft</HI> Wood.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Were any Kings <HI>Fiercer</HI> or <HI>Stouter</HI> than the three fir&s;t of them? who more Valiant than <HI>Edward</HI> 1. or more Victorious again&s;t Forreigners? and if he were weak and feeble, it was <HI>only when the Head</HI> (like Children that have the <HI>Rickets) &s;well'd mon&s;trou&s;ly</HI> and uncon&s;cionably, to the &s;tarving and <HI>Con&s;umption</HI> of the <HI>whole Body,</HI> and inferiour <HI>Members, which</HI> cannot <HI>fare ill,</HI> but the Head <HI>mu&s;t ake</HI> for it, and <HI>feel the &s;mart at long run.</HI></P>
<P>Hone&s;tly therefore (if he could have <HI>continued &s;o</HI>) did he an&s;wer the encroaching Prelates, (to whom
<NOTE PLACE="marg">&dagger; K. <HI>Edw.</HI> 1.</NOTE> he had Promis'd to give whatever they would ask, and they ask't him to Repeal the Statute of <HI>Mortmain</HI>) The King an&s;wered, that this was a <HI>Statute</HI> made by the <HI>whole Body</HI> of the Realm, and therefore <HI>was not in his Power,</HI> (who was <HI>but one</HI> Member of that Body,) to undo that which <HI>all the Members</HI> together had done.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>By this An&s;wer he &s;hould &s;eem to inferr that <HI>He and his People</HI> are made all of a piece, <HI>of the &s;ame Clay.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Why, what? do&s;t thou think Kings are <HI>not Mortals?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>They are <HI>Divine.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>So <HI>Tantivees</HI> al&s;o call them&s;elves, but (as <HI>Alexander</HI> the great an&s;wered his Flatterers that call'd him <HI>a god</HI>) tho&s;e that <HI>emptyed their Clo&s;e-&s;tools &s;cent no &s;uch matter,</HI> or extraordinary <HI>Hogo beyond</HI> other Mortals.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Does not the Text &s;ay, <HI>Touch not mine Anointed, and do my Prophets no Harm?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>What of that?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then do not you touch Gods Mini&s;ters, and Gods Prophets.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Where are they? you mu&s;t fir&s;t &s;how them to me before I can touch them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>All the Kings Mini&s;ters,</HI> (Arch-bi&s;hops, Bi&s;hops, Arch-deacons, Deans, Par|&s;ons, Vicars and Curates) <HI>are all Mini&s;ters and Prophets of God.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>And al&s;o all <HI>Officials, Commi&s;&s;aries, Publick-notaries, Delegates, Surrogates, Vicars general, Apparitors, Proctors, Jaylors and Hangmen, Regi&s;ters and Summers,</HI> are al&s;o all the <HI>Kings Mini&s;ters;</HI> I do not de&s;ire to touch them, nor am very ambititious that they &s;hould touch me; <HI>from them all,</HI> good Lord deliver us, and <HI>all good Men.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>They meddle not with good men, <HI>cannot live by good men,</HI> the Hangmen mu&s;t &s;tarve <HI>if all were good men,</HI> they live by Sinners, <HI>they eat eat up Gods People as they eat Bread;</HI> that is, the Sins of Gods People is <HI>Meat,</HI> and <HI>Drink,</HI> and <HI>Cloath</HI> to them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Foh! no more of them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Thou <HI>talk'&s;t like a bold Rebel, and would&s;t act</HI> like a Rebel (I fear) with other Weapons than <HI>Prayers and Tears.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>I do not know how &s;uch Fools and Knaves</HI> as thou art may hap to provoke the <HI>old man</HI> within me; 'tis <HI>at your peril,</HI> and you come at <HI>your own adventure,</HI> but I will <HI>ra|ther dye</HI> than be a Rebel.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>When the Kings Subjects (in <HI>Edw.</HI> 2. Reign) took up <HI>Arms</HI> to remove <HI>evil Coun&s;ellors</HI> from the King, and the King fled before them, and at length in hopes to pre&s;erve his <HI>Minion,</HI> and the In&s;trument of his wickedne&s;s <HI>(Gave&s;ton)</HI> lodg'd him in an impregnable Hold, <HI>Scarborough-Ca&s;tle,</HI> which the <HI>Kings Subjects took,</HI> and Beheaded poor <HI>Pierce Gave&s;ton;</HI> you <HI>Whiggs do not call this</HI> Rebellion.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Why? what Hi&s;torian does call it &s;o? I am &s;ure that great Loyali&s;t and Cavalier, Sir <HI>Richard Baker,</HI> that <HI>(throughout)</HI> writes, <HI>leaning on one &s;ide,</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Bak-Chron.</HI> 107.</NOTE> as if he was <HI>byas't the wrong way,</HI> does <HI>not call it</HI> Rebellion; nor is the <HI>word Rebellion</HI> once men|tioned in the late <HI>Act of Oblivion,</HI> after the happy Return of his Gracious Maje&s;ty: But in&s;tead of calling it <HI>Rebellion</HI> (which <HI>old Hodge</HI> would have Eccho'd and <HI>Mouth'd</HI> twice <HI>in each</HI> line) Sir <HI>Richard Baker's</HI> note is, &mdash; <Q>That while the King was altoge|ther rul'd by <HI>Gave&s;ton,</HI> and <HI>Gave&s;ton</HI> him&s;elf was altogether irregular, the Common|wealth could have but little of Ju&s;tice, but was &s;ure to <HI>Suffer,</HI> as long as <HI>Gave&s;ton</HI> was <HI>Suffered;</HI> and this may be &s;ufficient to <HI>Ju&s;tifie (mark that)</HI> the Lords, that it be <HI>not Interpreted</HI> to be <HI>Rebellion,</HI> which was indeed but <HI>Providence.</HI></Q></P>
<P>After <HI>that,</HI> the <HI>two Spencers</HI> were the <HI>new Minions</HI> that trod <HI>in the very &s;teps</HI> of <HI>Gave&s;ton,</HI> and Seduc't <HI>the ea&s;ie King,</HI> Pimps to his Lu&s;t, for the&s;e onely were his Favourites;
<PB N="46" REF="13">whereupon the People ri&s;e, <HI>as one man,</HI> with the Earls of <HI>Hereford</HI> and <HI>Lanca&s;ter;</HI> who confederating by a &s;olemn League and Covenant <HI>to live and dye together</HI> in maintaining the <HI>Right</HI> of the Kingdom,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Bak. Chron.</HI> 129. Anno 132<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 letter">.</NOTE> and to procure the Bani&s;hment of the <HI>two Spencers,</HI> the great <HI>Seducers</HI> of the King, and the <HI>Oppre&s;&s;ors</HI> of the State; and <HI>under this pretence</HI> they <HI>take Arms,</HI> and coming armed to St. <HI>Albans,</HI> they &s;end to the King (then) at <HI>London,</HI> requiring him <HI>as he lov'd the quiet</HI> of the Realm, to rid his Court of <HI>tho&s;e two Traitors,</HI> the <HI>Spencers;</HI> Condemn'd in many Articles of High Trea&s;on by the Common-wealth <HI>(mark that)</HI> of the Land; and withall to grant his Letters <HI>Patents of Pardon</HI> and Indemnity, both to them and &s;uch as took part with them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>By <HI>that de&s;ire of Indemnity</HI> they tacitly acknowledg Guilt.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, again&s;t the <HI>Letter</HI> of the Law, in &s;trict con&s;truction, and a <HI>Judge and Jury</HI> of your Principles, <HI>(Tory,)</HI> it is not &s;afe tru&s;ting you, when nece&s;&s;ity had forc't them to Cour&s;es that <HI>otherwi&s;e were Illegal;</HI> which yet the Hi&s;torian calls <HI>Providence,</HI> not <HI>Rebellion.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But did the King <HI>Pardon</HI> them?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Pardon them? <HI>No, I trow,</HI> that had been <HI>too wi&s;e an Action,</HI> for &s;uch a <HI>weak Prince</HI> as was that <HI>ill-advis'd King.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But prythee what An&s;wer did the King give to the <HI>bold Covenanters?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>He Swore</HI> he &s;hould never <HI>Violate the Oath made at his Coronation,</HI> by granting Letters of Pardon to &s;uch <HI>notorious Offenders,</HI> who Contemn'd <HI>his Per&s;on,</HI> Di&s;turb'd the Kingdom, and <HI>Violated the Royal Maje&s;ty.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Well &s;aid,</HI> and how did this An&s;wer <HI>work</HI> upon the <HI>armed Confederates?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>It <HI>exa&s;perated them,</HI> and pre&s;ently they March't to <HI>London,</HI> (the Citizens being their <HI>&s;ure Friends</HI>) and lodged in the Suburbs, 'till they had leive of the King to <HI>march into the City,</HI> where they again <HI>more peremptorily</HI> urge their demands.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>And what <HI>did</HI> the King <HI>then?</HI> why did he not <HI>Hang them all</HI> at <HI>Tyburn?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>He could <HI>not find Hangmen</HI> that would undertake &s;o great a work, be|&s;ides to Hang them all would be a <HI>tedious long work,</HI> and long a doing.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>What? did <HI>all People hate him,</HI> and for&s;ake him?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, they all lov'd him <HI>&s;o univer&s;ally,</HI> and wi&s;ht him <HI>&s;o well,</HI> that they al&s;o de&s;ired he might be quit of his two Di&s;ea&s;es (the <HI>two Spencers</HI>) that made the <HI>Head ake,</HI> and the whole <HI>Body &s;ick</HI> and <HI>ill at ea&s;e;</HI> and &s;o at la&s;t <HI>he yields</HI> to their Bani&s;hment. But this Kings Goodne&s;s and Truth, <HI>went</HI> and <HI>came</HI> (like Ague-fits) by <HI>Paroxi&s;mes</HI> and intermi&s;&s;ions; no tru&s;t in his Word and Promi&s;es, for he Con|&s;ents to their Bani&s;hment, <HI>onely to hu&s;h</HI> the pre&s;ent Commotion; <HI>Hugh Spencer</HI> the Father was then beyond Sea, and kept him&s;elf <HI>there,</HI> but <HI>young Spencer</HI> lurk't <HI>here and there,</HI> hiding him&s;elf in <HI>England,</HI> expecting <HI>the turn</HI> of a better Sea&s;on, which &s;oon came about;
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Anno 1322.</NOTE> for <HI>Fortunes-wheel</HI> (to the Comfort of the <HI>Afflicted,</HI> and terrour of the <HI>Pro&s;perous</HI>) never &s;tands &s;till, but is <HI>alwayes</HI> in Motion and <HI>upon the Turn,</HI> as in this Kings Reign was frequently demon&s;trated; for the next year (<HI>Anno</HI> 1322.) the King defeated the Lords,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">1326.</NOTE> and Beheaded his Unkle the Earl of <HI>Lanca&s;ter;</HI> and four years after the Parliament Depo&s;ed King <HI>Edward,</HI> (or rather) forc't him to Depo&s;e him&s;elf and Inve&s;t his Son; which if he refu&s;ed, they <HI>threatned to Chu&s;e a King of another Race,</HI> and he was Killed &s;oon after by his Keepers, <HI>Gourney</HI> and <HI>Matrevers, Tarleton</HI> Bi&s;hop of <HI>Hereford</HI> writing to them to that effect in doubtful &s;ence, <HI>viz. Edvardum occidere nolite timere bonum e&s;t;</HI> but they gue&s;s'd at his meaning, for that Bi&s;hop, <HI>Adam Tarleton,</HI> had a little before at <HI>Oxford</HI> Preach't <HI>before the Queen</HI> and <HI>Roger Mortimer,</HI> (her bo&s;om friend) on this Text, <HI>Caput meum doleo,</HI> My Head aketh; whence he inferred, that the Kingdom being now <HI>deadly &s;ick of its Head,</HI> it was fit to remove that Head and put a <HI>&s;ounder</HI> in his place; this was the <HI>Loyalty of your Bi&s;hop,</HI> when Intere&s;t, <HI>&amp;c.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>How did the <HI>Queen</HI> approve that <HI>Doctrine?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>She did <HI>not di&s;like</HI> it, to be &s;ure, but her <HI>Minion (Roger)</HI> like't it well enough, as appeared afterwards.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>It was an Impudent <HI>Whores-trick</HI> of her; fir&s;t to make the <HI>King a Cuckold,</HI> preferring the Love of <HI>Mortimer;</HI> and then to <HI>&V;nking</HI> him by <HI>Deprivation;</HI> and then to <HI>&V;nman</HI> him, by <HI>Murthering</HI> him.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>She did not own the Murtherers that did the Deed.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But &s;he did not puni&s;h <HI>the wicked Bi&s;hop</HI> that Preach't up the <HI>King-killing
<PB N="47" REF="13">Doctrine;</HI> and who did give the Murderers al&s;o Commi&s;&s;ion to do it.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, he was <HI>her chief Favourite-Bi&s;hop,</HI> and fit for her turn; but &s;uch was the general Hatred to King <HI>Edward</HI> 2. that he dyed <HI>&V;nlamented,</HI> (though (perhaps) not <HI>unpittyed</HI>) he had &s;o <HI>di&s;oblig'd his People by e&s;pou&s;ing</HI> two or three unfortunate Minions, <HI>and their dependants, before</HI> and above <HI>his peoples welfare, that</HI> ought to have been <HI>his chiefe&s;t Care.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I prote&s;t, though, <HI>'tis hard mea&s;ure, fir&s;t,</HI> to be made <HI>a Cuckold,</HI> and then <HI>by the &s;ame Engineers</HI> to be <HI>Depriv'd,</HI> and then <HI>Kill'd;</HI> this is wor&s;e than what befell the <HI>Earl of E&s;&s;ex, (General</HI> of the <HI>Parliaments-Forces</HI> in &mdash; 41.) Fir&s;t, the Duke of <HI>Som</HI>&mdash; made him a <HI>Cuckold,</HI> then <HI>He and &s;he</HI> di&s;parage her <HI>Husbands virility,</HI> then <HI>(for that rea&s;on)</HI> gets her <HI>Divorc't</HI> from him, (as <HI>not man &s;ufficient:</HI>) And <HI>La&s;tly,</HI> to make the Church <HI>Father all the e&s;capes,</HI> he Legitimates them, by <HI>making her an hone&s;t woman,</HI> and Marrying her.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Not Man &s;ufficient?</HI> &s;ay&s;t thou <HI>Par&s;on!</HI> why, what one man is &s;ufficient for a Whore? if the Church admit <HI>that</HI> for a &s;ufficient <HI>Plea for Divorce,</HI> they'l have as many <HI>Cu&s;tomers for that,</HI> as they have for <HI>Licen&s;es for Marriage.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>The <HI>better trading for us;</HI> we are men that know our Intere&s;t and <HI>Advantage, as well as carnal</HI> men.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, Ay, who doubts it? but &s;ay, (Mr. <HI>Whigg,</HI>) did the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> put up this affront?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, I told you he was <HI>the man</HI> that <HI>fir&s;t headed</HI> the Parliaments forces, that <HI>afterwards took</HI> more than &s;ufficient Vengeance on <HI>the Church,</HI> and <HI>all that &s;ided or ban|dyed with her:</HI> Manet <HI>ali&acirc; mente</HI> repo&s;tum: Evil Actions <HI>carry their furies</HI> along with them, <HI>Vengeance attends them.</HI> For the &s;aid Kings unfaithfulne&s;s to his People, <HI>in breaking his Coronation Oath and Kingly tru&s;t,</HI> he lo&s;t his Peoples <HI>Hearts,</HI> and cou&s;e|quently <HI>his own Life;</HI> and <HI>Roger Mortimer</HI> was Kill'd in the Queens Embraces, and both Court and Church &s;uffered in the other In&s;tance.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Did the City of <HI>London</HI> joyn with the <HI>Queen</HI> and the <HI>Confederates?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, and the <HI>Londoners</HI> to &s;hew their <HI>good will</HI> to the Queen, and the <HI>Confe|derate Lords,</HI> with great de&s;pight Beheaded <HI>Walter Stapleton Bi&s;hop of Exeter,</HI> and Lord <HI>Trea&s;urer,</HI> (in rancour and <HI>hatred to the King</HI>) with many others that they thought lov'd that unhappy King; his Kingdom as well as him&s;elf &s;uffering beyond all Patience, <HI>for his Folly and Perfidiou&s;ne&s;s</HI> in breaking his Word, Oath and Royal Tru&s;t, and by Gods heavy Judgments and Di&s;plea&s;ure, there being in the eighth Year (of this <HI>&s;illy Prince</HI>'s Reign) &s;uch a <HI>Dearth</HI> or &s;carcity of Provi&s;ions, that Hor&s;es and Dogs were eaten, and Thieves in Pri&s;on pluck't in Pieces tho&s;e that (were <HI>newly brought in</HI> and) had got <HI>&s;ome fle&s;h</HI> of their backs, and eat them them <HI>half alive.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Sure <HI>that King</HI> was an ill-natur'd man.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, <HI>quite contrary,</HI> he was fair of Body, and of <HI>great Strength,</HI> given much to Drunkenne&s;s, but not much to Women; <HI>Kind</HI> and <HI>Loving,</HI> but unfortunate in pitch|ing <HI>his Affections upon bad Men and evil Coun&s;ellors,</HI> which was <HI>his</HI> Ruine and <HI>theirs too.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Some Men are not capable of good advice;
<Q><L><HI>Quos Deus intendit perdere dementat prius:</HI></L>
<L>Whom <HI>Heaven</HI> does Hate, <HI>to their own</HI> wayes <HI>It</HI> leaves them;</L>
<L>Then <HI>Strips</HI> them of their <HI>Wits, and then</HI> Bereaves them.</L></Q></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Some thought he <HI>de&s;erv'd a better fate</HI> than he found, to be Depos'd by his Parliament, and Murther'd by the means of tho&s;e that made <HI>him a Cuckold,</HI> or Bi&s;hop <HI>Tarleton</HI> the <HI>Court-Pimp</HI> to the <HI>Queen</HI> and <HI>Mortimer;</HI> others &s;aid, <HI>Honi &s;oit qui mal y pen&s;e,</HI> Let evil befall to evil men.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Well, <HI>we have enough of him;</HI> to return to Archbi&s;hop <HI>Abbot,</HI> who told <HI>little</HI> Doctor <HI>Land</HI> (then Bi&s;hop of <HI>Bath</HI>) in a Conference with him about <HI>Sybthorp</HI>'s Ser|mon, (and this Pa&s;&s;age therein, <HI>viz. All Antiquity to be ab&s;olutely for ab&s;olute Obedi|ence to Princes, in all civil or temporal things,</HI>) that &s;uch Ca&s;es (as <HI>Naboth</HI>'s Vineyard) may fall within this.</P>
<P>Whereupon <HI>the little-great-man</HI> was as a Man in a Rage, and fell <HI>a Huffing,</HI> &s;aying, that it was an odious Compari&s;on; for it mu&s;t &s;uppo&s;e that there mu&s;t be an <HI>Ahab</HI> and a
