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<DATE>2007-06-20</DATE>
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<NAME>Jason Colman</NAME>
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<DIV1 TYPE="title page">
<P><PB REF="1">
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THE Royall Martyr.</P>
<P>OR, KING CHARLES The FIRST no Man of BLOOD but A MARTYR for His PEOPLE.</P>
<P>Being a brief Account of His Actions from the beginnings of the late unhappy Warrs, untill He was ba&s;ely Butchered to the Odium of Religion, and &s;corn of all Nations, before his Pallace at <HI>White-Hall, Jan.</HI> 30. 1648.</P>
<P>To which is Added, A Short Hi&s;tory of His Royall MAJESTY Charles the Second, KING of <HI>England, Scotland, France,</HI> and <HI>Ireland,</HI> Defender of the Faith, <HI>&amp;c.</HI></P>
<P>Third Monarch of Great <HI>Brittain.</HI></P>
<P><HI>In all his Sufferings and Solitudes more then CONQUERER,</HI> Rom. 8.</P>
<P><HI>Salus Populi Salus Regis.</HI></P>
<P><HI><GAP DESC="illegible" REASON="missing" EXTENT="1 letter">ondon,</HI> Printed for <HI>Henry Bell,</HI> and are to be &s;old by mo&s;t Book &s;ellers&punc; 1660&punc;</P>
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<DIV1 TYPE="dedication">
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<HEAD>TO THE KINGS Mo&s;t Excellent Maje&s;ty.</HEAD>
<OPENER><SALUTE>Dread Soveraign,</SALUTE></OPENER>
<P>_THe occa&s;ion of the&s;e few lines is neither to renew your &s;or|row, nor &s;tir up your Maje&s;ty to revenge; I know you have learned a better le&s;&s;on from our ble&s;&s;ed Lord and Saviour, <HI>to forgive your enemies;</HI> neither is it my de&s;ign to plead for that which I even tremble to write, <HI>viz. Regicide,</HI> I
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know the world expects &s;ome &s;hould be made examples of Ju|stice, God forbid that blood-guiltine&s;s, e&s;pecially of our King &s;hould go unpuni&s;ht. But that <HI>Ju&s;tice &amp; mercy might ki&s;s each other.</HI> The&s;e en&s;uing lines were writ in the mid&s;t of your and our &s;ufferings; the onely end both in writing and publi&s;hing was to Vindicate your Royal Father, our Dread Soveraign of ble&s;&s;ed memory, thereby to make a more ea&s;ie pa&s;&s;age for your mo&s;t Excellent Majesty to a&s;cend unto the Royall throne of your famous Progenitors: And now &s;ee|ing
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God at la&s;t by his wonder|full and mo&s;t miraculous Pro|vidence, hath brought your Sacred Majesty to your ju&s;t Rights &amp; Dominions, I make bold in all humility to pro&s;ti|tute both my &s;elf and this &s;mall Tract at your Royall Feet, be|&s;eeching your Clemency to ac|cept of this &s;mall Mite of my Loyalty, begging your graci|ous pardon for my great pre|&s;umption, be&s;eeching Almigh|ty <HI>Jehovah</HI> the God of your Fathers to redouble in you your Fathers Graces and Vertues, &amp; recompence to your Majesty for all your unparalelled &s;uffer|rings
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&amp; patience, in the perfect obedience and affection of all your Subjests &amp; e&s;tabli&s;h your Royall Throne here on Earth, and at last give you a Crown of Glory in the highe&s;t hea|vens,</P>
<P><HI>&s;o prays,</HI></P>
<CLOSER><SIGNED>Your Maje&s;ties Loyall, Humble, and mo&s;t obe|dient Subject, W. H. B.</SIGNED></CLOSER>
</DIV1>
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<DIV1 TYPE="text">
<PB N="1" REF="5">
<HEAD>King Charles the Fir&s;t no Man of BLOOD: But a Martyr for his PEOPLE.</HEAD>
<P>_THat there hath been now eighteen years &s;pent in Civill Warrs, aboundance of Blood &s;hed, and more Ruine and mi&s;ery brought upon the Kingdom by it, then all the &s;everall Changes, Conque&s;ts, and Civill Warrs it hath endured from the time of <HI>Brute,</HI> or the fir&s;t Inhabitants of it; every mans wofull experience (&s;ome onely excepted who have been gainers by it) will ea&s;ily a&s;&s;ent unto.</P>