<PB N="48" REF="14"><HI>Jezabel,</HI> and I cannot tell what Sons of <HI>Belial</HI> for fal&s;e Witne&s;&s;es, and a <HI>Judge for the nonce,</HI> &amp;c. But the <HI>Archb</HI>&mdash; told him, that <HI>Reviling and Railing</HI> does not an&s;wer his Argument: <HI>All Antiquity</HI> taketh in Scripture, and if <HI>there has</HI> been an <HI>Ahab,</HI> or a <HI>Jezabel, that</HI> which has been, is <HI>po&s;&s;ible to be again</HI> many years hence; and if (&s;ayes Doctor <HI>Abbot</HI>) I had allowed that Propo&s;ition for good, I had been <HI>ju&s;tly beaten</HI> with my own Rod: For, if the King the next day had commanded me to &s;end him all the Money and Goods I had, I mu&s;t by my own Rule have obeyed him; and if he had commanded the like to all the Clergy-men and Gentlemen, Yeo|men and Commons in <HI>England,</HI> by <HI>Sybthorp</HI>'s <HI>Proportion,</HI> and my Lord of <HI>Canter|bury</HI>'s allowing the &s;ame, they mu&s;t have <HI>&s;ent in all,</HI> and left their Wives and Chil|dren in a mi&s;erable Ca&s;e.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>What care the Courtiers for your Wives</HI> and Children?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>True, but the wonder is, that any Engli&s;hman that has an E&s;tate <HI>(though he got it by Pimping)</HI> &s;hould de&s;ire any Tantivee-wayes or <HI>Arbitrary</HI>-&s;way, le&s;t he lo&s;e it as &s;uddenly.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Or that any of us Clergy-men &s;hould be Tantivees, <HI>(you would &s;ay)</HI> is a wonder too.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>You &s;ay right, but <HI>greedy Dogs</HI> (that can never have enough) <HI>&s;o they have but at pre&s;ent</HI> to plea&s;e their rav'ning Appetite, they <HI>gulp</HI> and &s;wallow <HI>all,</HI> but never con&s;ider how it will <HI>Dige&s;t</HI> or do them good.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Nay, It is <HI>impo&s;&s;ible to do them good,</HI> for it never dige&s;ts or breeds good blood, but <HI>bad humours in abundance, that overflowes</HI> them, if it do not <HI>&s;tick in their</HI> Throats <HI>at the fir&s;t going down,</HI> as many times it does, and <HI>choaks them before they ta&s;te</HI> the <HI>Sweetne&s;s</HI> of their Mor&s;els, the Reward of their <HI>(Spaniel-like)</HI> fawning and Sy|cophantry.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>I am glad to hear this from you, Mr. <HI>Tory.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>So am not I, if <HI>Toryes leave Tantivees to &s;hift for them&s;elves,</HI> what will be|come of us, lo&s;ing our main Props?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then make u&s;e of your Main-&s;ail, and <HI>Skud over the Water,</HI> where you all &s;trive to be, and whither you &s;eem to drive <HI>might and main;</HI> for <HI>Popery and Ar|bitrary</HI> Government are <HI>In&s;eperable,</HI> at lea&s;t, Arbitrary Plants <HI>cannot thrive</HI> in <HI>Eng|land</HI> except they be water'd and <HI>be&s;prinkled</HI> with Popi&s;h Exorci&s;mes and Holy-wa|ter: Some Bi&s;hops of the Church of <HI>England</HI> have &s;aid that there is <HI>but a very little</HI> little difference betwixt Popery and us; our Holy-dayes, our Service (in Engli&s;h, theirs in Latine) but <HI>word for word</HI> in mo&s;t parts thereof, our Prie&s;ts Ve&s;tments, Church-mu&s;ick, Candles, Altars, Bowing, Cringing, the <HI>very &s;ame.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Right, but we have not <HI>Auricular Confe&s;&s;ion,</HI> nor hold we <HI>Tran&s;ub&s;tantiation.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>You mean you <HI>cannot per&s;wade</HI> the People to come to Auricular-Confe&s;&s;i|on; but for the <HI>real pre&s;ence</HI> many Preach it up, but by a <HI>di&s;tinction Metaphy&s;ical,</HI> (a di&s;tinction <HI>without a difference</HI>) they only <HI>deny the corporal</HI> pre&s;ence.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>So, then you'l &s;ay we differ therein from the Papi&s;ts only in nice words and terms of di&s;tinction.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>If it be more than words</HI> wherein you differ in this point, then <HI>that thing</HI> you bow to at the Altar is <HI>really nothing,</HI> for if it be a <HI>real</HI> thing, it is a <HI>corporeal</HI> thing, if it take up its re&s;idence <HI>in one place</HI> of the Church <HI>more than the other,</HI> and on the <HI>Altar</HI> and the <HI>Ea&s;t, more than on the Pulpit</HI> and the <HI>We&s;t;</HI> Nay, &s;ome Preachers that <HI>Bow very reverently to the Altar at Service-time,</HI> turn their <HI>Back-&s;ides to it</HI> all the while they are Preaching <HI>very undecently;</HI> if there be &s;omething there to be reverenc't more than <HI>on the North,</HI> We&s;t, or <HI>South-&s;ide,</HI> where no Altars are.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>You are a <HI>Perillous Whigg.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>And you are either a <HI>fool for bowing to nothing</HI> con&s;tantly, or a <HI>Papi&s;t in heart for bowing to &s;ome real thing</HI> that takes up its Lodging on the Altar, in the Ea&s;t, which as yet you dare not name.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then you would make us believe that between the two Religions there went <HI>but a pair of Shears.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Far be it from me to &s;ay &s;o, but between &s;ome of the Prie&s;ts and Bi&s;hops of the two Religions, there has <HI>&s;carce</HI> gone <HI>&s;o much;</HI> (as the Lord <HI>Faulkland</HI> &s;aid,) It is <HI>all that a good Living</HI> or 1500 <HI><ABBR>l</ABBR> per annum</HI> can do, to keep &s;ome of them <HI>from declaring them&s;elves openly</HI> and profe&s;&s;edly to be Papi&s;ts; the&s;e Fellowes never &s;peak of the wor&s;t, the <HI>darke&s;t,</HI> the <HI>blacke&s;t,</HI> the <HI>bloodye&s;t</HI> Super&s;tition in the World, under the <HI>known name</HI>
<PB N="49" REF="14">of <HI>Popery, Papi&s;ts,</HI> &amp;c. but (mildly and gently) they only call it the <HI>Church of Rome,</HI> the <HI>Catholicks,</HI> &amp;c. and if &s;ometimes they call them <HI>Romani&s;ts</HI> and <HI>Roman Catholicks,</HI> they think (if it were overheard) <HI>all hopes</HI> of further Preferment is <HI>almo&s;t defunct;</HI> as if <HI>Ro|man</HI> was a needle&s;s Epithite, and as if <HI>none</HI> were <HI>Catholicks</HI> in the World but only <HI>that barbarous and bloody Sect, becau&s;e</HI> (like the Devil in the Po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ed) <HI>their Name</HI> is <HI>Legion,</HI> for that they are many and <HI>numerous;</HI> (more is the pity) yet, (ble&s;&s;ed be God) <HI>if you</HI> go to <HI>tell No&s;es</HI> in <HI>Europe,</HI> or all the World over, <HI>Prote&s;tants are the major part,</HI> as well as the <HI>better part;</HI> though you throw to the Papi&s;ts &s;ide <HI>all our Tantivees</HI> into the bar|gain; Come, come, <HI>Rome lo&s;es ground</HI> every day, let the Pope, the Je&s;uits and the Devil do what they can in Combination, I told you, they have got <HI>but one Main-pillar, and that is crazy</HI> and rotten almo&s;t, as great <HI>a blunder</HI> as <HI>they keep.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Why do you think we &s;hall not <HI>carry all before us?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, <HI>you will</HI> (&s;ome of you at lea&s;t) <HI>be advanc't as high as Haman,</HI> if the learned Mr. <HI>Selden</HI> Prophecyed true; for when Doctor <HI>Worral</HI> Chaplain to the Bi&s;hop of <HI>London</HI> Licen&s;ed <HI>Sybthorp</HI>'s &s;aid Sermon, he <HI>&s;cratch't</HI> his Name <HI>out,</HI> and &s;uffered not &s;o much as any Sign of the Letters of his Name to remain on the Paper, by advice of Mr. <HI>Selden,</HI> to who&s;e better Judgment, and for further advice he &s;ent <HI>Sybthorp</HI>'s <HI>Pamphlet</HI> (call'd a Ser|mon) after he had Licens'd it: but Mr. <HI>Selden</HI> &s;aid to him, <HI>What have you done?</HI> you have allowed a &s;trange Book yonder, which if it be true, there is no <HI>Meum</HI> or <HI>Tuum,</HI> no man in <HI>England</HI> hath any thing of his own; if ever the Tyde turn <HI>(as it did with a Vengeance to the Toryes and Tantivees)</HI> you will be <HI>Hang'd</HI> for Publi&s;hing &s;uch a Book.</P>
<P>But what the Chaplain (upon &s;econd thoughts) <HI>would not do,</HI> his Ma&s;ter (the Bi&s;hop of <HI>London) did,</HI> Licen&s;ing the &s;ame with <HI>his own hand,</HI> the good man being not willing that any thing &s;hould &s;tick with him that came <HI>recommended from the Court.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>From the Court or Queen, what skills it? I commend him, the &s;ame Bi&s;hop al&s;o Licen&s;ed a Book, called <HI>The Seven Sacraments,</HI> with all its Errors, made by Doctor <HI>Co&s;ens,</HI> Bi&s;hop <HI>Laud</HI>'s Confident, and yet neither he nor any of them did ever <HI>declare them&s;elves</HI> to be Papi&s;ts openly.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, no, I know it, they were the wi&s;er; neither did <HI>Mountague,</HI> whom they all upheld and advanc'd, and yet he made the Church of <HI>England</HI> a Schi&s;matick; if the Church of <HI>Rome</HI> be a true Church, and alwayes kept the Faith, as <HI>Mountague</HI> a&s;&s;erts, and the &s;aid Bi&s;hops did abett him, and Preferr'd him, and &s;o did the D. of <HI>Buckingham,</HI> magnifying him as <HI>a well De&s;erving man;</HI> and when the King (<HI>Charles</HI> 1.) was Marryed to his Queen, (a Daughter of <HI>France,</HI>) Letters were &s;ent to the High Commi&s;&s;ion-Court and other Courts, to &s;u&s;pend and <HI>take off all Execution</HI> of the Laws again&s;t Papi&s;ts; then by Proclamation (upon the Parliaments Remon&s;trance) a quite contrary Command was publi&s;hed under the broad Seal of <HI>England;</HI> and <HI>after the Parliament was Di&s;&s;olved,</HI> then all the Popi&s;h-Prie&s;ts, fourteen or fifteen at a time, are &s;et at Liberty again: &s;uch great <HI>va|riation of the Compa&s;s</HI> was found in <HI>the &s;ame</HI> Climat and <HI>Longitude;</HI> &s;ometimes the <HI>Laws</HI> being <HI>put in Execution</HI> at a <HI>force-put,</HI> and then again &s;lackning the Reins and <HI>following natural inclination.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>What Opinion had Archbi&s;hop <HI>Abbot</HI> of tho&s;e times and tho&s;e Tran&s;actions?
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ru<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 letter">w.</HI> 455.</NOTE></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>When the allowance of <HI>Sybthorp</HI>'s Pamphlet was put upon him, he &s;aid, He had &s;ome rea&s;on out of the grounds of that Sermon, that the Duke had a Purpo&s;e to <HI>turn up&s;ide down</HI> the Laws, and the <HI>whole Fundamental Cour&s;es</HI> and Liberties of the Subject, and to leave us not under the Statutes and Cu&s;toms which our Progenitors enjoyed, but to <HI>the plea&s;ure of Princes.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>That is <HI>brave,</HI> it is <HI>al-a-mode d' France;</HI> but when the Duke was Stabb'd, did the &s;ame <HI>Arbitrary</HI> Cour&s;es <HI>go on?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, <HI>Loans</HI> and <HI>Monopolies, Privy Seals</HI> and &s;uch Projects were continued, and &s;ome &s;ay the Earl of <HI>Strafford</HI> begun to a&s;&s;e&s;s Souldiers upon the People that would not pay his <HI>Arbitrary demands</HI> in <HI>Ireland,</HI> chiefly to make way the better <HI>for the like Pro|ject</HI> other-where; yet he was a wi&s;e man, and a right Engli&s;hman (once) 'till he became <HI>infected</HI> afterwards with Ambition and <HI>Court,</HI> the fate and occa&s;ion of the Ruine of Bi|&s;hop <HI>Laud</HI> as well as of him, and of one more of more worth than both of them: Be|&s;ides&mdash;</P>
<P>(Said the Archbi&s;hop <HI>Abbot</HI>) <Q>Now it came in my heart, that I was pre&s;ent at the <HI>Kings Coronation,</HI> where many things on the <HI>Princes part were,</HI> &s;olemnly Promi&s;ed, which <HI>being ob&s;erved</HI> would keep <HI>all in order,</HI> and the King &s;hould have a <HI>loving</HI> and <HI>gracious</HI> People, and the Commons a <HI>kind and gracious</HI> King: But I am loth to <HI>plunge</HI> my &s;elf <HI>over head and ears</HI> in the&s;e difficulties, (the <HI>Loans,</HI> &amp;c.) that I can neither <HI>live with quietne&s;s</HI> of Con&s;cience, nor depart out of the World with good Fame and
<PB N="50" REF="15">E&s;timation: And perhaps my Soveraign if he looked well into this Paradox, would of all the World <HI>hate me,</HI> becau&s;e one of my Profe&s;&s;ion, Age and Calling would <HI>de|ceive</HI> him, and with <HI>ba&s;e Flattery</HI> &s;werve from the Truth.</Q></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then you think that <HI>the Kings Minions</HI> (<HI>Buckingham, Laud</HI> and <HI>Strafford</HI>) were the Kings <HI>greate&s;t Enemies,</HI> and that of all the World he had <HI>mo&s;t Cau&s;e</HI> to hate them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>No doubt on't,</HI> if their Councels came out of their own Heads, or was not ra|ther In&s;till'd and put into their Heads, by&mdash;<HI>I know who</HI>&mdash;</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Oh! I <HI>apprehend</HI> you.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>But whether it be the Devil or man that <HI>po&s;&s;e&s;&s;eth men</HI> with evil, the Sinners that received the Temptation, (the Baits of Ambition and Avarice) as they are <HI>In&s;truments of wonderful Mi&s;chief</HI> and Blood, ought <HI>to pay dear</HI> for their Sycophantry.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Pay dear, (do you &s;ay?) <HI>Strafford</HI> and <HI>Laud</HI> lo&s;t their Heads on <HI>Tower-hill,</HI> and <HI>Buckingham</HI> was Stabb'd at <HI>Port&s;mouth</HI> by <HI>Felton,</HI> (you &s;aid;) But you did not tell me <HI>what mov'd him</HI> to this bloody Fact.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Felton neither fled</HI> for it, <HI>nor denyed</HI> the Deed, but &s;aid he Killed him for <HI>the Cau&s;e of God and his Countrey;</HI> and when it was replyed, that the Surgeons &s;aid there might be <HI>hopes of his Life, Felton</HI> an&s;wered and &s;aid, It <HI>is impo&s;&s;ible,</HI> I had the force of forty men <HI>a&s;&s;i&s;ted by him that guarded my Hand:</HI> that he did <HI>not kill him for any private In|tere&s;t what&s;oever,</HI> that the late Remon&s;trance of Parliament publi&s;hed the Duke &s;o odi|ous, that he appeared to him <HI>de&s;erving Death, which no Ju&s;tice durst</HI> Execute.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But <HI>(we &s;ay)</HI> &s;eldom comes a better.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Nay, there was <HI>not much to choo&s;e,</HI> for the &s;ame Councils were &s;till carryed on, &s;o that the Duke was not look't upon as the <HI>Original,</HI> but rather an <HI>Instrument</HI> to execute <HI>Perplext Coun&s;els;</HI> and when he was Kill'd there wanted not others that would <HI>venture in his room,</HI> though all Hi&s;tory tells us, <HI>tho&s;e little by-wayes</HI> and illegal wayes prove <HI>as fatal now a-dayes</HI> as of old, (in the dayes of <HI>Gaveston</HI> and the two <HI>Spencers, Suffolk,</HI> &amp;c.) There was a Paper found tack't in the Crown of Mr. <HI>Felton</HI>'s <HI>Hat,</HI> which was to &s;how that his Con&s;cience was &s;atisfyed in the Fact, and that he was <HI>therewith well plea&s;ed,</HI> le&s;t he had been pre&s;ently hewed in Pieces without Opportunity <HI>to tell</HI> the World <HI>&s;o much;</HI> but by the Pious endeavours of &s;ome men, he <HI>was brought</HI> to <HI>&s;ome Remor&s;e,</HI> and to acknowledge the Fact damnable <HI>without Gods great Mercy;</HI> but denyed that the Puritans or any other &s;et him on, or knew of his Purpo&s;e: but Bi&s;hop <HI>Laud</HI> told him, <HI>if he would not Confe&s;s who &s;et him on, that he must go to the Rack;</HI> he replyed, <HI>he knew not whom he might Accu&s;e, perhaps</HI> Bi&s;hop <HI>Laud or any other in that Torture;</HI> and the Judg|es agreed&mdash;that by Law he could not be Rack't nor Tortured; but <HI>Felton proffer'd his Hand</HI> to be cut off, which <HI>the King de&s;ired</HI> might be done, but the Judges &s;aid <HI>it could not be</HI> by Law, but after he was dead, he was Hang'd in Chains.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But who got the <HI>Duke</HI>'s <HI>Place?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Places</HI> (you &s;hould &s;ay) for <HI>many</HI> were enrich't by this <HI>&s;ingle</HI> Wrack; yet after the Duke's Death the King &s;eem'd to take <HI>none into favour &s;o much</HI> as Doctor <HI>Land,</HI> (then Bi&s;hop of <HI>London</HI>) and Seque&s;trator of the Profits of the Archbi&s;hoprick of <HI>Canter|bury;</HI> for Dr. <HI>Abbot</HI> was (civilly) <HI>dead,</HI> and four years after he <HI>really dyes,</HI> to the de|&s;ir'd Advancement of Dr. <HI>Laud</HI> to that Archbi&s;hoprick, having <HI>long waited for the happy hour</HI> before it came.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But was <HI>Tunnage and Poundage</HI> continued without Authority of Parliament?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, and Mr. <HI>Chambers</HI> his Goods to the value of 5000 <ABBR><HI>l</HI></ABBR> was &s;eized for a pre|tended Duty of 200 <ABBR><HI>l</HI></ABBR> Cu&s;tom; the like Seizure on the Goods of Mr. <HI>Va&s;&s;all,</HI> Mr. <HI>Rolls,</HI> and many others; and the Attorney General exhibited an <HI>Information</HI> again&s;t Mr. <HI>Samu|el Va&s;&s;al,</HI> &s;eting forth that King <HI>James</HI> did by his Letters Pattents, command the taking the &s;aid Cu&s;toms, and that his Maje&s;ty, (<HI>Charles</HI> 1.) by the <HI>advice of the Privy</HI> Councel, did declare <HI>his will and plea&s;ure,</HI> for the &s;aid Sub&s;idies, Cu&s;toms, <HI>&amp;c. until it might</HI> re|ceive a &s;ettling by Parliament.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>What did Mr. <HI>Va&s;&s;al</HI> Plead to this?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>He Pleaded <HI>Magna Charta</HI> and the Statute <HI>De Tallageo non Concedendo,</HI> &amp;c. to which Plea the Attorney General <HI>Demurred</HI> in Law, and the Barous of the Exchequer did ab&s;olutely <HI>deny</HI> to hear Mr. <HI>Va&s;&s;als Council</HI> to argue for him.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>That was brave</HI> upon our &s;ide.
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 line"><GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 line"><GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 line"></NOTE></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>And yet the King in his Speech to both Hou&s;es in the <HI>Banqueting-hou&s;e</HI> confe&s;s't he did <HI>not</HI> challenge Tunnage and Poundage as <HI>of right.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>If <HI>not of right,</HI> how then?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>De bene e&s;&s;e,</HI> and <HI>of nece&s;&s;ity,</HI> becau&s;e he <HI>could not</HI> want it, <HI>nor &s;tay</HI> till the Par|<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 span">ent was minded to give it him.</P>
</SP>
<PB N="51" REF="15">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>That is a <HI>mighty pretty rea&s;on,</HI> in ju&s;tification; when 12 years together he call'd no Parliament.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>And &s;oon after the King &s;ent a Me&s;&s;age to the Hou&s;e of <HI>Commons</HI> &s;peedily to take Tunnage and Poundage into con&s;ideration.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>And how did the Commons <HI>like that</HI> Me&s;&s;age?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>They were <HI>di&s;gu&s;ted</HI> that the <HI>Bill</HI> &s;hould be <HI>Impo&s;ed</HI> upon them, which ought <HI>naturally to ari&s;e from them&s;elves,</HI> impowering a Committee to examine the <HI>violation of Liberty and Property &s;ince the la&s;t Se&s;&s;ion</HI> of Parliament, and then re&s;olv'd <HI>in the next place</HI> to proceed in matters of Religion, and particularly again&s;t the Sect of <HI>Arminians.</HI></P>
<P>And (&s;ayes Mr. <HI>Pym</HI>) two Di&s;ea&s;es there be (Mr. <HI>Speaker</HI>) the one <HI>Old,</HI> the other <HI>New,</HI> the old, <HI>Popery,</HI> the new, <HI>Arminiani&s;m.</HI></P>
<P>Concerning Popery <HI>three things</HI> to be enquired:</P>
<P N="1">1. The <HI>Ce&s;&s;ation</HI> of the Execution of <HI>the Laws</HI> again&s;t Papi&s;ts.</P>
<P N="2">2. How the Papi&s;ts have been <HI>employed</HI> and countenanced in great places of tru&s;t.</P>
<P N="3">3. The Law violated <HI>(mark that, Par&s;on!)</HI> in bringing of <HI>Super&s;titious Ceremonies</HI> among&s;t us, as at <HI>Durham</HI> by Mr. <HI>Cozens,</HI> Angels, Crucifixes, Saints, Altars, Candles on <HI>Candlemas-day</HI> burnt in the Church <HI>after the Popi&s;h manner.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>That was <HI>only becau&s;e</HI>&mdash; &s;ince the Papi&s;ts <HI>would not</HI> meet us, we would try how <HI>far we can go towards Rome</HI> and yet be <HI>Church of England men.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, you <HI>Tantivees</HI> are <HI>&s;ubtle fellows</HI> in <HI>Eccle&s;ia&s;tical</HI> Policy, nay, and <HI>(likewi&s;e)</HI> in <HI>State-Policy,</HI> your hand is in <HI>in every di&s;h,</HI> there is nothing comes ami&s;s to you, you are &s;o <HI>equally accom|pli&s;ht for Heaven and Earth;</HI> you are clearly of Opinion to have <HI>your Church Triumphant here,</HI> as well as <HI>hereafter,</HI> you have the luck of it, in <HI>compari&s;on of Chri&s;t and his Apo&s;tles.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>We are Prudent as <HI>Serpents,</HI> and are commanded <HI>&s;o</HI> to be.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>And al&s;o <HI>like Serpents to lick the Du&s;t and other mens Spittle,</HI> in Pro&s;pect of Advancement: And the manners of the Bi&s;hops was &s;o notorious to that young Prince of famous Memory (King <HI>Edw.</HI> 6.) that in his <HI>Diary with his own hand</HI>-writing,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ru&s;hw. Col</HI> 649.</NOTE> was found this Ob&s;ervation concerning <HI>the Bi|&s;hops</HI> of his time, namely, That &s;ome for <HI>Sloath,</HI> &s;ome for <HI>Age,</HI> &s;ome for <HI>Ignorance,</HI> &s;ome for <HI>Luxu|ry,</HI> and &s;ome for <HI>Popery,</HI> were unfit for Di&s;cipline and Government.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Come&mdash;<HI>no more of them;</HI> what became of the <HI>Tunnage and Poundage?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>The Committee (in debate) inclined, that the Merchants have <HI>(fir&s;t)</HI> their Goods <HI>re&s;tored</HI> which were <HI>taken</HI> from them <HI>again&s;t Law,</HI> and again&s;t <HI>Right,</HI> and the Proceedings again&s;t the Refu|&s;ers <HI>null'd in the Exchequer</HI> and <HI>Star-Chamber,</HI> before they would enter upon the Bill for Tunnage.</P>
<P>For (quoth Mr. <HI>Noy</HI>) we cannot &s;afely give unle&s;s <HI>we be in Po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ion,</HI> for it will <HI>not be a Gift</HI> but a <HI>Confirmation,</HI> neither will I <HI>give</HI> 'till a removal of the&s;e Interruptions.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, <HI>Noy</HI> and Sir <HI>Thomas Wentworth</HI> were <HI>right Engli&s;hmen,</HI> but ambitious, and the King was advis'd to take <HI>them off by Preferment,</HI> and he did &s;o, <HI>Noy</HI> being made <HI>Attorney General,</HI> and the fir&s;t <HI>Projector of Ship-money,</HI> but he dyed &s;oon after; but his Project did (but a little while) out|live him, and then it was Damn'd by the &s;ame King that promoted it (in 16 <HI>Car.</HI> 1.14.) and <Q>All the Writs (called <HI>Ship-writs</HI>) and the Proceedings of the Judges thereupon, as utterly again&s;t the Law of the Land, the Right of Property, the Liberty of the Subjects, former Re&s;olutions in Parliament, and the Petition of Right, made but in the third year of that King.</Q></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>How &s;hould we know the Law, if the <HI>Judges</HI> erre?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>There is <HI>none &s;o blind as they</HI> that <HI>will not</HI> &s;ee, do not we &s;ee how great places make men warp, and <HI>&s;tand awry?</HI> like high Steeples that are too lofty to be upright.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>All are not &s;o warpt.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, God forbid they &s;hould, Judge <HI>Hatton</HI> and Judge <HI>Crook</HI> e&s;cap't the general Contagi|on and Infection.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But what became of this &s;ame <HI>Tunnage and Poundage?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>The King <HI>Di&s;&s;olv'd the Parliament</HI> when they would not give it him, (but as they li&s;t,) and after that in the Interval of Parliament took it, and Impri&s;oned (by Warrants from the Council) were <HI>Denzil Hollis</HI> E&s;quire, Sir <HI>Miles Hobert,</HI> Sir <HI>John Eliot,</HI> Sir <HI>Peter Hayman, John Selden</HI> E&s;quire, <HI>William Coriton, Walter Long, William Stroud,</HI> and <HI>Benjamin Valentine,</HI> Parliament men.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>And how long <HI>la&s;ted that Interval</HI> of Parliaments?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Above twelve years</HI> (namely) from <HI>March Anno Domini</HI> 1628. until <HI>April</HI> 13. 1640. which la&s;ted but twenty dayes, his Maje&s;ty Di&s;&s;olving them al&s;o, (for they <HI>went on in the old</HI> Story) looking back &s;ince the la&s;t Parliament, at the <HI>Grievances</HI> which were as numerous as intollerable; but the King found it <HI>nece&s;&s;ary to call another</HI> Parliament, which met <HI>November</HI> 3. 1640. and did the <HI>&s;trange things</HI> you have heard.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Sure the People were mad, &s;tark mad in &mdash; 40. and 41.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Oppre&s;&s;ion makes Wi&s;e men mad.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Did not <HI>Addre&s;&s;es</HI> come from all parts to <HI>thank the King for Di&s;&s;olving the</HI> Parliaments &s;o fa&s;t?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>No &s;uch matter,</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Anno</HI> 3 <HI>C<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="3 letters">.</HI></NOTE> for the people were &s;o <HI>enraged</HI> when the Parliament was Di&s;&s;olved 1628. (attributing it to the D. of <HI>Buckingham</HI>) that they would ordinarily utter the&s;e words:
<Q><L>Let <HI>Charles</HI> and <HI>George</HI> do what they can,</L>
<L>The Duke &s;hall dye like Doctor <HI>Lamb.</HI></L></Q></P>
</SP>
<PB N="64" REF="16">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>How dyed Doctor <HI>Lamb?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>The Boyes, ordinary People and the Rabble beat him and brui&s;ed him, and left him for dead, falling on him as he walk't through the <HI>Old-Jury,</HI> calling him the <HI>Duke</HI>'s <HI>Conjurer.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But when the Duke was Stabb'd,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">4 <HI>Car.</HI> 1.</NOTE> who did they blame for the Di&s;&s;olution of the Parliament?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Who?</HI> who but the powerful men at Court? e&s;pecially Bi&s;hop <HI>Laud,</HI> &s;ome few dayes af|ter two Libels being found in the <HI>Dean</HI> of <HI>Paul's Yard</HI> to this effect; <HI>Laud,</HI> look to thy &s;elf, be a&s;&s;u|red <HI>thy Life is &s;ought, as thou art the Fountain of Wickedne&s;s,</HI> repent of thy mon&s;trous Sins before thou be taken out of the World, and a&s;&s;ure thy &s;elf, <HI>neither God nor the World can endure &s;uch a vile Councellor or</HI> Whi&s;perer <HI>to live.</HI></P>
<P>The other <HI>was as bad</HI> again&s;t the Lord Trea&s;urer <HI>We&s;ton.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>What, he that you &s;ay <HI>dyed a profe&s;t</HI> Papi&s;t?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>The &s;ame.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But Bi&s;hop <HI>Laud</HI> dyed of the Church of <HI>England.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, yes; It is better to be the <HI>Arch</HI> or <HI>Chief</HI> of the Clergy of <HI>England,</HI> and <HI>chief Fa|vourite</HI> Al&s;o, than to be the <HI>Second</HI> at <HI>Rome;</HI> and he very fairly refu&s;ed a <HI>Cardinal's cap</HI> which was proffer'd him: and I believe he was no more a Papi&s;t (in heart) than I am; what he did in comply|ance with Popery, and Popi&s;h Ceremonies, was <HI>only in complacence</HI> to &mdash; you know who.&mdash;</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>The more blame-worthy, to act again&s;t his little Con&s;cience; as appear'd by the then Fa|vourites, for <HI>Strafford, Noy, Laud,</HI> &amp;c. untill Preferment dazel'd them, and <HI>height made them</HI> Verti|ginous and <HI>Turn-&s;ick,</HI> were as &s;teddy Prote&s;tants and Engli&s;h-men as any.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, Ay; the Devil knew what he did when he proffer'd our Saviour the Kingdoms of the World, &s;hewing the glory of them, tempting him: as if, they had need be a&s;&s;i&s;ted by Divinity who are Temptation-proof.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Right; for <HI>onely Divines are temptation-proof.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>True; none are Temptation-proof but tho&s;e that are <HI>true Divines,</HI> in Reality, not <HI>Divines</HI> (that are &s;uch) in <HI>Name onely;</HI> or &s;uch that <HI>lay heavy burdens on others,</HI> but will not touch them them|&s;elves with one of their fingers; or, &s;uch as preach <HI>Prayers and Tears onely</HI> to other Chri&s;tians, while&s;t they them&s;elves <HI>tear and rend with the Civil Sword, cur&s;es</HI> in&s;tead of <HI>prayers,</HI> and in&s;tead of <HI>tears,</HI> rant it with <HI>blood and wounds.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>You think the Laws are <HI>the onely</HI> as well as the <HI>be&s;t</HI> Boundaries to keep King and People <HI>within their ju&s;t limits</HI> and duty.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Right: The Rules of Ju&s;tice or the <HI>Laws</HI> are the <HI>Hercules Pillars,</HI> or the <HI>n&egrave; plus ultra,</HI> to King and People; to <HI>the Kings Prerogative,</HI> and the <HI>Peoples Liberties;</HI> as they are the <HI>Hercules Pillars,</HI> &s;o they are the Pillar to every <HI>Hercules,</HI> to every Prince; which if he pa&s;s, he goes into the va&s;t Ocean, <HI>the Lord knowes whither;</HI> for no body knowes what will be the End and I&s;&s;ue of <HI>&s;uch di&s;mal</HI> wandring. Therefore <HI>the old Rule</HI> of Law is &mdash; <HI>Solum Rex hoc non pote&s;t facere, quod non pote&s;t ju&s;t&egrave; agere;</HI> The King can do nothing but what he can Legally do: Therefore <HI>Antio|chus</HI> King of <HI>A&s;ia</HI> &s;ent his Letters and Mi&s;&s;ives to all his <HI>Provinces,</HI> That if they received any Di|&s;patches in <HI>his Name, not agreeable to Law</HI> and Ju&s;tice; <HI>Ignoto &s;e literas e&s;&s;e &s;criptas ideoque iis non pa|rerent;</HI> he di&s;claim'd the &s;ame, as not being his Act and deed, though atte&s;ted under the Broad-Seal.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>But &s;uppo&s;e (<HI>at a Bone-fire</HI> on a Thank&s;giving Night) <HI>&s;uch a Whigg as you</HI> pa&s;s by, and will not drink the Kings Health, or the Dukes Health, and I break your head, <HI>Whigg.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then, you <HI>are a Ryotor,</HI> and the Magi&s;trates ought to puni&s;h you accordingly, and in my own defence I may lawfully <HI>Knock your Pate</HI> again, <HI>Tory,</HI> to get out of your clutches.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>That might occa&s;ion <HI>Knocking-work.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Have a care then that you keep the Kings-Peace, and <HI>do not dye as a Fool dyeth;</HI> for he that <HI>makes the a&s;&s;ault,</HI> (the Aggre&s;&s;or) mu&s;t be <HI>re&s;pon&s;ible</HI> for all the mi&s;chief that <HI>en&s;ues</HI> from his <HI>own wickedne&s;s, and villanou&s;ly-bold attempt</HI> in &s;topping the Kings Subjects, and &s;etting upon them with violence, <HI>in the Kings High-way</HI> walking peaceably by them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>There is none but a Rebell will refu&s;e the King or Dukes <HI>Health.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>There is none but a <HI>drunken Coxcomb will &s;ay &s;o:</HI> be&s;ides, 'tis expre&s;&s;ely again&s;t His Maje&s;ties Proclamation publi&s;ht Again&s;t forcing of Healths down mens Throats, whether they will or no.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Wee, <HI>for the King,</HI> will Drink and Whore, It &s;howes <HI>our Loyalty</HI> the more.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, &s;uch Loyalty <HI>has done</HI> wonders; <HI>wonderful Mi&s;chief;</HI> and the Kings Friends were his greate&s;t Enemies and Traytors, and mo&s;t guilty <HI>Lae&s;ae Maje&s;tatis.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>How prove you that?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Infallibly,</HI> by the Premi&s;es, for if the King can do no wrong, and can onely do that that Legally and ju&s;tly he may do, then,</P>
<P N="1">1. Tunnage and Poundage without Authority of Parliament;</P>
<P N="2">2. Money for Knights Fees or, le&s;t you &s;hould be made a Knight;</P>
<P N="3">3. Loans and Privy Seals, Benevolences and Monopolies;</P>
<P N="4">4. Billeting of Souldiers;</P>
<P N="5">5. Ship-money, and Ship-writs;</P>
<P N="6">6. Impri&s;onment and &s;eizures for refu&s;ing to pay tho&s;e illegal Taxes; were <HI>none of</HI> (them) the <HI>Kings Act</HI> and deed, though <HI>in his Name,</HI> and under his Seal.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>That's &s;trange; why, <HI>(man!)</HI> the return of the Cau&s;e of their Commitment (upon their <HI>Habeas Corpus</HI>) was this, <HI>Per &s;peciale mandatum domini Regis,</HI> that the Pri&s;oners were Committed by <HI>the &s;pecial Command of the King him&s;elf,</HI> and &s;o the Council Order'd.</P>
</SP>
<PB REF="16">
<PB REF="17">