<P>No marvell therefore that many of tho&s;e (who if all they alledge for them&s;elves, that they were not the cau&s;e of it, could be granted to be true) might either have hindred or le&s;&s;ned it, would now put the blame of &s;o horrid a bu&s;ine&s;s from them&s;elves, and lay it upon any they can per&s;wade to bear it: And that the Conquerours, who would bind <HI>their King in Chains, and their Princes with Fetters of Iron;</HI> and think they have a Commi&s;&s;ion from heaven to do it (the guilt of it being nece&s;&s;arily either to be charged upon the Conquerours or Conquered) are not willing to have their <HI>Triumphant Chairs,</HI> and the glories (as they are made believe) that hang
<PB N="2" REF="6">
upon their &s;houlders defiled with it; but do all they can to load their Captives with it: But how|&s;oever, though the &s;ucce&s;s and power of an Ar|my hath frighted it &s;o far out of que&s;tion as to charge it upon the King, and take away his life for it; by making tho&s;e that mu&s;t of nece&s;&s;ity be guilty of the fact; if he &s;hould have been (as in all rea&s;on he ought to have been acquitted of it) the only Judges of him.</P>
<P>It may well become the judgement and con|&s;cience of every man that will be but either a good Subject or a Chri&s;tian, not to lend out his Soul and Salvation &s;o much on tru&s;t, as to take tho&s;e that are parties, and the mo&s;t ignorant &s;ort of mens words for it: but enter into a mo&s;t &s;e|rious examination of the matter of Fact it &s;elfe, and by tracing out the foot-&s;teps of Truth, &s;ee what a conclu&s;ion may be drawn out of it. In pur&s;uance whereof (for I hope the Originall of this Sea of Blood will not prove &s;o un&s;earch|able as the head of <HI>Nile),</HI> we &s;hall enquire fir&s;t of all who rai&s;ed the fears and jealou&s;ies. Se|condly, repre&s;ent and &s;et down the truth of the matter of Fact, and proceedings betwixt the King and Parliament; from the tumul|tuous and &s;editious coming of the people to the Parlament and White-Hall, untill the 25 of <HI>Augu&s;t,</HI> 1642. when he &s;et up his <HI>Stan|dard</HI> at <HI>Nottingham,</HI> and from the &s;etting up of his <HI>Standard</HI> untill the 13 of <HI>September</HI> 1642. when the Parlament by their many Acts of Ho&s;ti|lity, and a Negative and Churli&s;h an&s;wer to his propo&s;itions, might well have put him
<PB N="3" REF="6">
out of hope of any good to be obtained from them, by me&s;&s;ages of peace &s;ent unto them. Thirdly, whether a Prince or other Magi&s;trate, labouring to &s;uppre&s;s or puni&s;h a rebellion of the People, be tyed to tho&s;e rules are nece&s;&s;ary to the ju&s;tifying of a War if it were made between e|quals. Fourthly, &s;uppo&s;e the War to be made with a neighbour Prince, or between equalls, whether the King or Parlament were in the defen&s;ive or ju&s;tifiable part of it. Fifthly, whether the Parla|ment in their pretended Magi&s;tracy have not ta|ken le&s;&s;er occa&s;ions to puni&s;h or provide again&s;t in&s;urrections, trea&s;ons, and rebellions as they are plea&s;ed to call them. Sixthly, who mo&s;t de&s;i|red Peace, and offered fairlie&s;t for it. Seventh|ly, who laboured to &s;horten the War, and who to lengthen it. Eightly, whether the conditions proffered by the King, would not have been more profitable for the People if they had been accepted, and what the Kingdom and People have got in&s;tead of it.</P>
<DIV2 N="1" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. I. <HI>Who fir&s;t of all Rai&s;ed the Fears and Jealou&s;ies?</HI></HEAD>
<P>THe de&s;iring of a guard for a Parlament be|cau&s;e of a tale rather then a plot; That the Earl of <HI>Crawford</HI> had a purpo&s;e to take away the Marquis of <HI>Hamiltons</HI> life in <HI>Scotland;</HI> the re|fu&s;ing of a legall guard offered by the King; and