<PB N="65" REF="17">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>That's Braze:</HI> Good Councellors will take <HI>upon them&s;elves har&s;h</HI> things, and leave the King the Honour and <HI>Thanks of our Acts of Grace</HI> and Goodne&s;s; but this inve&s;ts all the order of true Politicks; Mercy and Goodne&s;s, only naturally and <HI>immediately flow from the Throne;</HI> Ju&s;tice from the <HI>Mini&s;ters:</HI> Therefore the <HI>Sword</HI> is carried before him, but the <HI>Scepter in his Hand.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, but it was advi&s;ed, that the <HI>Calling of a Parliament:</HI> (being <HI>plea&s;ing</HI> to the People and obliging) &s;hould be <HI>given out to be</HI> at the motion of <HI>Buckingham;</HI> Ay, Ay, But when it was <HI>Di&s;&s;olv'd,</HI> the King did it in his <HI>own Per&s;on;</HI> as well as by his Prerogative: But has the King &s;uch a Prerogative to Adjourn, Hold, and Di&s;&s;olve Parliaments at <HI>plea&s;ure?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>King <HI>Charles</HI> often told the Parliament &s;o, &s;aying, as before, in <HI>pag.</HI> 23. <Q>Remember that Parliaments are altogether in my Power, for their Calling, Sit|ting and Di&s;&s;olution; therefore as I find the fruits of them good or Evil, they are to <HI>continue or not to be.</HI></Q></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>By <HI>his Prerogative,</HI> the Law of Parliaments is wholly at <HI>the Kings Will,</HI> and <HI>in his brea&s;t;</HI> For <HI>grievances intoiierable</HI> (as afore&s;aid) many and great, in <HI>fal&s;e Im|pri&s;onment,</HI> fal&s;e <HI>Seizures, fal&s;e Sub&s;idies,</HI> all illegal were <HI>yearly and daily</HI> inflicted in the <HI>Kings Name, and by his Authority</HI> upon the <HI>Bodies</HI> and <HI>E&s;tates</HI> of the King's Subjects, no man was &s;ure of holding either <HI>liberty</HI> or <HI>property longer than the good plea&s;ure;</HI> the&s;e grievances were contrary to <HI>Law, Equity, Ju&s;tice, Equity, Rea&s;on,</HI> and the <HI>Sti|pulation Oath and Acts:</HI> the&s;e grievances ought not to have been; or, if by evil Coun|cellours, and evil Mini&s;ters, and wicked men they happened, <HI>the King ought to have remedied</HI> and redre&s;t them, in&s;tead of abetting and <HI>defending the Oppre&s;&s;ors of his Sub|jects,</HI> and the violators of tho&s;e <HI>Laws,</HI> that he was <HI>&s;worn to uphold and obey;</HI> and ought to have lookt upon the&s;e <HI>&V;&s;urpations</HI> of his Subjects Rights, and the <HI>&V;&s;urpers</HI> as the <HI>greate&s;t Enemies of his Throne,</HI> which (<HI>Solomon</HI> &s;ays) is <HI>only e&s;tabli&s;hed by Ju&s;tice;</HI> not by Pilling and Polling, Robbing or Defrauding the harmle&s;s People. And the King &s;hould have look't upon the <HI>Parliament</HI> (that de&s;ired to redre&s;s the Grievances and to cure the&s;e griefes and di&s;tempers of the State) as <HI>his be&s;t Friends,</HI> and &s;hould have <HI>ble&s;t God</HI> that he had a <HI>Prerogative to Call them and keep them together</HI> for &s;o ble&s;&s;ed a work; and <HI>not to threaten to Di&s;&s;olve them;</HI> if they will not give him <HI>more Money,</HI> and if they will not <HI>forbear to puni&s;h tho&s;e grand Delinquents</HI> that had &s;o &s;hamefully abu&s;ed the King, <HI>by abu&s;ing his Subjects,</HI> his Ju&s;tice, his <HI>Oath,</HI> his <HI>Royal</HI> Word, and <HI>Promi&s;es,</HI> his Con&s;cience and his Laws.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Bracton</HI> &s;ays,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Bracton <HI>Comm. p.</HI> 487.</NOTE> that although the Common Law doth allow many <HI>Prerogatives to the King,</HI> yet it doth not allow <HI>any that he &s;hall wrong</HI> or Hurt any by his Prerogative.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>By that Rule</HI> a King has no Prerogative (it &s;eems) to Di&s;&s;olve a Parliament for medling with Redre&s;s of Grievances, or the puni&s;hment of the Evil In&s;truments and Mini&s;ters that caus'd or councell'd them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>I will not be &s;o bold to define the <HI>Kings Prerogative,</HI> (let it be for ever <HI>Sacred</HI>) otherwi&s;e than as <HI>we de&s;cribe Divinity;</HI> (Negatively) rather telling what <HI>it is not,</HI> than what <HI>it is.</HI></P>
<P><HI>Fir&s;t,</HI> The King <HI>has no Prerogative to hurt him&s;elf, or his People,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Plowd. <HI>Comm. p.</HI> 246.</NOTE> nor</HI> yet <HI>to break his Laws, or di&s;pen&s;e with a Statute,</HI> nor <HI>to violate his Con&s;cience, his Word, nor his Oath.</HI> For <HI>Rex merito debet retribuere legi quia lex tribuit ei, facit enim lex,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Bracton <HI>lib.</HI> 3. <HI>c.</HI> 9. <HI>fol.</HI> 107.</NOTE> quod ip&s;e &s;it Rex,</HI> &s;ays <HI>Bracton:</HI> The King may well give the Law its free cour&s;e, due unto it, becau&s;e the Law gives him his due: For the Law makes him (what he is) a King. <HI>Rex enim, a bene Regendo:</HI> The <HI>King is &s;o called</HI> from Ruling <HI>well,</HI> but he is called a <HI>Tyrant</HI> that <HI>Oppre&s;&s;es.</HI></P>
<P><HI>Secondly,</HI> The Kings Oath is not only to Rule according to Law, but to make new, and abrogate old Laws, which cannot be without a Parliament; therefore Parliament; therefore Parliaments are a <HI>Fundamental and Vital part,</HI> and con&s;titution of the Government.</P>
<P><HI>Thirdly,</HI> If a King can chu&s;e whether he will Call a Parliament at all, except once in three years, and then &s;end them Home and Di&s;&s;olve them, as he li&s;t and when he li&s;t, without Redre&s;s of Grievances; then the fundamental Con&s;titution and Law of the Government mu&s;t be <HI>Lame</HI> and Imperfect: For, at this rate, the Prince and his Mini&s;ters may do <HI>what they li&s;t,</HI> and <HI>impune</HI> make <HI>their Wills</HI> a Law: But it is im|po&s;&s;ible that a Government (&s;o wi&s;ely Con&s;tituted as ours is) &s;hould be &s;o lame, imper|fect and deficient, as not to make Provi&s;ion for <HI>its own Being</HI> and Sub&s;i&s;tance in the Fundamentals: This therefore is provided for in <HI>the very E&s;&s;ence</HI> of the Government
<PB N="66" REF="18">(which we may call the <HI>Common-Law</HI>) which is of <HI>more value than any Statute;</HI> and of which <HI>Magna Charta</HI> and other Statutes are but <HI>Declaratory.</HI></P>
<P><HI>Fourthly,</HI> Tho' the King is Tru&s;ted with the formal part of Summoning and pro|nouncing the Di&s;&s;olution of Parliaments, yet the Law which obliges both him and us, has <HI>determined and a&s;certained how and when</HI> he &s;hall do it.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, (marry) <HI>Whigg!</HI> now you come clo&s;e, <HI>let us hear that.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>I'le prove it <HI>clearly and evidently</HI> by <HI>Common-Law</HI> and <HI>Statute-Law, Rea&s;on</HI> and Equity; and the&s;e four do guide or <HI>&s;hould guide</HI> all the Benches in <HI>We&s;tmin&s;ter-Hall.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>If you can do this, it will prove very <HI>Beneficial to all;</HI> for I ob&s;erv'd that, in the late Civil Wars, the cau&s;e of the great Blood&s;hed was the difference betwixt the Kings <HI>Prerogative and the Peoples Liberties;</HI> which could not be decided, (it &s;eems) <HI>but by the Sword.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>It is better far to <HI>decide the difference with a Pen;</HI> but indeed the Kings Pre|rogative and the Peoples Liberties <HI>never cla&s;h,</HI> but there is a &s;weet Harmony betwixt them, one with another, one <HI>&s;upporting</HI> and <HI>upholding another,</HI> not de&s;troying and ruining one another; as &s;ome <HI>Juncto Councils</HI> would make them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>We <HI>(Tories)</HI> Fought for <HI>the Prerogative</HI> Royal.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then you Fought for <HI>you did not know what.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, the <HI>Loans,</HI> Privy-Seals, <HI>Tunnage and Poundage,</HI> Ship-Money, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> and Seizures and <HI>Impri&s;onment</HI> (thereupon) were <HI>all again&s;t Law,</HI> Law, and again&s;t the <HI>Peoples Liberties and Properties,</HI> but the King did act <HI>by his Royal Prerogative,</HI> and &s;o took the Goods and Impri&s;oned the Gentlemen that refus'd; by Prerogative.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>The King has no Prerogative wrongfully to Impri&s;on or take mens Goods: to Impri&s;on men, is a work for the Kings Mini&s;ters of Ju&s;tice, but <HI>below the Grandeur</HI> of Royal Maje&s;ty to do it, or, to give order for it, other than that as <HI>all the Execution of the Kings Laws</HI> is to be done in his Name, though he <HI>per&s;onally know nothing</HI> of the matter: And if the King <HI>ore tenus,</HI> or in writing, command <HI>John a Nokes to Impri|&s;on John a Styles,</HI> without mentioning any cau&s;e in Law, (or breach of &s;ome Law that requires Impri&s;onment; an <HI>Action of fal&s;e Impri&s;onment</HI> lyes again&s;t <HI>John a Nokes,</HI> and he <HI>&s;hall not be &s;uffered</HI> (in his excu&s;e and ju&s;tification) to plead &mdash; <HI>&s;peciale manda|tum Regis,</HI> that the King Commanded it; but <HI>mu&s;t &s;et forth</HI> &s;ome <HI>other &s;pecial matter;</HI> for if that might be admitted, the King, who cannot <HI>with a word</HI> take away my Pence, my Hor&s;e, nor my A&s;&s;e; yet he might de&s;troy with a <HI>Breath</HI> (that which is much Dearer to me) <HI>my Liberty.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>You &s;peak <HI>Rea&s;on,</HI> and <HI>Law</HI> too; but may not the King Invade his Subjects Liberties and Properties, in Ca&s;es of <HI>Nece&s;&s;ity,</HI> by his Royal Prerogative?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Pi&s;h; The Favourites (<HI>Buckingham</HI> and <HI>Laud,</HI> &amp;c.) as you have heard be|fore <HI>de&s;troyed the Kings Fleet,</HI> con&s;umed the Kings <HI>Men</HI> and Money, <HI>Ships</HI> and <HI>Am|munition,</HI> by Sen&s;ele&s;s and <HI>&V;nhappy Expeditions,</HI> and &s;ometimes by <HI>Lending</HI> them to <HI>France,</HI> in a time when we had more need to <HI>Borrow,</HI> and by &s;uch <HI>Whimzees</HI> (but the Parliament gave it a wor&s;e name, calling them, <HI>Trea&s;ons</HI>) they reduc'd the King and Kingdom <HI>into great Straits,</HI> weakne&s;s and <HI>nece&s;&s;ities</HI> (which was the de&s;ign of the <HI>Popi&s;h Plot,</HI> the Favourites were only the In&s;truments, and <HI>perhaps &s;aw not what they did</HI>) But they did &s;o many <HI>Irrational,</HI> Sen&s;ele&s;s and <HI>De&s;tructive Acts,</HI> that almo&s;t <HI>all lay at Stake</HI> (as you have heard) and was <HI>ju&s;t upon the go:</HI> What mu&s;t be done? <HI>That was the Que&s;tion,</HI> in the&s;e Nece&s;&s;ities and Straits? To <HI>call a Parliament,</HI> was the proper, <HI>natural,</HI> true, <HI>certain,</HI> and <HI>only Engli&s;h Remedy.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, <HI>&s;o it was;</HI> I mu&s;t needs &s;ay.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Well, and &s;o the King found <HI>(too late)</HI> but the <HI>Minions</HI> had done &s;uch unan&s;werable things, that in all their Con&s;ultations they did (as all <HI>Private Coun|cellors</HI> do) &s;tear their cour&s;e with <HI>an Eye</HI> and main re&s;pect to <HI>their own particular Safeties</HI> and welfare, and not <HI>to the general good,</HI> welfare and Salvation of the Ship of the Commonwealth, that they guided, <HI>at the Helm;</HI> and they were &s;o Con&s;cious of their own wickedne&s;s; that the Earl of <HI>Strafford</HI> (very prudently fore&s;eeing his own de&s;truction when the Parliament was called) humbly craves excu&s;e from attending it, chu&s;ing rather to &s;tay with his Army in the <HI>North.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>He had nothing el&s;e <HI>to tru&s;t to but</HI> an Army and <HI>Force;</HI> for by Force and an Army he <HI>Ruled in Ireland,</HI> and nothing but the <HI>&s;ame methods</HI> could po&s;&s;ibly pre&s;erve him, nor (indeed) any Tyranny and Oppre&s;&s;ion.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>True, <HI>Violence only</HI> can ju&s;tify <HI>Violence;</HI> not could <HI>his &s;ins be &s;afe</HI> but by attempting greater; yet, he had <HI>&s;omething el&s;e to Tru&s;t</HI> to be&s;ides an Army.</P>
</SP>
<PB N="67" REF="18">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>What, I pray? let me hear that.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>The Royal Word,</HI> and the <HI>Promi&s;e of a King,</HI> who, to per&s;wade him to come to the Parliament, (be&s;ides the Peremptory Command that would take no denyal or excu&s;e, but <HI>come he mu&s;t</HI>) the King engaging and promi&s;ing, that as he was King of <HI>England, he was able</HI> to &s;ecure him from any danger, and that the Parliament <HI>&s;hould not touch one Hair</HI> of his Head.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But they <HI>did reach</HI> every Hair of his Head, and the <HI>Head al&s;o,</HI> the King al&s;o Pa&s;&s;ing the Bill: But what <HI>&s;aid the Earl</HI> when he fir&s;t heard that <HI>the King had pa&s;t the Bill</HI> again&s;t him; as in a Complemental Letter he gave him leave.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>He <HI>held up his Hands,</HI> (as <HI>Coleman</HI> did at the Gallows when he &s;aw he mu&s;t go to it, not u&s;ing the very words that <HI>Coleman</HI> did, <HI>There is no Truth in men,</HI> but) to the &s;ame Tune, lift <HI>up his Eyes</HI> to Heaven, and laying his Hand on his Heart, &s;aid, &mdash; <HI>Put not you Tru&s;t in Princes, nor in the Sons of men, for in them there is no Salvation.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, <HI>Coleman</HI> indeed was left in the Lurch, <HI>&s;ome thought by his la&s;t words.</HI></P>
<Q><L><HI>And thus, the Devil</HI> Huggs <HI>the Witch;</HI></L>
<L><HI>But,</HI> at the Gallows, <HI>leaves the Wretch,</HI></L>
<L><HI>To the Embrace of Squire</HI> Ketch;</L>
<L><HI>Laughing when her Neck does Stretch,</HI></L>
<L><HI>That he</HI> her Soul <HI>to Hell may Fetch.</HI></L></Q>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>But what &s;aid King <HI>Charles</HI> in his own excu&s;e? For <HI>giving up Strafford</HI> con|trary to Promi&s;e?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>He was Sorry for it,</HI> but it could not be help'd, it was &s;o lately done; but the King (neverthele&s;s) &s;ent a Letter by the Prince to the Lords,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Dated</HI> May 11.41.</NOTE> written with his own Hands, <HI>Intreating them that they would Confer with the Hou&s;e of Commons</HI> to &s;pate the Life of the Earl, and that it would be a <HI>high Contentment</HI> to him.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>And what did the <HI>Lords</HI> thereupon?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Ju&s;t nothing</HI> at all, as to &s;paring his Life; but &s;o confirm'd the King,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">May 1. 1640, 16 Car. 1.</NOTE> that he &s;aid al&s;o <HI>Fiat Ju&s;titia:</HI> But the King in a Speech <HI>(a little before)</HI> he Signed the Bill of Attainder again&s;t the <HI>Earl,</HI> told both the Hou&s;es of Parliament; that in <HI>Con&s;cience he could not Condemn the Earl of High Trea&s;on,</HI> that <HI>he An&s;wered for, as to the mo&s;t of the main particulars of the Charge again&s;t him.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, ay, the Earl <HI>did not, dur&s;t not</HI> have attempted &s;uch things as he did, if <HI>&s;ome body had not been privy</HI> to it be&s;ides him&s;elf.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>The King al&s;o told the two Hou&s;es, (at the &s;ame time,) that <HI>neither Fear, nor any other re&s;pect &s;hould make him go again&s;t his Con&s;cience.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But it &s;eems his Royal Re&s;olution was <HI>Changeable.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, and yet he was <HI>naturally con&s;tant to his Opinions, and Tenacious</HI> of them, &s;ome thought <HI>even to Offence</HI> &s;ometimes: But the Crimes again&s;t the Earl's Arbitrary Government, Arbitrary Sway, Arbitrary Councels, Arbitrary Force, Arbitrary Taxes, and Ruling by an Army, and making his Will his Law was <HI>&s;o Apparent,</HI> that the fault <HI>mu&s;tly upon &s;ome body,</HI> and upon <HI>whom more fit,</HI> than upon &s;uch an evil In&s;trument, and evil Councellor, as <HI>Strafford</HI> was, whom the very <HI>King him&s;elf could not deny to be guilty</HI> (as he publickly acknowledged to both Hou&s;es in his Speech afore&s;aid) of &s;uch <HI>Mi&s;demeanors,</HI> that he thought the <HI>Earl not fit to &s;erve him</HI> or the Commonwealth, in any place of Tru&s;t, <HI>no not &s;o much as a Con&s;table;</HI> and conclud|ed his &s;aid Letter, with the&s;e words: If no le&s;s than his Life can &s;atisfie my people, I mu&s;t &s;ay &mdash; <HI>Fiat Ju&s;titia;</HI> which words he repeated, when the Lords in An&s;wer to his Maje&s;ties &s;aid Letter, denyed to &s;pare his Life, as un&s;afe for the King and Royal Family.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>I am clear too of Opinion, that either the King <HI>was privy to his Mi&s;demeanors</HI> before that time (as the King intimated as afore&s;aid) or el&s;e <HI>he and all other Kings may think the better of Parliaments</HI> as long as they live, for <HI>repre&s;enting men in their true colours,</HI> and letting them &s;ee that the Per&s;ons and chief Favourites, <HI>Admirals and Generals</HI> of their Armies, and when they tru&s;t (as King <HI>Charles</HI> did <HI>Strafford</HI>) with the management of their chief Affairs, are <HI>really and truly &s;uch wretches,</HI> that they <HI>are not fit for</HI> the meane&s;t Tru&s;t, no, not &s;o much as worthy to <HI>be Petty Con&s;table.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>That <HI>Dilemma</HI> is unan&s;werable.</P>
</SP>