<PB N="4" REF="7">
his Prote&s;tation to be as careful of their &s;afety, as the &s;afety of his Wife and Children; The dream of a Taylor lying in a ditch in <HI>Finsbury</HI> fields, of this and the other good Lord, and Common|wealths men to be taken away; The trayning of Hor&s;es under ground, and a plague plai&s;ter (or rather a clout taken from a galled Hor&s;e back) &s;ent into the Hou&s;e of Commons to Mr. <HI>Pym.</HI> A de&s;ign of the Inhabitants of <HI>Covent Garden</HI> to murther the City of <HI>London;</HI> News from <HI>France, Italy, Spain,</HI> and <HI>Denmark,</HI> of Armies ready to come for <HI>England;</HI> and a &s;uppo&s;ition, or fea|veri&s;h fancy, that the King intended to intro|duce Popery, &amp; alter Religion, and take away the Laws and Liberties of the People, and many o|ther the like &s;editious delu&s;ions, the People (&s;o much as their mi&s;ery will give them leave) have now found out the way to laugh at; either came from the Parlament party, or were cheri&s;hed and turned into advantages by them. For they had found the way, and lo&s;t nothing by it, to be ever jealous of the King; And whil'&s;t he did all he could to &s;hew them that there was no cau&s;e for it, they who were jealous without a cau&s;e, could be &s;o cunning as to make all the ha&s;t they could to weaken him, and &s;trengthen them&s;elvs, by &s;uch kind of artifices.</P>
<P>But he that could not choo&s;e but take notice that there were &s;ecret ties and combinations be|twixt his <HI>Engli&s;h</HI> and <HI>Scorti&s;h</HI> Subjects, the latter of whom the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> and Sir <HI>Thomas Fair|fax</HI> them&s;elves under&s;tood to be no better then Rebells, and therefore &s;erved in places of Com|mand
<PB N="5" REF="7">
in his Maje&s;ties Army again&s;t them: That Sir <HI>Arthur Ha&s;elrig</HI> had brought in a Bill in Parlament to take the Militia by Sea and Land away from him, &s;aw him&s;elfe not long after by a printed Remon&s;trance or Declaration made to the People of all they could but imagine to be er|rors in his Government, arraigned and little le&s;s then depo&s;ed: The Bi&s;hops and divers great Lords driven from the Parlament by tumults; Was inforced to keep his gates at <HI>Whitehall</HI> &s;hut, and procure divers Captains and Commanders to lodge there, and to allow them a Table to be a guard for him; and had been fully informed of many Traiterous Speeches u&s;ed by &s;ome &s;editious Mechanicks of <HI>London,</HI> as that <HI>it was pity he &s;hould Raign,</HI> and that <HI>The Prince would make a better King;</HI> was yet &s;o far from being jealous, or &s;olicitous to defend him&s;elfe by the Sword and power which God had intru&s;ted him with, as when he had need and rea&s;on enough to do it, he &s;till granted them (that he might not &s;eem to deny what might but &s;eem to be for the good of his people) every thing they could rea&s;onably ask of him, or he could but rea&s;onably tell how to part with (though he could not be ignorant, but an ill u&s;e might be made of them again&s;t him&s;elf;) As the putting down of the Star-Chamber, and high Commi&s;&s;ion Court, the Courts of Honour, and of the North and Welch Marches; Com|mi&s;&s;ions for the making of Gun-powder, allow|ing them approbation or nomination of the Lievtenant of the Tower, and did all and more then all his predece&s;&s;ors put together, to remove
<PB N="6" REF="8">