<PB N="68" REF="19">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But, Prythee, <HI>(Whigg!)</HI> what Opinion had men, in tho&s;e days, of the Court, as to Arbitrary Government, <HI>Popery,</HI> or Affection to <HI>Popery?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Men &s;trangely <HI>differ'd in Opinion</HI> (in <HI>tho&s;e</HI> days as <HI>now</HI>) which bred that great difference among&s;t men, as (it &s;eems) was <HI>not to be decided without Blood,</HI> great unnatural, and <HI>uncivil</HI> Blood&s;hed.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>We,</HI> (that were <HI>Cavaliers,) believed</HI> the King, <HI>when he took the Sacrament upon it,</HI> and pa&s;s'd &s;o many Acts of Parliaments <HI>again&s;t Popery</HI> and Papi&s;ts, and promis'd to proceed Vigorou&s;ly again&s;t Papi&s;ts; and that he al&s;o did <HI>abhor the Thoughts of Arbitrary Government:</HI> Really we believ'd &s;o many <HI>Oathes,</HI> Sacraments, <HI>Vowes,</HI> and Royal <HI>Words</HI> and Promi&s;es, publick and private Declarations and Proclamations.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, ay, &s;o you did; we <HI>Whiggs,</HI> too <HI>have a great deal of Faith,</HI> if we let upon a belief, we will <HI>not to our own Eyes</HI> give Credit; we are for <HI>Implicite Faith</HI> &s;ometimes, as well as you.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Well, but An&s;wer to the purpo&s;e was not the King counted a <HI>Gracious good</HI> King?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, all Kings are called &s;o, e&s;pecially whil&s;t they Live and to <HI>their Heads;</HI> for a King can do no wrong: And all men acknowledged that King <HI>Charles</HI> I. of <HI>his own Natural Temper</HI> was inclined to Goodne&s;s, and Mercy, and Ju&s;tice, and Righteou&s;ne&s;s; and the keeping of Faith with men, and ob&s;erving his Word, ful|filling his Promi&s;es, and keeping &s;tedfa&s;t to Religion; and therefore, they think that he knew nothing of the matter, when <HI>Popi&s;h-Books,</HI> or <HI>Books in Favour of Popery,</HI> (as <HI>Mountagues</HI> Book afore&s;aid) and the <HI>Authors</HI> of &s;uch Books; and the Books for <HI>Arbitrary Government,</HI> and the Authors of them (<HI>Sybthorp</HI> aud <HI>Manwaring</HI>) were the <HI>men</HI> and the <HI>Books,</HI> the Tenents, <HI>Doctrines</HI> and Opinions that were <HI>prefer'd, advanc'd, extoll'd, cry'd up and Countenanc'd at Court above all other men and Books,</HI> were really Orthodox, and according to Law; nay, &s;ome think the King knew not that <HI>Mountague</HI> and <HI>Manwaring</HI> were not only Pardon'd but made Bi&s;hops; &s;ince the Parliament had judg'd them <HI>unmeet for their demerits</HI> (which <HI>no man in</HI> Eng|land <HI>dur&s;t publickly own</HI> or vindicate to this day) and vile wretchedne&s;s and fal&s;e Doctrines, <HI>to be uncapable</HI> of the meane&s;t Benefices; yet the&s;e <HI>mu&s;t be the chief Shep|heards,</HI> the Flocks were like to be <HI>well govern'd;</HI> and Bi&s;hop <HI>Land</HI> that <HI>abetted</HI> and <HI>Countenanc'd</HI> the &s;aid Authors and Books, Licen&s;ed their <HI>fal&s;e Doctrines,</HI> and impure as well as <HI>Illegal Principles,</HI> and got their Books Licen&s;ed, was made <HI>Archbi&s;hop,</HI> and who <HI>but he?</HI> with the King and Court? The King <HI>knew nothing of all this,</HI> nor that Papi&s;ts <HI>(great Papi&s;ts)</HI> were put into Commi&s;&s;ion all the Kingdom over; nor, that Arbitrary Government <HI>in Loanes, Knighthood-Money,</HI> Tunnage and Poundage, <HI>Ship-Money,</HI> A&s;&s;e&s;&s;ing and Billeting of Souldiers, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> The King knew nothing of all this; the&s;e were <HI>Deeds, Deeds,</HI> not <HI>Words;</HI> Deeds that made the <HI>Kingdom groan,</HI> Deeds that <HI>Affrighted the Parliament</HI> and the Kings be&s;t Subjects with too much cau&s;e of <HI>Jealou&s;ies</HI> and Fears of <HI>Popery and Arbitrary Government,</HI> when it was <HI>really practic'd</HI> in &s;o many particulars, and <HI>the Councellors</HI> and Favorites that <HI>abetted the &s;ame,</HI> the <HI>only men in Favour;</HI> and nothing was &s;aid again&s;t them in Parliament, but it <HI>prov'd the ruine of the men, though Parliament-men,</HI> that might <HI>Parler le ment,</HI> &s;peak their minds freely, and lawfully, and al&s;o <HI>prov'd to be the Di&s;&s;olution</HI> of tho&s;e Parliaments; 'till the Kings Nece&s;&s;ities and Straits were <HI>&s;o great,</HI> and the Di&s;&s;olu|tions &s;o frequent, and on <HI>the &s;trange occa&s;ions afore&s;aid,</HI> that the Parliament would do nothing, 'till the King <HI>not only had Promis'd</HI> (but had granted it <HI>by Statute</HI>) that they <HI>&s;hould not be Di&s;&s;olv'd</HI> but by their own Con&s;ent.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>It is the <HI>greate&s;t wonder</HI> in the world <HI>to me that any King &s;hould Di&s;&s;olve a Par|liament but by their own Con&s;ent, or 'till all Grievances be Redre&s;s'd;</HI> for the King is <HI>Pater Patriae</HI> the Father of the Country, and what an odd Humour is it, if a Father that has a Child or Children, <HI>troubled</HI> with griefs or <HI>Grievances,</HI> and had a Prero|gative that could <HI>but would not</HI> remedy them; nay, nor <HI>&s;uffer them that would remedy his Children;</HI> is this Father like? or like &s;omething el&s;e? The <HI>King</HI> is the <HI>chief Shep|heard</HI> of his People, his <HI>Flock;</HI> but what an odd humour is it, if a Shepheard, <HI>when he &s;ees Doggs and Wolves tear</HI> and rend his Sheep, &s;hall <HI>neither (according to the duty of his place) deliver his Sheep</HI> out of their Jaws; nor <HI>yet &s;uffer others to do it;</HI> but, con|trarily, <HI>&s;ide with the Doggs,</HI> and defend the Worried Sheep? much more, <HI>if he &s;ee</HI> the Currs <HI>on,</HI> wor&s;e, <HI>if he &s;hall go Snips in the Booty</HI> and Prey.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>I am glad to hear this of you, (Mr. <HI>Tory!</HI>) you have been us'd to Lan|guage that has <HI>le&s;s of Sen&s;e,</HI> Rea&s;on or <HI>Law</HI> in it.</P>
</SP>
<PB REF="19">
<PB REF="20">
<PB N="69" REF="20">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But all this while (Mr. <HI>Whigg</HI>) you do not tell us any thing in An&s;wer <HI>to this excu&s;e</HI> the Favourites made, namely, <HI>Nece&s;&s;ity,</HI> the Kings nece&s;&s;ities required that which (indeed) <HI>ought not</HI> to be done <HI>by Law.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Nece&s;&s;ity?</HI> Pi&s;h! this <HI>excu&s;e aggravates their Offence;</HI> for thus they <HI>di&s;pute in a Carcle,</HI> and <HI>ju&s;tify their wickedne&s;s by greater,</HI> by links and chains of evil con&s;equences; Fir&s;t, the <HI>Kings Affairs</HI> by their <HI>Evil</HI> Councel and <HI>Managements</HI> is brought <HI>into Straits and Nece&s;&s;ities, the effect</HI> of them, then the&s;e <HI>evil effects</HI> are made the <HI>Cau&s;e</HI> of the continuance of <HI>wor&s;e effects,</HI> World without end: But, thank God for a Parliament;
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Commentar. of</HI> Guilme Jere|mie, <HI>Anno</HI> 131 4.</NOTE> The <HI>Pretence</HI> of this &s;ame Whimzey, <HI>(Nece&s;&s;ity)</HI> hath <HI>ruin'd the Liberties and Pro|perties</HI> of the <HI>French-men</HI> in <HI>Normandy</HI> to this day: For they <HI>were</HI> ruled (once) by as <HI>good</HI> Laws as we are; but being oppre&s;t with &s;ome Grievances, <HI>contrary to their Charters,</HI> Cu&s;toms and <HI>Franchi&s;es,</HI> they made their Complaint to <HI>Lewis</HI> the Tenth, who by <HI>his New Charters</HI> in the year 1314. acknowledged their Rights and Cu&s;toms afore&s;aid, and confirmed them; <HI>Confe&s;&s;ing</HI> al&s;o <HI>that they had been unju&s;tly grieved and wrong'd;</HI> but by the &s;aid <HI>New Charter</HI> did provide that from thence forward they <HI>&s;hould be free from all Sub&s;idies</HI> and and Exactions (to be impo&s;ed upon them) <HI>without their own Con&s;ents;</HI> but, with this <HI>&s;aving,</HI> or &s;mall exception, <HI>Si nece&s;&s;itis grand ne le requiret;</HI> namely, except great nece&s;&s;ity required the contrary: Which <HI>little bu&s;ine&s;s</HI> (Mr. <HI>Nece&s;&s;ity</HI>) has <HI>done their bu&s;ine&s;s,</HI> and <HI>broke the neck of all their Laws,</HI> Charters and Franchi&s;es, and of <HI>Subjects</HI> they are become <HI>Slaves</HI> and <HI>Va&s;&s;als;</HI> little differing from <HI>Turky-Gally-Slaves;</HI> for no man can &s;ay any thing is <HI>his own;</HI> if <HI>nece&s;&s;itye le Grand,</HI> (that is) the <HI>King</HI> require the &s;ame; nay, <HI>they dare not</HI> now &s;ay, That <HI>their Souls are their own;</HI> &s;o great is the <HI>Encroachment of Tyranny,</HI> Covetou&s;ne&s;s and Oppre&s;&s;ion; if <HI>you give it an Inch,</HI> it will take an Ell, and thefore <HI>you Toryes</HI> are a <HI>ba&s;e generation,</HI> for you <HI>hate your Friends mo&s;t of all,</HI> and <HI>(Spaniard-like)</HI> at the &s;ame time, ba&s;ely Fawn, Wagg <HI>your Tails,</HI> and Cringe (<HI>ba&s;e Currs!) to the Hand that beats you mo&s;t;</HI> nay, you'l <HI>Fight to Blood,</HI> in pur&s;uit of your <HI>Sycophantry,</HI> (poor Slaves!) And your <HI>Tantives will Preach</HI> your People <HI>all out of Church,</HI> rather than not Preach up the &s;aid <HI>fal&s;e Doctrine</HI> of <HI>Sybthorp, Mountague</HI> and <HI>Manwaring:</HI> Oh mo&s;t unworthy Treacherous and <HI>Ea&s;y-bought</HI> Hirelings! That, for <HI>to be made</HI> a Shepheard, or <HI>chief Bi&s;hops of Souls,</HI> would betray them, and Sell <HI>them all, and your own to boot</HI> in|to the bargain, in defyance of the <HI>Laws</HI> of God and the Realm, which the King <HI>is Sworn and bound to obey,</HI> perform, <HI>ob&s;erve</HI> and keep: The Throne cannot have (it has been found by woful experience) wor&s;e Friends nor greater <HI>Traytors than &s;uch Sycophants</HI> and Wretches as you are.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>We are as much obliged to you, Mr. <HI>Whigg,</HI> for your good Opinion of us.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>'Tis, according to <HI>your Merits;</HI> Is it not enough that this Kingdom and Commonwealth &s;hould be <HI>once in one Age undone</HI> by the &s;ame kind of men, the &s;ame Sell Truths, the <HI>&s;ame Illegal Principles, and Tantivee-Practices, and Para&s;itical Flatteries, and Slye In&s;inuations</HI> under the <HI>Vizard of Divinity, Loyalty,</HI> and the Church, the <HI>Church;</HI> and yet not one in a hundred of them can tell <HI>what,</HI> or <HI>who</HI> is the <HI>Church;</HI> but u&s;ually, by the Church (they mean) <HI>them&s;elves,</HI> the Clergy; that is, the promoted and <HI>Dignifyed Clergy-men;</HI> and how the <HI>Vile&s;t and wor&s;t</HI> of Clergy-men came to be promoted (by <HI>their Vilene&s;s and Villanies</HI>) you have heard; for no other Clergy-men could be found <HI>&s;o to Debauch their Con&s;ciences,</HI> the <HI>Laws</HI> of <HI>England,</HI> and the Prote&s;tant Religion; and the&s;e are the men <HI>(For&s;ooth!)</HI> who&s;e Spitle <HI>we mu&s;t all lick up,</HI> and be puni&s;h'd, if we &s;peak never &s;o little again&s;t them, <HI>Ten thou&s;and times more</HI> than when by Cur&s;es and Oaths we <HI>Bla&s;pheme the Holy Name of God:</HI> Oh brave World! and <HI>brave Holy Religion!</HI> and bravely managed!</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>You are warm upon us.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Is this a time to be <HI>Meally-mouth'd?</HI> To &s;it weeping and wailing and wringing of hand, with <HI>Prayers and Tears only, when</HI>&mdash;</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>When,</HI> what? <HI>Speak out</HI>&mdash;</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>I will not, <HI>Catch-pole!</HI> you do but <HI>ly at lurch,</HI> to undo a man for &s;peaking Truth, if you can but <HI>by hook or Crook</HI> drill him in, and bring him within the reach or &s;wing of &s;ome Old <HI>Stretch'd Law,</HI> to colour, as well as <HI>vindicate</HI> &s;afely the <HI>private Spleens</HI> and Revenge; every body &s;ees you, and yet you think you walk invi&s;ible; and <HI>now</HI> too, having got <HI>(Tory)</HI> here to be a Fellow-witne&s;s with you; Oh how <HI>you will Strain</HI> a word and your own Con&s;ciences? To bring a man (that Thwarts your Evil purpo&s;e) to be <HI>Maul'd by Law,</HI> e&s;pecially, when you get (which is not difficult) a Jury, and &mdash; for your Turns.</P>
</SP>
<PB N="70" REF="21">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>You &s;peak <HI>feelingly.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>Jeet on; and <HI>mark the end on't;</HI> there is an over-ruling Providence and <HI>God of Ju&s;tice,</HI> the very Heathens apprehend it; and the <HI>Wheel of Fortune</HI> comforted the <HI>Captive Prince,</HI> that drew the Conqueror's Chariot, the Wheels whereof <HI>turning round,</HI> and the <HI>upmo&s;t</HI> &s;ide (forthwith) <HI>undermo&s;t,</HI> and the <HI>undermo&s;t</HI> again <HI>uppermo&s;t,</HI> comforted and cheer'd his Captivity with the certain <HI>incertainty</HI> incon&s;tancy and vi|ci&s;&s;itude of things: And therefore, (<HI>good Rampant</HI> Tory!) let not him that putteth <HI>on his Armour boa&s;t him&s;elf;</HI> yet, you think, you have got the <HI>World in a &s;tring;</HI> and &s;ince the days of Ble&s;&s;ed <HI>Mary,</HI> Popery (<HI>Coleman</HI> &s;ays) had never <HI>&s;o fair and likely a Pro&s;pect.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I am <HI>not for Popery.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whigg.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, not for the <HI>Name;</HI> I believe, thy Religion is 1500 <HI><ABBR>l</ABBR> per Annum,</HI> call it by what Name any body plea&s;es.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>But did not you &s;ay, <HI>(Whigg)</HI> that you would prove by <HI>Common-Law, Statute-Law, Rea&s;on</HI> and <HI>Equity,</HI> that the Law determines <HI>how</HI> and <HI>when</HI> Parliaments &s;hall &s;it, or be Di&s;&s;olv'd; <HI>How long</HI> they &s;hall &s;it, and <HI>when</HI> they &s;hall be <HI>called;</HI> all which <HI>(I under&s;tand)</HI> lay no <HI>where but in the Hallow</HI> of the Kings-Brea&s;t, His <HI>Will</HI> and Plea&s;ure.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>No Acts of <HI>Ju&s;tice,</HI> as a King, lyes (&s;o incertainly only) as at the will and plea|&s;ure of the King, &s;o as not to be determined by Law, though &s;ome Acts of <HI>Mercy</HI> and <HI>Pardon</HI> are purely Arbitrary to adorn the Throne: For if <HI>that</HI> did, all <HI>our other Laws</HI> are nothing worth, but at <HI>the good plea&s;ure of the King and His Mini&s;ters Arbitrarily:</HI> For, for all their Tran&s;gre&s;&s;ions, none can call Evil Mini&s;ters to Account but <HI>a Parliament,</HI> at lea&s;t, <HI>none more properly:</HI> And if they can &s;tave off a Parliament <HI>at plea&s;ure,</HI> and Di&s;&s;olve it <HI>at plea&s;ure,</HI> we hold all our <HI>other Liberties,</HI> Charters and <HI>Properties at plea&s;ure;</HI> which they have often oppre&s;s'd and invaded, as afore&s;aid; and when a Parliament call'd them to a Reckoning and Account for their Roguery, and wor&s;e, than <HI>march them off:</HI> Here the Remedy (by this Rule) is left <HI>to the mercy</HI> and good will and plea&s;ure <HI>of the Di&s;ea&s;e,</HI> when Evil Mini&s;ters <HI>Di&s;ea&s;e</HI> the Common-wealth, and this Di&s;ea&s;e may not be inquired into <HI>by the only Phy&s;itians,</HI> the Parliament: For (Alas!) the Judges <HI>know who gives</HI> them (and <HI>continues</HI> to them) their Places and Soft <HI>Seats.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>You &s;ee, as afore&s;aid, in King <HI>Charles</HI> I. his Speeches, his Declarations, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> Still he inculcates, and bids them <HI>remember that the Calling, Adjourning,</HI> Prorogueing, Holding and Di&s;&s;olving Parliaments are <HI>in his Power.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>I believe, you mi&s;take, for the Hou&s;es u&s;ually (if not always) <HI>do Adjourn them&s;elves,</HI> but they are <HI>Prorogued,</HI> and <HI>Called,</HI> and <HI>Di&s;&s;olved by the King;</HI> &s;o all Cri|minals, (or &s;o &s;u&s;pected) are <HI>Indicted by the King;</HI> that is, in the <HI>Kings Name;</HI> but the Law directs it both <HI>how</HI> and <HI>wherefore.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>So you would &s;ay, the Law directs the <HI>formal part</HI> al&s;o of <HI>Calling</HI> and <HI>Di&s;&s;olving</HI> of Parliaments to be by <HI>the King,</HI> in His Name, but the wherefore, or cau&s;e of Calling and Di&s;&s;olving Parliaments is limited and determined <HI>by the Law,</HI> and the time of Intervals which the King cannot pa&s;s, or di&s;pute with.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Yes &s;urely,</HI> or el&s;e the great <HI>foundation of our</HI> Laws <HI>(Parliaments)</HI> the <HI>banks</HI> that limit and <HI>bound the out-ragious &s;wellings</HI> and overflowings of Arbitrary and unli|mited dominion, would be <HI>&s;trangely deficient and lame</HI> in not providing (fir&s;t and e&s;pecially) for its <HI>own Pre&s;ervation</HI> again&s;t Arbitrary <HI>Will and Plea&s;ure.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Nay, I &s;uppo&s;e you are a <HI>Learned and Stout Champion</HI> for the Laws; and for the Laws of Parliament, and much Skill'd in them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>I pretend to no Skill therein, nor to the <HI>Honour</HI> of it; all I have to &s;ay, or have &s;aid on this Subject, is only <HI>as an Hi&s;torian of Whiggi&s;m,</HI> a bare <HI>&s;ummary Col|lection</HI> of what others <HI>have done and &s;aid</HI> as to the&s;e particulars in the Reign of King <HI>Charles</HI> I. to rub up your memory with my brief Notes, <HI>not to tell</HI> you any thing you have <HI>not heard before,</HI> but with <HI>little Co&s;t</HI> and <HI>Charge</HI> give you the <HI>Marrow of greater</HI> and more Elaborate works at an <HI>ea&s;ier rate,</HI> and <HI>minute Expence</HI> both of <HI>Money</HI> and <HI>Time.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Well &s;aid, I like that very well, for I have <HI>not much</HI> (of either) to <HI>&s;pare;</HI> but fir&s;t (&s;ay) what the <HI>Common Law</HI> enjoynes as to the <HI>Holding</HI> or <HI>Di&s;&s;olving Par|liaments?</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Coke <HI>lib.</HI> 7. <HI>Rep.</HI> p. 12, 13.</NOTE></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Few know</HI> what the Common Law is: <HI>Coke</HI> &s;ays, it is founded in the Immu|table
<PB N="71" REF="21">Law and Light of Nature, agreeable to the Law of God, requiring Order, Go|vernment, Subjection and Protection; containing Ancient u&s;ages, warranted by Holy Scripture, and becau&s;e it is generally <HI>given to all,</HI> King and People, <HI>Poor</HI> and <HI>Rich,</HI> Lords and <HI>Commons,</HI> it is therefore called <HI>Common.</HI></P>
<P>Now (con&s;ider) that never any King of <HI>England</HI> had any Prerogative, but what the <HI>Common-Law or Statute-Law gives them, nor any</HI> Liberty or <HI>Priviledge</HI> but by Law: The <HI>Prerogative</HI> is a Royal Priviledge <HI>(Privilegio (qua&s;i) privatae Leges)</HI> Pri|viledges are Private Laws, which always <HI>yields</HI> to the <HI>Common-Law,</HI> Common-weal, and <HI>Common-Benefit:</HI> The King has no Priviledge or Prerogative <HI>contrary to the Publick-weal,</HI> Order, Government and <HI>Protection of the People:</HI> Apply this, to the que&s;tion in hand concerning <HI>Holding or Di&s;&s;olving</HI> of Parliaments.
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Lib.</HI> 9. <HI>Preface.</HI></NOTE> And therefore in the <HI>Mirror of Ju&s;tice,</HI> a Book &s;o commended by the Lord <HI>Coke,</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Mirror of Ju&s;tice, <HI>ch.</HI> 1. <HI>Sect.</HI> 3.</NOTE> that he &s;aith it con|tains the <HI>whole Frame of the Ancient Common-Laws</HI> of this Realm from the time of King <HI>Arthur,</HI> till near the Conque&s;t, Citesout of it, <HI>one Law Concerning Parliaments,</HI> made <HI>Reg. R. Alfred, Anno Dom.</HI> 880. in the&s;e words:
<Q><P><HI>Le Roy</HI> Alfred <HI>ordcigna pur u&s;age perpetuel que a deur foits per lan on plus &s;ovene pur mi&s;tier in temps de Peace le A&s;&s;embler a</HI> Londres, <HI>put Par|liementer &s;urle guidement del People de dieu coment gents &s;oy garderent de Pegers, viverent in quiet, receiverent droit per certain u&s;ages &amp; Saints Judgments.</HI></P>
<P><HI>King</HI> Alfred <HI>Ordaineth for an u&s;age Perpetual, that</HI> Twice a Year, <HI>or</HI> oftner if need be, <HI>in time of Peace, they &s;hall A&s;&s;emble them&s;elves at</HI> Lon|don, <HI>to Treat in Parliament of the Government</HI> (mark that) <HI>of the People of God, how they &s;hould keep them&s;elves from Offences, &s;hould live in quiet, and &s;hould receive right by certain Laws and Holy Judgments.</HI></P></Q></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Right, for <HI>Standing Privy Councels,</HI> or <HI>long Standing Parliaments,</HI> may be <HI>Pentioners</HI> to Foraign States, may give Councel for <HI>their own ends,</HI> but a frequent Parliament is <HI>uncapable of being Brib'd,</HI> and mo&s;t improbable to give any Advice again&s;t the Common-weal, Common-benefit of King and People.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>In Troth, <HI>I am at a lo&s;s to find out a Rea&s;on</HI> why any &s;hould Addre&s;s and be <HI>Thankful for Di&s;&s;olving</HI> a Parliament.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>And yet your Hand was one <HI>of the fir&s;t to an Addre&s;s</HI> of like nature <HI>(Heark you)</HI> you know <HI>when</HI> and <HI>where.</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Lord</HI> Coke<HI>'s Comment upon it.</HI></NOTE></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>No more of that, <HI>I am of another mind now:</HI> But what &s;ays the Lord <HI>Coke,</HI> the Laws <HI>Oracle</HI> and <HI>Apollo,</HI> concerning the &s;aid Statute of King <HI>Alfred?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>He &s;aith, that the <HI>threefold end</HI> of this Great and <HI>Honourable A&s;&s;embly of E&s;tates</HI> is there declared.</P>
<P>Fir&s;t, <HI>That the Subjects might be kept from offending,</HI> that is, that Offences might be prevented, both by <HI>good and provident Laws,</HI> and by the due <HI>Execution</HI> thereof.</P>
<P>Secondly, That men might <HI>live &s;afely</HI> and <HI>in quiet.</HI></P>
<P>Thirdly, That all men might receive Ju&s;tice by <HI>certain Laws and Holy</HI> Judgments, that is, to the end that Ju&s;tice might be the better Admini&s;tred, that <HI>Que&s;tions</HI> and Defects of Law might by the High-Court of Parliament be <HI>planed,</HI> reduced to certainty and <HI>adjudged,</HI> &amp;c. In &s;hort, <HI>Si vetu&s;tatem &s;pectes e&s;t anque&s;&s;ima, &s;i dignitatem e&s;t Hono|rati&s;&s;ima, &s;i Juri&s;dictionem e&s;t capaci&s;&s;ima:</HI> If you regard <HI>Antiquity,</HI> the Parliament is the mo&s;t <HI>Ancient</HI> Court; if <HI>Dignity,</HI> the mo&s;t <HI>Honourable;</HI> if <HI>Juri&s;diction,</HI> the mo&s;t <HI>Soveraign;</HI> and is a part of the frame of the <HI>Common-Law,</HI> which is called u&s;ually <HI>Leges Anglicae.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I thought the Parliament had beginning only &s;ince <HI>Magna Charta</HI> in the Reign of <HI>Hen.</HI> 3. which is not &s;o very Ancient.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Some <HI>of your Tantivees have &s;aid &s;o and writ &s;o;</HI> but it is <HI>your ignorance, or wor&s;e:</HI> King <HI>Hen.</HI> 1. Surnamed <HI>Beauclark</HI> writ to Pope <HI>Pa&s;cal,</HI> &s;aying, <HI>Notum habeat Sanctitas ve&s;tra,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Chart.</HI> Hem. 3.</NOTE> quod me vivente (auxiliante Deo) Dignitates &amp; u&s;us Regnino&s;tri</HI> Angliae <HI>non imminentur, &amp; &s;iego (quod ab&s;it) in tanto me dejectione ponerem optimates mei &amp; totus</HI> Angliae <HI>populus id nullo modo pateretur:</HI> Your Holine&s;s may plea&s;e to under&s;tand, that as long as I live, (by the help of God) the Dignities and Cu&s;toms of our Realm of <HI>England</HI> &s;hall never be <HI>impared,</HI> or dimini&s;hed; to which, <HI>if I &s;hould</HI> (which God forbid) be &s;o high-ba&s;e as poorly to conde&s;cend, my <HI>Lords and Commons</HI> of <HI>England</HI>
<PB N="72" REF="22">would by <HI>no means</HI> permit the &s;ame. Judge then <HI>how dangerous it is to change</HI> the An|cient Cu&s;toms and u&s;ages of the Common Law, <HI>much le&s;s the greate&s;t</HI> and mo&s;t u&s;eful of all the re&s;t, <HI>frequent</HI> and <HI>uninterrupted Se&s;&s;ions</HI> of Parliament, without which the <HI>Liberties</HI> and <HI>Franchi&s;es have been and may be</HI> taken away remedile&s;ly.</P>
<P>By the <HI>Canon Law,</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Vid. Decret.</HI> Greg. 9. <HI>fol.</HI> 260. <HI>Col.</HI> 1.</NOTE> Children <HI>born before</HI> Marriage Solemnized, were <HI>Legitimate,</HI> if Matrimony <HI>afterwards followed;</HI> which is contrary to our Common Law: This was <HI>William the Conqueror</HI>'s Ca&s;e, who is &s;aid to be the Son of a &mdash; <HI>Arlot,</HI> &s;o notorious that all <HI>Whores</HI> are &s;ince called <HI>Harlots,</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Will. Maim. lib.</HI> 3. <HI>c.</HI> 19.</NOTE> for her &s;ake, yet <HI>William of Mal|me&s;bury</HI> &s;ays, that <HI>Robert</HI> Duke of <HI>Normandy</HI> (his <HI>reputed Father</HI>) did after <HI>William was Born</HI> Marry his Mother <HI>Arlot,</HI> which did Legitimate <HI>William</HI> by the <HI>Canon Law,</HI> but it reaches not <HI>England:</HI> For in the like Ca&s;e, when the Bi&s;hops would have ruled it according to the <HI>Papal</HI> Decree, <HI>Omnes Comites &amp; Barones una voce re&s;pondement,</HI> quod <HI>nolunt leges</HI> Anglicae <HI>mutare;</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg">9 Hon. 3, 9.</NOTE> All the re&s;t of the Lords, Earls and Barons with one voice cryed out &mdash; <HI>We will not change the Laws of</HI> England (accounted) the <HI>wi&s;e&s;t</HI> Laws in the World; but <HI>they mu&s;t be the weake&s;t</HI> and mo&s;t deficient, if it be <HI>Arbitrary</HI> whether Parliaments (a Fundamental Con&s;titution) <HI>may or may not</HI> have a Being; or only be <HI>born to die,</HI> namely, <HI>only</HI> to be <HI>called</HI> together that they may be Di&s;&s;olv'd: Therefore even the <HI>late Act</HI> for holding Parliaments <HI>once in three</HI> years <HI>or oftner,</HI> if need be, made by that Parliament, (that from the <HI>numerous Pentioners therein</HI> is <HI>commonly</HI> (but Improperly) called for di&s;tinction the <HI>Pentioners Parliament</HI>) among&s;t the many <HI>precious Statutes</HI> they made, take care and provide that Parlia|ments &s;hall not only be called, but <HI>&s;it</HI> and be <HI>held;</HI> or el&s;e <HI>of what u&s;e</HI> is this Soveraign Remedy, if it be <HI>not made u&s;e of?</HI> It would be a <HI>Mock-Remedy</HI> and <HI>Mock-Parliament,</HI> if it only be <HI>call'd together to be Di&s;&s;olv'd:</HI> This would defeat the <HI>very Letter of the Law,</HI> as well as the <HI>true intent,</HI> meaning and <HI>benefit thereof.</HI></P>
<P>For if a Gracious and good King (as King <HI>Charles</HI> I. is reported to be) had &s;uch <HI>Horrible Oppre&s;&s;ions and Violence</HI> committed in his Reign, as <HI>Loanes,</HI> Ship-money, <HI>Illegal Seizures of mens E&s;tates,</HI> Liberties, <HI>Free-quarter,</HI> Coat and Conduct-money, and Fal&s;e Impri&s;onment, during his Reign, contrary to Law, (as he acknowledged by <HI>after Statutes</HI> that condemned them:)
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>See the Arti|cles of Im|peachment a|gain&s;t</HI> Straf|ftord.</NOTE> If <HI>Papi&s;ts</HI> were <HI>prefer'd to Offices</HI> of great Tru&s;t <HI>Military</HI> and <HI>Civil;</HI> and if his <HI>Favorite</HI> the Earl of <HI>Strafford</HI> rai&s;ed an Army of <HI>Papi&s;ts,</HI> 8000. and ruled by them, committed &s;uch Hainous Enormities and Mi&s;|deeds that he was not fit to be a Puny Con&s;table; and committed &s;uch Tyrannies and Cruelties that no Record can parallel: And if <HI>no remedy was found</HI> to the&s;e mi&s;|chiefs but a <HI>Parliament,</HI> and that not <HI>&s;uffered to be</HI> for 12 long years together: Oh <HI>Fruitle&s;s Remedy</HI> of a Parliament! Oh dull and <HI>Improvident Ance&s;tors!</HI> That were <HI>wi&s;e above all the World</HI> to make good Laws for &s;ecuring our Liberties and Properties, (of which they were <HI>Tenacious to the death</HI>) And yet, that the Law, <HI>that &s;ecures the&s;e,</HI> &s;hould <HI>not be able</HI> to &s;ecure it &s;elf, but to grant a Prerogative to <HI>make all null</HI> and void at plea&s;ure! If <HI>&s;uch mi&s;chiefs</HI> happened during the Reign of a <HI>Gracious</HI> King, what may not happen, in a Reign <HI>le&s;s Gracious? Penelope's Webb</HI> (which &s;he <HI>weav'd all day and undid (all again) at night</HI>) might be a <HI>Fable,</HI> but <HI>this the moral</HI> of it; that our Laws (which our wi&s;e Ance&s;tors had been long contriving to <HI>&s;ave us from Arbi|trary</HI> &s;way) &s;hould all be <HI>unravell'd again,</HI> and leave us by a <HI>Prerogative</HI> (of which the Law is the <HI>Author</HI>) to meer <HI>good will</HI> and plea&s;ure.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>I mu&s;t needs &s;ay, that <HI>the Law</HI> (which &s;hould be <HI>Wi&s;e, Holy</HI> and <HI>Good</HI>) would be <HI>the Strange&s;t</HI> Law in the World, if it &s;hould <HI>give a Prerogative to de&s;troy it &s;elf,</HI> and &s;o become <HI>felo de &s;e,</HI> its own Executioner; having &s;o carefully fenc'd again&s;t Arbitrary &s;way in all Ages, and &s;o Indu&s;triou&s;ly and zealou&s;ly too have our Ance&s;tors &s;tood up for the &s;ame to the <HI>la&s;t drop</HI> of their Bloods; as chu&s;ing rather to leave us no Lands, Charters, Priviledges, and Fields, rather than <HI>Akeldama</HI>'s (as one calls them) Fields of Blood, and &s;uch as <HI>we mu&s;t</HI> (like them) <HI>be forc'd to Fight for</HI> their Defence and our own, <HI>again&s;t Arbitrary Projects.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>There needs no Fighting for them, if we make the <HI>good Old Laws</HI> the Ar|bitrator of the <HI>Good Old Cau&s;e:</HI> For the <HI>Law alone</HI> gives the <HI>King his due,</HI> and his Subjects <HI>their due;</HI> but, becau&s;e men naturally encline to do <HI>what they li&s;t</HI> without controul, wonder not, if even the <HI>be&s;t of Kings,</HI> (&s;urrounded with &s;o many Para&s;ites and <HI>pimping Sycophants</HI>) have been <HI>tempted to rule</HI> and do (as he li&s;t,) without <HI>Check-mate</HI> of Bi&s;hops and Knights, and Lords in Parliament.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Why? Has <HI>Parliaments</HI> then been as <HI>Old</HI> a Con&s;titution as <HI>Kings</HI> of <HI>England?</HI></P>
</SP>
<PB N="73" REF="22">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, for ought can be known to the contrary: The &s;aid Famous Old Book<NOTE PLACE="marg">Mirrour of Ju&s;tice.</NOTE> (the &s;aid <HI>Mirrour of Ju&s;tice</HI>) &s;hows;
 that Parliaments were <HI>before a &s;ingle King</HI> Ruled <HI>England;</HI> namely, during the <HI>Heptarchy,</HI> when there were <HI>&s;even Kings</HI> (rather than fail) to rule <HI>England.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I &s;hall never have enow of Kings, I do &s;o love them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, but &s;even Kings were accounted <HI>more than enough;</HI> and after the <HI>Hep|tarchy,</HI> when the King of the <HI>We&s;t-Saxons,</HI> (namely <HI>Cornwall, Devon&s;hire,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Egbert <HI>Anno</HI> 926.</NOTE> Dor &s;et|&s;hire, Sommer &s;et&s;hire, Wilt&s;hire, Hamp&s;hire</HI> and <HI>Bark&s;hire</HI>) had &s;wallowed up all the re&s;t, <HI>Parliaments &s;till were,</HI> or <HI>Senates</HI> (as, <HI>long before this,</HI> during the Reign of the <HI>Senate</HI> and <HI>Cae&s;ars</HI> of <HI>Rome</HI> here in <HI>England.</HI>) So al&s;o (after <HI>Egbert</HI>) when the <HI>Bi&s;hop of Winche&s;ter</HI> (<HI>Ethelwolph</HI> his Elde&s;t Son) with much ado, was per&s;waded to leave his Bi&s;hoprick and a <HI>Religious Life, for a Kingdom,</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Pope</HI> Gregory <HI>4th.</HI></NOTE> after he had purchas'd a Pardon from the <HI>Pope,</HI> for breaking his Religious Vow. And, yet he had much ado to <HI>keep his Crown upon his head</HI> for breaking <HI>but one</HI> poor Law; for, if he had not <HI>(by death)</HI> timely death, <HI>cheated his Lords,</HI> they had certainly <HI>Depos'd him,</HI> for placing his Queen <HI>in a Chair of State;</HI> which was <HI>(then) contrary to Law,</HI> made ever &s;ince Queen <HI>Ethelburg</HI> by chance Poi&s;on'd her Husband King <HI>Birthrick,</HI> by a Venemous Potion which (&s;he &s;aid at lea&s;t) &s;he had prepared <HI>for another;</HI> but, being a Hand&s;ome Whore, &s;he fled into <HI>France,</HI> 'till by frequent Adulteries, &s;he died. Mi&s;erably, and <HI>like a Rotten Whore,</HI> and for her &s;ake, the <HI>We&s;t-Saxons</HI> ordained (<HI>whence, Note,</HI> they were <HI>Law-makers in the&s;e days</HI>) a Law, that <HI>no Kings Wife</HI> &s;hould hereafter have the Title or <HI>Maje&s;ty of a Queen,</HI> which Law (as afore&s;aid) King <HI>Ethelwolph</HI> being &s;o <HI>bold as to di&s;pen&s;e with,</HI> and break, the Lords would certainly have <HI>Depos'd him,</HI> but that his Grave prevented them.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then (belike) it was <HI>not &s;afe for Kings</HI> to break Laws in tho&s;e days.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Judge you, and long after, Stout King <HI>Edward</HI> I. told the Bi&s;hops plainly,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Baker's <HI>Chron.</HI></NOTE> that he could not (being <HI>but one Member</HI> of the Body, though the Head) undo what the whole Body had done and Enacted, as is before remembred.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>You are full of your Old Storyes to maintain your <HI>Whiggi&s;m.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>I invent none;</HI> I write nothing but what I have Authentick Hi&s;tories and Records to Vouch, and Atte&s;t the Truth: And thus Parliaments continued in the &s;hort Reign of <HI>Ethelbald,</HI> Succe&s;&s;or to his Fathers Crown and Bed; for, to his Eter|nal &s;hame, he Married <HI>(Judith)</HI> his Fathers Widdow: So al&s;o in the Reigns of <HI>Ethelbert, Ethelred,</HI> and <HI>Alfred,</HI> the four Sons of <HI>Ethelwolph,</HI> who Succe&s;&s;ive|ly Reigned one after another; which <HI>Alfred,</HI> was <HI>as Learned as Valiant,</HI>
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ann. Dem.</HI> 895</NOTE> and fir&s;t Founded the Univer&s;ity of <HI>Oxford,</HI> (one of the Olde&s;t Univer&s;ities in the World.)</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I thought Univer&s;ities had been <HI>as Old as Chri&s;tianity:</HI> What could Chri|&s;tianity and the Mini&s;try continue in the World nine hundred years, in its greate&s;t &s;plendor, without an Univer&s;ity and an Academian?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Yea,</HI> &s;o it &s;eems, without either <HI>Oxford-Scholar,</HI> Bloxford-Schollar, or <HI>Can|tabrigian:</HI> Alas, alas! Univer&s;ities were (at fir&s;t) <HI>the Pope's Invention;</HI> &s;o al&s;o were School-men, School-Divinity and Canon-Laws, with which he has &s;o <HI>defac'd</HI> Chri&s;tianity, with his Painting, <HI>Glazings, Glo&s;&s;ings,</HI> Comments, <HI>Arguments,</HI> Syllo|gi&s;mes, Fallacies, Fripperies, and Metaphy&s;ical-Fopperies, that Schollars are forc'd to <HI>Fool away</HI> a great deal of time, in Cracking the&s;e <HI>In&s;ipid Shells</HI> and <HI>Outward Rindes,</HI> (that their Teeth are broke, and worn out) <HI>before they come to Ta&s;te true,</HI> and Solid Lear|ning or Chri&s;tianity; nay,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Fox <HI>Acts and Monuments.</HI></NOTE> the Majority <HI>never come at the Kernel</HI> and Marrow of true Divinity and u&s;eful Learning during their whole Life; not much unlike that <HI>Popi&s;h Doctor,</HI> that had been nine years Doctor of Divinity before he &s;aw a Bible.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Doctor Subtilis,</HI> I'le warrant.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Prythee, <HI>Par&s;on!</HI> do not thus Interrupt Mr. <HI>Whigg,</HI> with your <HI>Impertinent Parenthe&s;is:</HI> Go on <HI>Whigg!</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>To &s;erve you, <HI>Tory,</HI> I will; and will let you know,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Mirrour of Ju&s;tice.</NOTE> that there were Par|liaments to which Knights and Burge&s;&s;es were Summon'd, after the <HI>Heptarchy,</HI> in the Reigns afore&s;aid, and the Reigns of <HI>Alfred</HI>'s Sons, King <HI>Edward</HI> as Stout a man as his Father, not &s;o Book-Learn'd, but more Succe&s;sful; through the help of his Si&s;ter, Madam <HI>Elfled,</HI> the Wife of <HI>Ethelred</HI> Earl of <HI>Mereia,</HI> to whom, when &s;he had brought him <HI>one Daughter</HI> with Grievous <HI>Pains in her Travel,</HI> &s;he turn'd Souldier and <HI>Virago,</HI> helping her Brother <HI>mo&s;t Manfully</HI> again&s;t the <HI>Wel&s;h</HI> and <HI>Danes,</HI>
<PB N="74" REF="23">and brought them <HI>all under her,</HI> refu&s;ing the <HI>Nuptial Bed</HI> of her Husband, &s;aying, It was a <HI>flooli&s;h plea&s;ure, that brought with it</HI> &s;o Exce&s;&s;ive Pains.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Few of our women (now a dayes) are of her mind, they'l <HI>venture again</HI> and again.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>This <HI>Par&s;on</HI> is always Interrupting us with his <HI>Idle Notes,</HI> Commentaries, and Ob&s;ervations: Proceed, <HI>(good Mr. Whigg)</HI> there is &s;ome profit and under&s;tanding to be learn'd by you: <HI>Par&s;on!</HI> hold your Tongue, if it be po&s;&s;ible for a <HI>Prating Cir|cingle</HI> to leave <HI>his Impertinence</HI> in Company.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>This Old Fundamental frame continued in the Reigns of <HI>Athel&s;tone, Edgar, Ethelred, Canutus, Harold, William the Conqueror,</HI> &amp;c. So that Parliaments are <HI>part of the Frame of the Common-Law,</HI> which no Kings can defeat, fru&s;trate or make void; nor did ever any attempt the &s;ame, but it proved Fatal to him; nay, proved to be his ruine: Witne&s;s all the Unhappy Reigns, and Violent Deaths of <HI>Engli&s;h</HI> Kings that have <HI>broke loo&s;e,</HI> and <HI>made Rapes</HI> and violent attempts upon the <HI>known, Cha&s;t, and Sacred Laws</HI> of <HI>England;</HI> the <HI>Common-Law</HI> to <HI>King and People,</HI> fram'd in the <HI>Law</HI> and <HI>Light</HI> of Nature, <HI>Right Rea&s;on,</HI> and <HI>Holy-Writ.</HI></P>
<P><HI>Secondly,</HI> According to the &s;aid Law made in the Reign of King <HI>Alfred,</HI> Parlia|ments are to <HI>Sit frequently</HI> (Right and good Rea&s;on:) I do not &s;ay, <HI>as often</HI> as you take Phy&s;ick, (<HI>Spring</HI> and <HI>Fall</HI> at lea&s;t;) but however <HI>&s;o often</HI> as the Noxious Hu|mours <HI>abound</HI> (above the <HI>Boundaries,</HI> Banks and Limits of the Law) and offend our Liberties, Charters, Rights and Properties.</P>