their jealou&s;ies. And when that would not do it; He &s;tood &s;till, and &s;aw the game plaid on further; many Tumults rai&s;ed, many Libells and &s;can|dalous Pamphlets publickly printed again&s;t his per&s;on and Government, and when he com|plained of it in Parlament, &s;o little care was ta|ken to redre&s;s it, as that the peoples coming to <HI>Westmin&s;ter</HI> in a Tumultuous manner, &s;et on, and invited by <HI>Pennington</HI> and <HI>Ven,</HI> two of the mo&s;t active Mechanick Sectaries of the Hou&s;e of Commons, it was excu&s;ed and called a liberty of Petitioning: And as for the Libells and Pamphlets, the Licen&s;ing of Books before they &s;hould be printed, and all other re&s;traint of the Printing Pre&s;s were taken away, and complaints being made again&s;t Pamphlets and &s;editious Books, &s;ome of the Members of the hou&s;e of Commons were heard to &s;ay the work would not be done without them; and complaints being al&s;o made to Mr. <HI>Pym</HI> again&s;t &s;ome wicked men which were ill affected to the Government; He an&s;wered, <HI>It was not now a time to di&s;courage their friends, but to make u&s;e of them:</HI> And here being as many Jealou&s;ies and fears as could po&s;&s;ibly be rai&s;ed or fancied without a ground on the one &s;ide; again&s;t all the endeavours could be u&s;ed on the other &s;ide to remove them. We &s;hall in the next place take a view of the mat|ter of Fact that followed upon them, and bring before you.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="2" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="7" REF="8">
<HEAD>CHAP. II. <HI>The Proceedings betwixt the King and the Parlament from the Tumultuous and Seditious coming of the People to the Parlament and White-Hall till the</HI> 13. <HI>of</HI> September 1642. <HI>being</HI> 18. <HI>days after the King had &s;et up his Stan|dard at</HI> Nottingham.</HEAD>
<P>WHen all the King could do to bring the Parlament to a better under&s;tanding of him, did, as they were plea&s;ed to make their ad|vantage of it, but make them &s;eem to be the more un&s;atisfied; that they might the better mi&s;-repre&s;ent him to the People, and petition out of his hands as much power as they could tell how to per&s;wade him to grant them, and that he had proofs enough of what hath been &s;ince written in the blood and hearts of his People, that the five Members and <HI>Kimbolton</HI> intend|ed to root out Him and His Po&s;terity; &s;ubvert the Laws and alter the Religion, and Covern|ment of the Kingdom, and had therefore &s;ent his Serjeant at Arms to demand their per&s;ons, and Ju&s;tice to be done upon them, in&s;tead of o|bedience to it, an order was made: That every man might re&s;cue them, and apprehend the
<PB N="8" REF="9">
Serjeant at Arms for doing it; which Parlament Records would blu&s;h at. And Queen <HI>Elizabeth</HI> (who was wont to an&s;wer her better compo&s;ed Parlaments upon le&s;&s;er occa&s;ions with a <HI>Cavete ne patientiam Principis laedatis,</HI> and cau&s;ed <HI>Par|ry</HI> a Doctor of the Civill Laws and a Member <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Camden Annalls Eliz.</HI> 99. 103.</NOTE> of the hou&s;e of Commons by the judgement and advice of as &s;age and learned a privy Councill and Judges as any Prince in Chri&s;tendom ever had, to be hang'd drawn and quartered for <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibidem p.</HI> 391. 394. <HI>&amp;</HI> 395.</NOTE> Trea&s;on in the old Palace of <HI>Westmin&s;ter</HI> when the Parlament was &s;itting) would have wondred at. And 4. of <HI>January</HI> 1641. de&s;iring onely to bring them to a Legall tryall and examination, went in per&s;on to demand them, and found that his own peaceable behaviour, and fewer atten|dants (then the two Speakers of the Parlament had afterwards when they brought a whole Army at their heels, to charge and fright away eleven of their fellow members) had all manner of evil con&s;tructions put upon it, and that the Hou&s;es of Parlament had adjourned into <HI>London,</HI> and occa&s;ioned &s;uch a &s;edition among&s;t the people, as all the train bands of <HI>London</HI> mu&s;t guard them by Land, when there was no need of it, and many Boats and Lighters armed with Sea-men and murdering pieces by water; and that unle&s;s he &s;hould have adventured the mi&s;chief and mur|der hath been &s;ince committed upon him, by tho&s;e which at that time intended as much as they have done &s;ince; it was high time to think of his own &s;afety, and of &s;o many others were concerned in it having left <HI>London</HI> but the day