<P><HI>Thirdly,</HI> By the &s;aid Law the place of Meeting then was <HI>London.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Perhaps <HI>We&s;tmin&s;ter</HI> and the <HI>Banquetting-hou&s;e</HI> were not then built.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Thou happens to be in the right on't, <HI>(Par&s;on!)</HI> for once.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Parliaments then being &s;o Ancient, <HI>(no Court &s;o Ancient)</HI> the Lord <HI>Coke</HI> ha|ving trac'd them from the <HI>Brittains, Saxons, Danes, Normans, to our days,</HI> I wonder what <HI>Tantivees dares</HI> (as <HI>Sybthorp</HI> and Bi&s;hop <HI>Manwaring,</HI> &amp;c.) attempt thus to divide, &s;eparate and make null and void, <HI>two of the three</HI> E&s;tates of this Realm, the Lords and Commons; to leave us <HI>but one E&s;tate,</HI> (a King) <HI>in u&s;e,</HI> and <HI>de facto;</HI> whil&s;t the <HI>the other two,</HI> the great and <HI>main Body</HI> have no <HI>Sub&s;i&s;tance, but de Jure;</HI> &s;tand u&s;ele&s;s and for nothing, years together, and always <HI>when there is mo&s;t need of them too.</HI> If ever <HI>any Head</HI> liv'd well <HI>without the Body,</HI> give me <HI>but one</HI> In&s;tance.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>This makes me think of the <HI>Fable,</HI> when the <HI>Head</HI> and <HI>Hand</HI> joyn'd toge|ther to pull the Gutts out; for <HI>(quoth the Head)</HI> I plod for all; and we <HI>(quoth Tory|hands and Feet)</HI> have <HI>Fought</HI> and <HI>Wrought</HI> for the Head as it annuated and directed, and yet the <HI>(Whiggi&s;h)</HI> Gutts devour <HI>all the good Victuals;</HI> wherefore it was agreed, with joynt-forces to <HI>tear the Gutts</HI> a pieces; little con&s;idering, that both <HI>Hand and Head Live</HI> and are Nouri&s;h'd and grow <HI>Fat</HI> and <HI>Fre&s;h</HI> and well-liking by the a&s;&s;i&s;tance, of <HI>the Trading Part,</HI> the <HI>Whiggi&s;h-Gutts,</HI> to whom we grutch that they have a Being and Sub&s;i&s;tance, though <HI>by them we Live and grow Fat,</HI> and if we offer to tear them apieces, and their Ancient Priviledges, Charters and Franchi&s;es; who knows but it may prove our own Ruine?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Here's a wi&s;e <HI>Tale of a Tub;</HI> more fit for a <HI>Tub-Preacher</HI> than a <HI>Tantivee.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Nay, for that there &s;hall be no quarrel; for <HI>Tantivee</HI> at an Idle-Pulpit Me|taphor, or <HI>Far-fetch'd Similitude,</HI> &s;hall match the be&s;t Tub-Preacher of them all; whil&s;t <HI>Tantivee is Pay'd</HI> for &s;ome as Idle Stories, as <HI>poor Tub</HI> is Fined and <HI>Puni&s;h'd for.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Some men had <HI>better Steal</HI> a Hor&s;e, than others to look over the Hedge: You have told us <HI>what the Common-Law &s;ayes</HI> for Parliaments, frequent Parliaments; Parliaments <HI>that Sit,</HI> and mu&s;t be <HI>held,</HI> not <HI>Mock-Parliaments,</HI> (made like <HI>Pe|nelope's-Web</HI> only to be <HI>&V;nravell'd</HI> and <HI>Di&s;&s;olv'd.</HI>) But what &s;ays the <HI>Statute-Law</HI> to this point.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>I have <HI>not done yet</HI> with my Common-Law.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Proceed then, but <HI>be brief.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>The Ancient Treati&s;e (called <HI>Modus Tenendi Parliamentum</HI>) which Lord <HI>Coke</HI> &s;ays was rehear&s;ed and declared before <HI>William</HI> the Conqueror,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Coke <HI>In&s;tit.</HI> 4. R. p. 11.</NOTE> and by him approved, and <HI>accordingly he held</HI> a Parliament for <HI>England,</HI> (as appears 21 <HI>Edw.</HI> 3. <HI>fol.</HI> 60.) wherein we Read, that <HI>Petitions</HI> being truly prefer'd, <HI>have been An&s;wered</HI> by the Law and Cu&s;tom of Parliament, <HI>before the end</HI> of Parliament.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But &s;uppo&s;e the King <HI>will end it before the Petitions</HI> and Grievances be redre&s;t, by his <HI>Prerogative.</HI></P>
</SP>
<PB REF="23">
<PB REF="24">
<PB N="75" REF="24">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Par&s;on!</HI> Thou makes Suppo&s;itions <HI>mo&s;t di&s;honourable to Loyal Maje&s;ty,</HI> and that which is <HI>&s;carce to be &s;uppos'd,</HI> that ever <HI>any Head</HI> &s;hould not permit any <HI>Remedy to be applyed</HI> to the Gouty or <HI>di&s;tempered Hands, Gutts and Feet:</HI> For if <HI>the Hands</HI> be Lame, how will the <HI>Politick-Head</HI> help it &s;elf? Or if the <HI>Gutts</HI> be empty, or <HI>Guti|founder'd,</HI> how will <HI>Head feed</HI> its &s;elf: And if the <HI>Feet</HI> be <HI>Lame,</HI> and the <HI>Heart faint,</HI> the Head will make <HI>Wi&s;e-Fighting,</HI> (I believe,) when it comes too: Therefore, I can|not imagine a <HI>Head</HI> to be &s;o <HI>Sen&s;ele&s;s,</HI> (except the <HI>Brains</HI> be <HI>out</HI>) that &s;hould have &s;uch an <HI>&V;nnatural,</HI> Cruel, Stupid and fooli&s;h project <HI>in the Nodle of it,</HI> as <HI>neither to help</HI> the oppre&s;&s;ed Gutts and Hands or Feet; nor yet permit the <HI>Charity and good will</HI> of others that are both <HI>willing</HI> and <HI>able</HI> to Ea&s;e, <HI>Remedy</HI> and Redre&s;s the <HI>Griefs</HI> and Grievances of the Body; and all this, <HI>without a Fee.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>If you apply this to <HI>Parliament Redre&s;&s;ing Grievances</HI> without a Fee, you do not mean, a <HI>Pentioners Parliament,</HI> I hope.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, no, <HI>&s;uch Phy&s;itians</HI> (are payed as many others) they got Fees <HI>to ha&s;ten</HI> us the &s;ooner to our <HI>Graves.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>But the <HI>True-Engli&s;h-Parliament</HI> can never be a <HI>Long-Parliament,</HI> nor can the Intervals of Parliament be <HI>long;</HI> nor yet, the Se&s;&s;ions of Parliament can be <HI>&s;hort:</HI> For, <HI>Modus Tenendi,</HI> &s;aith, <Q>That the Parliament ought not to be ended <HI>while any Peti|tion dependeth &V;ndi&s;cu&s;&s;ed, (and &s;o &s;ay the Statutes too, as I'le &s;hew anon irrefragably)</HI> Or at lea&s;t,</Q> <HI>to which a determinate An&s;wer</HI> is not made, <HI>Rot. Par.</HI> 17 <HI>Ed.</HI> 3. <HI>No.</HI> 60.25 <HI>Ed.</HI> 3. <HI>No.</HI> 60.50 <HI>Ed.</HI> 3. <HI>No.</HI> 212. 2 <HI>Rich.</HI> 2.134. 2 <HI>Rich.</HI> 2. <HI>No.</HI> 38. 1 <HI>Hen.</HI> 4.132. 2 <HI>Hen.</HI> 4. <HI>No.</HI> 325. <HI>and</HI> 113.</P>
<P><Q>And that one of the Principal ends of calling Parliaments, is for Redre&s;&s;ing of Grievances that dayly happen; (<HI>of which the King cannot po&s;&s;ibly be inform'd &s;o truly</HI> as by Parliaments) that <HI>Parler le ments</HI> &s;peak their minds <HI>freely,</HI></Q> without <HI>Glozing</HI> and <HI>Flattery;</HI> for Kings <HI>&s;eldom hear Truth but in Parliament;</HI> that it is one of the greate&s;t wonders in the World, that Kings (of <HI>all others</HI>) &s;hould not mo&s;t of all de&s;ire fre|quent Parliamens, wherein (of <HI>all other places</HI>) he &s;its in mo&s;t Maje&s;ty and King-like, <HI>as Gloriou&s;ly, as Powerfully;</HI> but, tho&s;e Kings (that have been <HI>Enemies to Par|liaments,</HI> and to frequent Parliaments) have been <HI>at poor as ever they could creep,</HI> for <HI>go</HI> they could not, in State, and King-like; but were glad to make <HI>Poor and Beggarly</HI> and Illegal Shifts and all to <HI>pre&s;erve a company of Sneaking Sycophants</HI> that care not <HI>how Bare</HI> and Beggarly the King's Exchequer be, &s;o they may but live <HI>impune,</HI> to pull him <HI>more</HI> bare and <HI>bald,</HI> when there's <HI>&s;carce a Hair left;</HI> knowing that <HI>they</HI> mu&s;t be <HI>Fleec'd too,</HI> if a Parliament <HI>Sir;</HI> and al&s;o mu&s;t <HI>di&s;gorge</HI> the ill gotten Goods they have Gourmandiz'd &s;o <HI>Greedily</HI> and Illegally <HI>&s;wallowed up,</HI> and they are afraid, they &s;hall be <HI>choak'd</HI> when they are forc'd (by the Wi&s;e Phy&s;itians) <HI>to Spue it up.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>But if frequent Parliaments (<HI>to fit &s;o long till</HI> all Petitions be An&s;wered and Grievances be Redre&s;s'd) <HI>be &s;ecured by Common-Law and Statute-Law:</HI> How came King <HI>Charles</HI> I. <HI>in open Parliament,</HI> (more <HI>than in one</HI> Parliament) in a kind of <HI>Threatning way</HI> to tell the Parliaments, and bid them remember, that <HI>the Calling, Adjourning, Prorogueing, Holding and Di&s;&s;olving, was wholly in his Power.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>So it is in his Power, that is, <HI>he alone</HI> can do it, as many other Kingly Acts; Indicting men for Felony, Trea&s;on, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> It cannot be done <HI>but in the Kings Name,</HI> you cannot Arre&s;t a man for Debt that is owing to you, but <HI>in the Kings Name:</HI> But &s;till they are <HI>things in Cour&s;e,</HI> and directed by the Law.</P>
<P>Be&s;ides, when King <HI>Charles</HI> I. had &s;uch Principles whi&s;per'd into his head, he was <HI>but young; he liv'd to be wi&s;er</HI> before his latter end,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>King</HI> James<HI>'s Speeches in Parliaments Anno</HI> 1603. <HI>and</HI> 1609.</NOTE> and to know the Truth of what his <HI>Wi&s;e Father had told him</HI> and his Parliaments very often: <Q>That as the Head is ordained for the Body, and not the Body for the Head; &s;o mu&s;t a Righteous King know him&s;elf to be ordain'd for his People, and not his People for him: Where|fore,</Q> I will never be a&s;ham'd to confe&s;s it my Principal to be the great Servant of the Common-wealth, <HI>&amp;c.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, but we <HI>Toryes are not of King</HI> James<HI>'s mind,</HI> but quite contrary.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Right, therefore you are <HI>mo&s;t rightly</HI> called <HI>Tories,</HI> meer <HI>Iri&s;h-Bogg-Trotters,</HI> and <HI>Slaves that would be,</HI> more like <HI>than Engli&s;hmen;</HI> becau&s;e <HI>you are Slaves to your</HI> Lu&s;ts of <HI>Avarice</HI> and <HI>Ambition;</HI> to gratifie which, you will gratifie any other mans Ambition, to advance your own; and as they &s;ay, lick up other mens Spitle <HI>(poor Currs)</HI> in hopes that others will lick up yours.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, thouart a <HI>Hopeful Whigg;</HI> &s;uch a <HI>Tom-Tell-Truth</HI> I do not like.</P>
</SP>
<PB N="76" REF="25">
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>I know thou do&s;t not; thou like&s;t Flatteries and Lea&s;ings better by half, <HI>Old Tory-Boy.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Well, <HI>but tell me true,</HI> what Authority <HI>have you</HI> to a&s;&s;ert (as you have al|ready) that the principal ends of calling Parliaments is for Redre&s;&s;ing Grievances that dayly happen.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>For this,</HI> Con&s;ult 36 <HI>Edw.</HI> 3. <HI>c.</HI> 10.18 <HI>Edw.</HI> 3. <HI>c.</HI> 24.50 <HI>Edw.</HI> 3. <HI>No.</HI> 17.13 <HI>Hen.</HI> 4. <HI>No.</HI> 9.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I cannot think that this &s;ame King <HI>Alfred</HI> that was &s;o <HI>Wi&s;e</HI> a man, &s;o great a <HI>Schollar,</HI> a Pro&s;perous King, and a <HI>Valiant,</HI> &s;hould &s;o <HI>humble him&s;elf to the Laws.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Therefore you think like <HI>(as you are)</HI> a <HI>Tantivee</HI> and a <HI>Cockscomb:</HI> For <HI>Andrew Horne</HI> tells us (in his <HI>Mirrour of Ju&s;tice</HI>) that King <HI>Alfred</HI> made bold to Hang Judge <HI>Darling,
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Horne<HI>'s Mirr. of Ju&s;tice.</HI></NOTE> Seynor, Cadwine, Cole,</HI> and <HI>fourty Judges</HI> more.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>For what?</HI> Judges <HI>Hang other</HI> men, but do not u&s;e <HI>them&s;elves to be Hang'd.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, they do <HI>not make a common practice</HI> of it, though they have <HI>often</HI> had it, and more <HI>often de&s;erved</HI> it; but when they meet <HI>with</HI> &s;ome <HI>Ju&s;t Kings,</HI> they al&s;o meet <HI>with their de&s;erts,</HI> (&s;ome of them) <HI>a Halter.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Fourty Judges, (do you &s;ay) did they <HI>hang together?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yea, <HI>only for Judging contrary to Law?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Nay, if Judges will Hang men <HI>for acting contrary</HI> to Law, I am of Opinion, that they that by their <HI>Office,</HI> their <HI>Place,</HI> their <HI>Wi&s;dom,</HI> their <HI>Experience,</HI> and their <HI>Oath,</HI> &s;hould act according to Law, I would <HI>Halter them my &s;elf,</HI> (though it is un|&s;eemly <HI>for my Coat,</HI>) if &s;uch <HI>Wretches</HI> act contrary to Law.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>When we have an occa&s;ion for a <HI>Tantivee Hangman,</HI> we'l &s;end for you <HI>(Par&s;on)</HI> for want of a better.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I am your <HI>tres humble</HI> when occa&s;ion &s;erves.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>In <HI>Edward</HI> 3d. time, poor <HI>Thorp,</HI> Lord Chief Ju&s;tice, <HI>went to Pot,</HI> in plain <HI>Engli&s;h,</HI> he <HI>was Hang'd.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I am your <HI>tres humble</HI> when occa&s;ion &s;erves.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>In <HI>Edward</HI> 3d. time, poor <HI>Thorp,</HI> Lord Chief Ju&s;tice, <HI>went to Pot,</HI> in plain <HI>Engli&s;h,</HI> he <HI>was Hang'd.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>For what? For receiving a <HI>Bribe of the</HI> Emba&s;&s;ador?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>No, he was <HI>not &s;o great a Rogue:</HI> He was only Hang'd for receiving the Bribe of 100 <ABBR><HI>l</HI></ABBR> in ob&s;truction of Ju&s;tice.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Poor Fellow! he had <HI>hard Fortune:</HI> I can tell you in Hi&s;tory, of a man, that received <HI>fifty times as much,</HI> in Ob&s;truction of Ju&s;tice, and yet the <HI>Gallows did not claim</HI> its due.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, ay, &s;ome men are born with their A&mdash;upwards; but there's a time for all things; and a <HI>day of Judgement</HI> a coming.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, <HI>but when?</HI> can&s;t tell?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, even <HI>when it plea&s;es God.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>And the King,</HI> you &s;hould have &s;aid.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>That's needle&s;s, for what plea&s;es God, <HI>mu&s;t plea&s;e</HI> all the Kings in the World: The Wi&s;dom and the Politicks of the wi&s;e&s;t men is <HI>Fooli&s;hne&s;s</HI> with God: What Head had <HI>more Brains in it</HI> than <HI>Strafford?</HI> That out of Self-Intere&s;t and Pre|&s;ervation di&s;lik'd coming to <HI>Parliament,</HI> whom (he knew in his Con&s;cience) he had Offended; and both he and the Archbi&s;hop <HI>Laud,</HI> fenc'd off the <HI>Parliaments &s;itting</HI> &s;o long till&mdash;at length they them&s;elves had <HI>Judgment without Mercy,</HI> for Invol|ving the Kingdoms by their Arbitrary Projects; and Countenancing and Advancing Popi&s;h-Books, Popi&s;h-Authors, Papi&s;ts and Popi&s;hly Inclin'd, <HI>&amp;c.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But was it true, that <HI>Strafford</HI> rul'd <HI>Ireland</HI> with an Army, and mo&s;t of that Army Papi&s;ts?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yes, <HI>Popery</HI> and <HI>Arbitrary Government</HI> are like <HI>Fire</HI> and <HI>Heat;</HI> the latter is the nece&s;&s;ary con&s;equence of the former:
 Lord of <HI>Strafford</HI><NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Anno</HI> 1639.</NOTE> had 10000. Souldiers of his &s;tanding Guards; of which 8000. were <HI>profe&s;t Papi&s;ts,</HI> and the other 2000. were <HI>Well-affected</HI> to the <HI>Tory Cau&s;e,</HI> they were <HI>True-Blew;</HI> and whil&s;t he Decreed and <HI>Or|dered mens</HI> E&s;tates and <HI>Lives away</HI> at the <HI>Council Board, thereby</HI> (as it was Articled and Alleadged again&s;t him) <HI>breaking the Kings Oath:</HI> Which made the poor Earl at la&s;t Stile him&s;elf, <HI>the Accur&s;ed thing,</HI> or the <HI>Achau</HI> that had troubled <HI>I&s;rael,</HI> with the <HI>Babiloni&s;h Garments of Popery,</HI> and the <HI>Accur&s;ed Wedges of Gold, by Arbitrary</HI> Taxes, Decrees, Loanes, Monopolies, Fal&s;e Impri&s;onments; nay, Sentencing to Death &s;ome, (as the Lord <HI>Mount-Norris</HI>) and Executing others, taking from him his In|heritance of his <HI>Mannor,</HI> and <HI>Tymore</HI> in the County of <HI>Armagh;</HI> &s;o al&s;o <HI>Thomas</HI> Lord
<PB N="77" REF="25"><HI>Dillon</HI> was outed (by the good will and plea&s;ure of this great Lord) <HI>of and from</HI> his Lands in <HI>Mago</HI> and <HI>Ro&s;ecommen,</HI> &s;o al&s;o Dame <HI>Mary Hibbots</HI> in Favour of <HI>Thomas Hibbots,</HI> who &s;hortly after conveyed the &s;ame to Sir <HI>Robert Meredith, to the u&s;e</HI> of the &s;aid Earl of <HI>Strafford.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I commend him; he had wit enough to get &s;omewhat, and <HI>gather to him|&s;elf;</HI> which &s;ome Tyrants do not.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>I know not, what he got <HI>over the Devils back</HI> was &s;pent under his belly; as we &s;ay, <HI>male parta male dilabuntur,</HI> for he <HI>Died</HI> poor <HI>and in Debt:</HI> The Cur&s;e of God followes the <HI>Oppre&s;&s;or and his Hou&s;e;</HI>
 &s;o true is that of the Prophet&mdash; <NOTE PLACE="marg">Habak. 2.5, 6 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12.</NOTE><HI>Wo to him that Increa&s;eth that which is not his, and to him that ladeth him&s;elf with thick-clay; &s;hall they not ri&s;e up &s;uddenly that &s;hall bite thee,</HI> &amp;c. Wo to him that coveteth an evil covetou&s;ne&s;s to his Hou&s;e, that he may &s;et his Ne&s;t on high, <HI>&amp;c. Thou ha&s;t con|&s;ulted &s;hame to thy Hou&s;e,</HI> &amp;c. <HI>For the &s;tone &s;hall cry out of the wall, and the beam out of the timber &s;hall bear witne&s;s:</HI> Wo unto <HI>him that buildeth a Town with blood, and &s;tabli&s;heth a City by Iniquity.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory,</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, Poor Gentleman, the Earl of <HI>Strafford</HI> was made a <HI>woful example</HI> of an evil Councellor and an <HI>Oppre&s;&s;or:</HI> The &s;en&s;e of <HI>his Guilt</HI> made him &s;ubmit to his death the more <HI>Patiently.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yea, he <HI>de&s;ired to die,</HI> &s;eem'd weary of his Life, a <HI>wounded Con&s;cience who can bear?</HI> Pro&s;perity may a while muzle the Mouth of Con&s;cience; but a pro&s;pect of Death and Affliction <HI>unmuzles the Ma&s;ti&s;&s;e.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>The <HI>Earl</HI> Confe&s;t<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>His Speech in the</HI> Tower.</NOTE> &mdash; he had received <HI>nothing but Ju&s;tice;</HI>
 and that the <HI>death of the bad,</HI> (he ingenuou&s;ly confe&s;s'd with <HI>Cicero</HI>) <HI>was the &s;afety of the good that be alive;</HI> and bid &mdash; <HI>no man tru&s;t either in the Favour of his Prince,</HI> the Friend|&s;hip and Con&s;anguinity of his Peers, much le&s;s in his own Wi&s;dom, of which (he confe&s;s'd) he had been too <HI>Confident,</HI> &s;aying, as once Cardinal <HI>Wool&s;ey</HI> did, <HI>Had I &s;trived to obey my God as Faithfully, as I &s;ought to Honour my King Fraudulently, I had &s;tood and not fallen.</HI> And for his <HI>Peers,</HI> thanking them for that <HI>Free and Legal</HI> Tryal they gave him, and though they dete&s;ted <HI>the Fault,</HI> yet they pitied the <HI>Delinquent:</HI> Saying, my Lords, I am now the <HI>Hopele&s;s Pre&s;ident</HI> (of an Ambitious, Covetous, Evil Councellor, before &s;poken of) may I be to you all a <HI>Happy Example:</HI> For Am|bition devoureth Gold, and <HI>Drinketh Blood,</HI> and <HI>climbeth</HI> &s;o high by other <HI>mens Heads,</HI> that at length in the fall it breaketh its <HI>own neck.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Yet</HI> men will tread the <HI>very &s;ame Steps,</HI> of the <HI>&s;ame evil</HI> way, till they come to the <HI>&s;ame evil end.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>It is impo&s;&s;ible it &s;hould be otherwi&s;e, whil&s;t they are <HI>Slaves to their Lu&s;ts, Ambition and Avarice;</HI> and therefore &s;aid that <HI>&V;nfortunately Fortunate</HI> Earl, <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>His Speech in the</HI> Tower.</NOTE><HI>O!
 how &s;mall a proportion of Earth</HI> will contain my Body, when my High Mind could not be Confined within the Spacious compa&s;s of two Kingdoms? But my Hour draw|eth on.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>He had not thus <HI>Died before his time for being over wicked,</HI> but that he (in his Career of Pro&s;perity) <HI>fear'd no Colours,</HI> nor would hear any good Councel, <HI>breathing nothing but Daggers</HI> to the Naked-Truth.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, Pride will not be <HI>controul'd nor told</HI> of its Faults; it is <HI>deaf</HI> to all good warning, and <HI>open-ear'd</HI> as well as <HI>open-hearted</HI> to Sycophants, that will ruine all.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Let them alone, <HI>let the Blind lead the Blind;</HI> till they fall (as others) into the &s;ame Ditch: For they'l never take warning, <HI>never be good,</HI> till they can be <HI>no longer bad.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Indeed Archb&mdash; <HI>Laud,</HI> that came to <HI>the &s;ame</HI> End with <HI>Strafford,</HI> went on in the <HI>&s;ame Road:</HI> And when they could not per&s;wade the Parliament to give Supply <HI>'till-Grievances were addre&s;s'd,</HI> he (in his <HI>Wi&s;e Synod</HI>) when the Parliament was Di&s;&s;olv'd, <HI>ordains</HI> the Clergy to <HI>pay &s;ix Sub&s;idies,</HI> on pain of Excommunication, and <HI>a wor&s;e turn, Deprivation;</HI> men wondred at their Impudence as well as Folly; they were grown very high.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><Q>A Synod called together upon pretence of Reconciling and Setling Con|trover&s;ies and Matters in Religion, to take upon them the <HI>boldne&s;s thus out of Par|liament,</HI> to grant Sub&s;idies, and to <HI>medle with mens Freeholds:</HI> I dare &s;ay,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Sir</HI> Harbotle Grim&s;ton<HI>'s Speech in Par|liament.</HI></NOTE> the like was never heard of before; and they, <HI>that dur&s;t do this,</HI> will do wor&s;e, if the cur|rent of their <HI>raging Tyranny</HI> be not &s;topped in time;</Q> &s;aid Mr. <HI>Harbotle Grim&s;tone</HI> in the Parliament <HI>Anno</HI> 1640.</P>
<PB N="78" REF="26">
<Q><P>Who are they (Mr. <HI>Speaker</HI>) that have countenanc'd and cheri&s;h'd <HI>Popery</HI> and <HI>Arminiani&s;m</HI> to that growth and height it is now come to, in this Kingdom?</P>
<P>Who are they (Mr. <HI>Speaker</HI>) that have given Encouragement to tho&s;e that have boldly Preached tho&s;e damnable Here&s;ies in our Pulpits?</P>
<P>Who are they (Mr. <HI>Speaker</HI>) that have given Authority and <HI>Licen&s;e</HI> to them that have publi&s;hed tho&s;e <HI>Here&s;ies</HI> in Print.</P>
<P>Who are they (Mr. <HI>Speaker</HI>) that of late have been <HI>advanced to any Dignity</HI> or Preferment in the Church, <HI>but &s;uch</HI> as have been notoriou&s;ly <HI>Su&s;pitious</HI> in their Di&s;|ciplines, <HI>Corrupt</HI> in their Doctrines, and for the mo&s;t part <HI>Vitious</HI> in their Lives?</P></Q>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, ay, <HI>The Skum will be uppermo&s;t,</HI> if po&s;&s;ible.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>God forbid tho', that only the Clergy, or (much wor&s;e) only the <HI>Digni|fied Clergy,</HI> &s;hould be accounted <HI>the Church of</HI> England.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Why not? For the Church of <HI>England confe&s;&s;eth</HI> that &s;he may Err; and if the <HI>Clergy,</HI> nay, the Dignified Clergy <HI>(in Convocation too)</HI> have not Erred wretched|ly, they have had hard Cen&s;ures and <HI>hard Mea&s;ure.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>They cared not for <HI>Cen&s;ures,</HI> &s;ome of them, if they can keep 4000 <HI><ABBR>l</ABBR> per Annum,</HI> and may Cen&s;ure, Sentence, Excommunicate, Cur&s;e, and con&s;equently Goal them that &s;top their carreer.</P>
<P>But Sir <HI>Harbotle Grim&s;tone</HI> went on, in his &s;aid Speech, &s;aying, <Q>Who are they (Mr. <HI>Speaker</HI>) that have overthrown our two great Charters, <HI>Magna Charta,</HI> and <HI>Charta de Fore&s;ta?</HI></Q></P>
<Q><P>What Impo&s;ition hath been laid down, or what <HI>Monopoly</HI> hath heen damned in any <HI>Court of Ju&s;tice</HI> &s;ince the la&s;t Parliament?</P>
<P>Hath not <HI>Ship-Money, Coat and Conduct-Money,</HI> and Money for other Military Charges been Collected and Levied, with as great Violence as ever they were, in violation of our Liberties, confirmed unto us in our <HI>Petition of Right,</HI> notwith|&s;tanding all our Supplications and Complaints the la&s;t Parliament?</P>
<P>And who are they (Mr. <HI>Speaker</HI>) that have cau&s;ed all tho&s;e dangerous <HI>Convul|&s;ions,</HI> and all the de&s;perate unnatural <HI>Bloody Di&s;tempers,</HI> that are now in our <HI>Body Politique?</HI></P></Q>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I could have told the <HI>Ma&s;ter of the Rolls</HI> their Names, and who they were, at lea&s;t, <HI>Old Hodge, the Fidler</HI> tells us their Names in &mdash; 41.41. <HI>viz.</HI> The <HI>Puri|tans,</HI> the <HI>Roundheads,</HI> the <HI>Whiggs.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Then Mr. <HI>Grim&s;tone</HI> was mi&s;taken, for he proceeded, &s;aying, <Q>Mr. <HI>Speaker,</HI> I will tell you a pa&s;&s;age I heard from a <HI>Judge</HI> in the <HI>Kings Bench.</HI> There was a poor man Committed by <HI>the Lords,</HI> for refu&s;ing to &s;ubmit unto a <HI>Project,</HI> and ha|ing attended a long time at the <HI>Kings Bench Barr,</HI> upon his <HI>Habeas Corpus,</HI> and at the la&s;t pre&s;&s;ing earne&s;tly to be Bailed, The Judge &s;aid to the re&s;t of his Brethren&mdash;</Q></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Well &s;aid, <HI>Let us hear the Judges Opinion.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><Q><HI>Come Brothers</HI> (&s;aid he) <HI>let us Bail him,</HI> for they begin to &s;ay in the Town, That <HI>the Judges have overthrown the Law, and the Bi&s;hops the Go&s;pel.</HI></Q></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>I do not like that <HI>Innuendo,</HI> and upon <HI>the Bench too,</HI> and in &mdash;41&mdash; 41. too: <HI>Tru&s;ly Roger</HI> layes the <HI>blame</HI> of the Commotions (when all things were out of Order and Law, and you hear, by whom) <HI>on the Whiggs,</HI> the <HI>Whiggs</HI> put all in Combu&s;tion.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><HI>Nero</HI> (Chronicles &s;ay) <HI>&s;et</HI> Rome <HI>on fire and laid the blame upon the Chri&s;tians.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>What then? How do you apply it, let us hear the application.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>I make no Applications, except like your &s;elf, <HI>far from the matter</HI> in hand, <HI>Catch-Pole!</HI> You would en&s;nare me, would you? God ble&s;s me from a <HI>Tantivee-Swearer,</HI> when his Intere&s;t lyes at Stake; we know it experimentally, men of your Coat can Swear <HI>Thorow-&s;titch.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>We know <HI>our Intere&s;t,</HI> which is <HI>Spiritual,</HI> and in a <HI>Spiritual way,</HI> we can do <HI>pretty well,</HI> or, by the <HI>way of Oathes,</HI> which are Spiritual and <HI>Religious</HI> things.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, I herein will take your word (as I do that of Stretching Travellers) <HI>I had rather Tru&s;t you, than make Tryal;</HI> God ble&s;s me from you, you are <HI>Home-Thru&s;ters,</HI> when a Cau&s;e is at <HI>Pinch;</HI> or, (like a Ship in a Storm) <HI>lyes at Try.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Some <HI>Fear</HI> us, that do not <HI>Love</HI> us.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, all of you are <HI>terrible men, and men of Reverence</HI> (Sir) and &s;ome of you, worthy to be belov'd a little: So Sir <HI>Harbotle</HI> acknowledged, (in the &s;aid
<PB N="79" REF="26">Speech) <HI>viz.</HI> <Q>Mr. <HI>Speaker,</HI> I would not be mi&s;under&s;tood in what I have &s;aid; for there are &s;ome of both Functions and Profe&s;&s;ions that I highly Honour and Reve|rence in my heart, for their Wi&s;doms and Integrities.</Q></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, or el&s;e it is a pity but they &s;hould be advanc'd, if there be not &s;ome wor thy per&s;ons, and &s;ome <HI>Integrities among them.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Yet, the <HI>good Patriot</HI> goes on, &s;peaking feelingly, <HI>viz.</HI> <Q>But (Mr. <HI>Speaker</HI>) I may &s;ay it, for I am &s;ure we have all <HI>felt it,</HI> that there are &s;ome <HI>of both Functions</HI> and Profe&s;&s;ions that have been the Authors and Cau&s;ers &mdash;</Q></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>&mdash; Of what? <HI>Of Law and Go&s;pel?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P><Q>No, of <HI>all the Mi&s;eries,</HI> Ruines and Calamities that are now upon us Mr. <HI>Speaker,</HI> This is the Age (Mr. <HI>Speaker</HI>) that hath produced and brought forth, <HI>Achitophels, Hammans, Wool&s;eyes, Emp&s;ons and Dedleyes, Tricilians</HI> and <HI>Belknapes,</HI> Vipers and Mon&s;ters of all &s;orts.</Q></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>We u&s;e to lay the cau&s;e of all our Civil Wars at the doors of the <HI>Puritans, Roundheads</HI> or <HI>Whiggs.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, you know no more than ju&s;t <HI>what</HI> Oliver<HI>'s Fidler</HI> and <HI>Nat. Thomp&s;on</HI> di&s;cover to you: Are you not a&s;ham'd to berul'd, and taught <HI>Ethicks</HI> and <HI>Politicks,</HI> from the <HI>Pillory,</HI> the Ma&s;s, and the <HI>Stews;</HI> poor <HI>Tories</HI> and <HI>Tantivees,</HI> I <HI>blu&s;h &s;he you.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But why do you &s;o often make <HI>A&s;tri&s;mes</HI> and Remarks of <HI>Popular Fury</HI> again&s;t the <HI>Grand Favorites?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Our own Memories can &s;ufficiently enform us of the <HI>Tragical Events</HI> that attend the <HI>Peoples Odium,</HI> Indignation and Wrath. Dr. <HI>Lamb</HI> (for no other fault but (taken on Su&s;pition) for an <HI>Intimado</HI> and Friend to the Duke of <HI>Buckingham</HI>) was <HI>pull'd in pieces by the Mobile</HI> and Rable; and Ver&s;es pre&s;ently drop'd about the Streets Threatning the like Fate to the <HI>Duke:</HI> This Dy&s;tich for one,
<Q><L><HI>Let</HI> Charles <HI>and</HI> George <HI>do what they can,</HI></L>
<L><HI>The</HI> Duke <HI>&s;hall</HI> Dic <HI>like Doctor</HI> Lamb.</L></Q> 
And he that Stab'd the Duke, was <HI>rather bewail'd and Canoniz'd,</HI> then <HI>Execrated</HI> by the Populace; what Devils Incarnate did the people prove to the two <HI>De Witts</HI> in <HI>Holland,</HI> not long ago? The examples of Popular Hatred and Revenge (<HI>I call it not</HI> always <HI>Ju&s;tice,</HI> becau&s;e Irregular at be&s;t) are infinite in our <HI>own and Foraign</HI> Countries: What need I tell of the <HI>Sicilian Ve&s;pers? Ma&s;tnello's</HI> ten days Revenge occa&s;ioned by the <HI>Gabell's</HI> or <HI>Exci&s;e,</HI> and yet, it was e&s;tabli&s;hed by Law, as <HI>Hearth-money</HI> (among&s;t us) and <HI>Exci&s;e</HI> (among&s;t us) and in <HI>Holland</HI> and other Countries?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>I perceive <HI>by the Story</HI> that, of all men living, <HI>Favorites,</HI> Grand Minions <HI>(whom all men Envy)</HI> have had the <HI>wor&s;t luck.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>To go no further back than King <HI>Edward</HI> 2. how mi&s;erably were <HI>Gavi&s;ton</HI> and the two <HI>Spencers,</HI> Tom and Di&s;membred, <HI>limb</HI> from <HI>limb?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Ay, &s;o was Lord <HI>William Scroop,</HI> Earl of <HI>Wilt&s;hire,</HI> and Lord <HI>Trea&s;urer,</HI> and Sir <HI>John Bu&s;hy, Bagot,</HI> and the two <HI>Green's,</HI> (<HI>Thomas</HI> and <HI>Henry</HI>) in <HI>Richard</HI> 2. time?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>And &s;o ended the Duke of <HI>Somer&s;et</HI> and <HI>Suffolk</HI> in <HI>Henry 6.</HI> time.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>The&s;e were three <HI>Ea&s;ie Kings?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>But what was <HI>Henry</HI> 8. <HI>then?</HI> And what Fate had <HI>Wool&s;ey?</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tory.</SPEAKER>
<P>Or the Duke of <HI>Somer&s;et</HI> and his Brother the <HI>Admiral,</HI> both of them <HI>&V;ncles</HI> to the King? in <HI>Edward 6.</HI> Reign?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Or Duke of <HI>Buckingham,</HI> Earl of <HI>Strafford,</HI> Archbi&s;hop <HI>Laud</HI> in <HI>Charles</HI> I. time? Or Earl of <HI>Clarendon</HI> in his pre&s;ent Maje&s;ties Reign, (which God long pre&s;erve.)</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>The Earl of <HI>Clarendon</HI> came off; or, rather he <HI>march'd off;</HI> (if you plea&s;e) and well he could.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Well then, <HI>God &s;end me</HI>
<Q><NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>The Character of a Happy man.</HI></NOTE><L><HI>A Moderate Fortune, and a</HI> quiet Con&s;cience,</L>
<L><HI>A Soul</HI> not Stuff'd <HI>with Flattery or Non-&s;en&s;e;</HI></L>
<L><HI>Nor,</HI> with much Bu&s;ine&s;s, <HI>too unea&s;ie made,</HI></L>
<L><HI>Nor</HI> of a Curtain-Lecture <HI>much afraid,</HI></L>
<L><HI>But,</HI> at a Thunder-Bolt, <HI>&s;tands undi&s;may'd;</HI></L>
<PB N="76" REF="27">
<L><HI>With Brow</HI> Unwrinkled, <HI>Feet</HI> without the Gout;</L>
<L><HI>Let</HI> Hero's <HI>plod and</HI> heave each other <HI>out:</HI></L>
<L><HI>And &s;trive to be</HI> mark'd out <HI>the Peoples hate,</HI></L>
<L><HI>Bu&s;tling</HI> who fir&s;t &s;hall feel <HI>the wonted Fate;</HI></L>
<L><HI>And</HI> Ju&s;tle for the Bench, <HI>and Noi&s;y-bar:</HI></L>
<L><HI>We</HI> Shrubs are lower <HI>but far Happier.</HI></L></Q> 
I'le conclude with an old Story:
<NOTE PLACE="marg">Rawleigh'<HI>s Hi&s;tory of the World, lib.</HI> 3.</NOTE> <HI>Camby&s;es</HI> King of <HI>Per&s;ia</HI> was a man naturally in|clin'd to Goodne&s;s, but <HI>Spoil'd by Sycophants, and drill'd on to ab&s;olute Tyranny by Whores and Sycophants,</HI> that led him by the No&s;e; and then for Lu&s;t, he was not only In&s;atiable, but <HI>wildly</HI> Extravagant; &s;carce any Wench <HI>of his own Kingdom</HI> would &s;erve his Wanton Squeami&s;h Old Appetite, and yet he had (of his own Subjects) <HI>Whores in abundance,</HI> that were as <HI>willing as heart could wi&s;h,</HI> and would have been <HI>glad of the Preferment</HI> to be a <HI>Royal Whore</HI> (for be&s;ides the <HI>plea&s;ent &s;in,</HI> there was <HI>Money</HI> and a <HI>Title of Honour too perhaps</HI> in the Ca&s;e:) But nothing would &s;erve <HI>Cam|by&s;es,</HI> but to make his <HI>own Si&s;ter</HI> his Mi&s;s; and not only &s;o, but he could have been tempt'd and could find in his heart <HI>to make her his Wife,</HI> (if he dur&s;t for the Laws) whereupon to &s;atisfy <HI>the Laws and his Lu&s;t</HI> together, he made a <HI>Privy-Council-bu&s;ine&s;s</HI> of it, and Con&s;ulted them and the Lawyers, <HI>whether he might no. Marry his Si&s;ter lawfully?</HI> They An&s;wered, <HI>That they knew no Law which admitted &s;uch Marriages,</HI> but that there was a <HI>Prerogative,</HI> That <HI>the</HI> Per&s;ian <HI>Kings might do what they li&s;ted.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>The <HI>Prerogative</HI> (then) is a very <HI>Hapy Commodity</HI> (the&s;e) and a help <HI>(it &s;eems)</HI> to get <HI>&s;uch a Commodity as is not allowed</HI> to the poor, nor to the wicked, <HI>neither by</HI> the Law of <HI>God nor man:</HI> But tell us more concerning <HI>our Kings Prerogative</HI> in re|ference to Parliaments?</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Not now <HI>however,</HI> for I under&s;tand your drift, (Mr. <HI>Catch-Pole!</HI>) but I am <HI>not very ambitious</HI> of being a <HI>State-Martyr;</HI> I find <HI>cold comfort</HI> in it (in a Thankle&s;s, <HI>unthinking</HI> and degenerate Age) be&s;ides, (Mr. <HI>Tantivee!</HI>) you can <HI>Swear with a Wit|ne&s;s,</HI> and either <HI>&s;train</HI> my words, or you'l <HI>&s;tretch</HI> your Con&s;cience, and it is a <HI>Che|verill-Con&s;cience</HI> already, we know it <HI>by woful experience.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>But (now that) Mr. <HI>Tory</HI> is ab&s;ent, there cannot (you know) be two <HI>&s;tretching</HI> Witne&s;&s;es,
<NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Anno.</HI> 1645.</NOTE> &s;peak <HI>bold Truths,</HI> and tell us why the Parliament did <HI>lay to the charge</HI> of King <HI>Charles</HI> I. the <HI>granting Pa&s;&s;es under his own Hand</HI> to &s;everal of his Ser|vants and Knights to go over into <HI>Ireland,</HI> Signed <HI>C. R.</HI> and &s;erve and a&s;&s;i&s;t the <HI>Iri&s;h</HI> Rebels that cut the <HI>Prote&s;tants</HI> Throats, and al&s;o &s;ent to the Duke of <HI>Ormond</HI> to make Peace with them, and to promi&s;e them <HI>Toleration,</HI> and a <HI>Deputy of their own</HI> chu&s;ing, <HI>who they would,</HI> and agreed that they &s;hould <HI>come over for</HI> England, and <HI>what to do,</HI> tell us &s;ome of the&s;e My&s;teries; and <HI>How,</HI> and <HI>Why</HI> the <HI>Pope</HI> &s;ent them a <HI>Plenary Indul|gence</HI> for the merit of <HI>Butchering</HI> the <HI>Prote&s;tants.</HI></P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>A Vaunt! <HI>thou Tempter!</HI> how dare&s;t thou <HI>(Pittiful Tantivee!)</HI> grow thus In&s;olent and Trouble&s;ome <HI>here?</HI> May I not be <HI>Ma&s;ter of</HI> mine own, nor quiet in <HI>my own Hou&s;e</HI> for the&s;e Beggarly and Cowardly <HI>Tories</HI> and <HI>Tantivees?</HI> Boy! bring me hither <HI>my Old Fox</HI> again; I'le once more wear it by my &s;ide, rather than thus be pe&s;ter'd and di&s;turb'd <HI>with Slaves,</HI> that cannot look in a Gla&s;s, but they <HI>mu&s;t &s;ee in their Foreheads tho&s;e Scarrs,</HI> which are the Witne&s;&s;es as well as <HI>Trophyes</HI> of <HI>Whiggi&s;h</HI> Valour and his <HI>&V;nconquered Sword? Tory</HI> has had a &s;oft place in his Head ever &s;ince.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Tant.</SPEAKER>
<P>Dear <HI>Whigg!</HI> Pry'thee, a few more of your Perillous Truths.</P>
</SP>
<SP>
<SPEAKER>Whig.</SPEAKER>
<P>Not now, I profe&s;s, <HI>you grow Trouble &s;ome:</HI> Have you no more wit? <HI>Do you know who you &s;peak to,</HI> Catchpole! <HI>Begone,</HI> I &s;ay, <HI>Ha?</HI></P>
</SP>
<TRAILER>FINIS.</TRAILER>
</DIV1>
</BODY>
<BACK>
<DIV1 TYPE="colophon">
<P><HI>London,</HI> Printed for <HI>E. Smith</HI> at the <HI>Elephant and Ca&s;tle</HI> in <HI>Cornhil,</HI> near the <HI>Royal Exchange, Anno Dom.</HI> 1682.</P>
<PB REF="27">
</DIV1>
</BACK>
</TEXT>
</EEBO>
</ETS>