<PB N="9" REF="9">
before, (upon a greater cau&s;e of fear <HI>then the Speakers of both Hou&s;es of Parlament in</HI> July 1647. <HI>to go to the Army)</HI> retires with the Prince his Son (whom the Parlament laboured to &s;eize and take into their cu&s;tody) in his company to|wards <HI>York,</HI> 8. <HI>January</HI> 1641. A Committee of the Hou&s;e of Commons &s;itting in <HI>London,</HI> re|&s;olved <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Vide the vote in M.</HI> Vicars <HI>Book enti|tuled God in the moun. p.</HI> 78</NOTE> upon the que&s;tion; That <HI>the Actions of the City of</HI> London, <HI>for the defence of the Parla|ment were according to Law, and if any man &s;hould arre&s;t or trouble any of them for it, he is de|clared to be an enemy to the Common-wealth.</HI> And when the King, to quiet the Parlament, 12. <HI>January</HI> 1641 was plea&s;ed to &s;ignifie that for the pre&s;ent he would wave his proceedings again&s;t the five Members and <HI>Kimbolton,</HI> and a&s;&s;ures the Parlament that upon all occa&s;ions he will be as carefull of their Priviledges as of his Life or his Crown: Yet the next day after, they <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Collect. of Parl. and Decl. and Kings Me&s;. and Decl. p.</HI> 50.</NOTE> Declared the Lord <HI>Digby's</HI> coming to <HI>King&s;tone</HI> upon <HI>Thames</HI> but with a Coach and &s;ix hor&s;es in it, to be in a Warlike manner, and di&s;turbance of the Common-wealth; and take occa&s;ion thereupon to order the Sheriffs of all Counties <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 51. <HI>Ibid.</HI> 52.</NOTE> in <HI>England</HI> and <HI>Wales,</HI> with the a&s;&s;i&s;tance of the Ju&s;tices of Peace and trayned bands of the &s;eve|rall Counties to &s;uppre&s;s any unlawfull A&s;&s;em|blies, and to &s;ecure the &s;aid Counties and all the Magazines in them.</P>
<P>14 <HI>January,</HI> 1641. The King, by a &s;econd Me&s;&s;age, profe&s;&s;eth to them he never had the lea&s;t intention of violating the lea&s;t priviledge of Parlament, and in ca&s;e any doubt of breach
<PB N="10" REF="10">
of Priviledges remain; will be willing to clear that, and a&s;&s;ert tho&s;e, by any rea&s;onable way his Parlament &s;hall advi&s;e him to: But the de&s;ign mu&s;t have been laid by, or mi&s;carried, if that &s;hould have been taken for a &s;atisfaction; and therefore to make a quarrell which needed not, they Order the morrow after a Charge and Im|peachment to be made ready again&s;t Sir <HI>Edward Herbert</HI> the Kings Attorney Generall, for bring|ing into the Hou&s;e of Peers the third of that in|&s;tant <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 53.</NOTE> <HI>January,</HI> by the Kings direction, a Charge or accu&s;ation again&s;t <HI>Kimbolton</HI> and the five Members, &amp;c.</P>
<P>In <HI>February</HI> 1641. Seize upon the Tower of <HI>London</HI> (the great Magazine and Store-hou&s;e of the Kingdom) and &s;et &s;ome of the train-bands <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 77. <HI>&amp;</HI> 78.</NOTE> of <HI>London,</HI> commanded by Major Gene|rall <HI>Skippon</HI> to guard it.</P>
<P>1. <HI>March</HI> 1641. Petition for the Militia, and tell him; <HI>If he would not grant it, they would &s;ettle and di&s;po&s;e of it without him:</HI> And the morrow after re&s;olved upon the Que&s;tion, <HI>That the Kingdom be forthwith put in a po&s;ture of defence, in &s;uch a way as was already agreed upon by both Hou&s;es of Parlament:</HI> and order the Earl of <HI>Northumberland</HI> Lord high-Admirall, to Rig, and &s;end to Sea his Maje&s;ties Navy; and notwith&s;tanding that the King 4 <HI>March</HI> 1641. by his Letter directed to the Lord Keeper <HI>Lit|tleton</HI> had &s;ignified that he would wholly de&s;i&s;t from any proceedings again&s;t the five Members and <HI>Kimbolton:</HI> Sir <HI>John Hotham,</HI> a Member of the Hou&s;e of Commons, (who before the
<PB N="11" REF="10">
the King had accu&s;ed the five Members and <HI>Kimbolton,</HI> had by Order of Parliament &s;eized <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Vide the Petition of &s;ome</HI> Hol|derne&s;s <HI>men to the King,</HI> 6. July, 164<GAP DESC="illegible" EXTENT="1 letter">.</NOTE> upon the Town of <HI>Hull,</HI> the only fortified place of &s;trength in the Kingdom, and made a Gari|&s;on of it) &s;ummoned and forced in many of the trayned Souldiers of the County of <HI>York</HI> to help him to guard it.</P>
<P>And the eight of <HI>March</HI> 1641. before the King could get to <HI>York,</HI> it was voted, <HI>That what&s;oe|ver the two Hou&s;es of Parliament &s;hould Vote or Declare to be Law, the people were bound to obey:</HI> And when, not long after, the King offered to go in per&s;on to &s;uppre&s;s the Iri&s;h Rebellion: That was <HI>Voted to be again&s;t the Law, and an encouragement to the Rebells; and they Declare that who&s;oever &s;hall a&s;&s;i&s;t him in his voyage thi|ther, &s;hould be taken for an enemy to the Common-wealth.</HI> And 15 of <HI>March,</HI> 1641. Re&s;olved upon the Que&s;tion, that the &s;everall Commi&s;&s;i|ons granted under the great Seal to the Lievte|nants of &s;everall Counties were illegall and void, and that who&s;oever &s;hould execute any power over the <HI>Militia,</HI> by colour of any &s;uch Commi&s;&s;ion, without con&s;ent of both Hou&s;es of Parliament, &s;hould be accounted a di&s;turber of the Peace of the Kindom.</P>
<P><HI>Aprill</HI> 1642. Sir <HI>John Hotham</HI> &s;eizeth the Kings Magazine at <HI>Hull,</HI> and when the King went with a &s;mall attendance to demand an entrance into the Town, denies him; though he <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 153.</NOTE> had then no Order to do it: Notwith&s;tand|ing all which, the 28 of <HI>April</HI> 1642. they Vote, <HI>That what he had done was in obedience to the</HI>
<PB N="12" REF="11">
<HI>commands of both Hou&s;es of Parliament, and that the Kings proclaiming him to be a Traytor was a high breach of priviledge of Parliament; And Ordered all Sheriffs and Officers to a&s;&s;i&s;t their Committees &s;ent down with tho&s;e their Votes to Sir John Hotham.</HI> In the mean time the Pul|pits flame with &s;editious invectives again&s;t the King, and incitements to rebellion, and the people running headlong into it, had all manner of countenance and encouragement unto it; but tho&s;e Mini&s;ters that preached obedience, and &s;ought to prevent it, were &s;ure to be impri|&s;oned, and put out of their places for it.</P>
<P>Sir <HI>Henry Ludlow</HI> could be heard to &s;ay in the Hou&s;e of Commons, that the King was not worthy to Reign in <HI>England;</HI> And <HI>Henry Mar|tin,</HI> That the Kingly Office was forfeitable, and the happine&s;s of the Kingdom did not depend upon him and his Progeny: And though the King demanded Ju&s;tice of them, were neither puni&s;hed nor put out of the Hou&s;e, Nor &s;o much as que&s;tioned or blamed for it.</P>
<P>The <HI>Militia,</HI> the principall part of the Kings regality, without which it was impo&s;&s;ible either to be a King, or to govern, and the Sword which God had given him, (and his Ance&s;tors for more then a thou&s;and years together had enjoy|ed) and none in the Barons wars, nor any Re|bellion of the Kingdom &s;ince the very being or e&s;&s;ence of it, dur&s;t ever heretofore pre&s;ume to ask for; mu&s;t now be wre&s;tled for, and taken a|way from him.</P>
<P>The Commi&s;&s;ions of Array, being the old le|gall
<PB N="13" REF="11">
way by which the Kings of <HI>England</HI> had a power to rai&s;e and levy men for the defence of them&s;elves and the Kingdom, Voted to be ille|gall. The pa&s;&s;age at Sea defended again&s;t him, and his Navy kept from him by the Earle of <HI>Warwick;</HI> whil&s;t the King all this while con|tenting him&s;elfe to be meerly pa&s;&s;ive, and only bu&s;ying him&s;elf in givingan&s;wers to &s;ome Parli|ament Me&s;&s;ages and Declarations, and to wooe and intreat them out of this di&s;temper, cannot be proved to have done any one action like a War, or to have &s;o much as an intention to do it, unle&s;s they can make his demanding an en|trance into <HI>Hull,</HI> with about twenty of his Fol|lowers, unarmed, in his Company, and under|taking to return and leave the Governor in po&s;|&s;e&s;&s;ion of it, to be otherwi&s;e then it ought to be.</P>
<P>5. Of <HI>May</HI> 1642. The King being informed, that Sir <HI>John Hotham</HI> &s;ent out warrants to Con|&s;tables to rai&s;e the trained bands of <HI>York&s;hire,</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibm.</HI> 169. 170.</NOTE> writes his letter to the Sheriff of that County to forbid the trained bands, and commands them to repair to their dwelling hou&s;es.</P>
<P>12 Of <HI>May</HI> 1642. Perceiving him&s;elfe eve|ry where endangered, and a mo&s;t horrid Rebel|lion framing again&s;t him, and Sir <HI>John Ho|tham</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Collect. Par. Decl.</HI> 183</NOTE> &s;o neer him at <HI>Hull,</HI> as within a days journey of him; he moves the County of <HI>York</HI> for a troop of Hor&s;e, con&s;i&s;ting of the prime Gen|try of that County, and a Regiment of the train-bands of Foot, to be for a guard unto him, &amp; cau&s;|ed the oath of Allegiance to be admini&s;tred unto them. <HI>But the Parliament thereupon Vote, that it</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibm.</HI> 29.</NOTE>
<PB N="14" REF="12">
<HI>appeared, the King &s;educed by wicked Coun&s;ell, intended to make a war again&s;t them</HI> (and til then if their own Votes &s;hould be true mu&s;t acquitt him from any thing more then an intention, as they call it, to do it) <HI>And who&s;oever &s;hould a&s;|&s;ist him are Traitors by the fundamentall Laws of the Kingdom.</HI> The Earl <HI>of E&s;&s;ex</HI> Lord Chamber|lain of the Kings Hou&s;hould, and all other of the Kings Hou&s;hould Servants forbid to go to him, and the Kings putting &s;ome of them out, and others in their places, <HI>Voted to be an injury to the Parliament.</HI> Me&s;&s;engers were &s;ent for the ap|prehending of &s;ome Earls and Barons about him, and &s;ome of his Bed-Chamber, as if they had been Fellons. The Lord Keepers going to him with the great Seal when he &s;ent for him, Voted <HI>to be a breach of priviledge, and pur&s;ued with a warrant directed</HI> to all Mayors, Bayliffs to ap|prehend him. <HI>Cau&s;e the Kings Rents and Re|venues to be brought in to them; and forbid any to be paid him; Many of his Officers and Ser|vants put out of their places for being Loyall unto him, and tho&s;e that were ill affected to him, put in their Rooms; and many of his own Servants tempted and procured by rewards and mainte|nance to tarry with them and be fal&s;e and active again&s;t him.</HI></P>
<P>The twenty &s;ixt day of <HI>May</HI> 1642. a Decla|ration is &s;ent to the King; but printed and publi&s;hed before he could receive it: That <HI>What&s;oever they &s;hould Vote, is not by Law to bee que&s;tioned, either by the King or Subjects; No</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibidem p.</HI> 297. &amp; 298</NOTE> <HI>precedent can limit or bound their proceedings. A</HI>
<PB N="15" REF="12">
<HI>Parliament may di&s;po&s;e of any thing wherein the King or peopl have any right. The Soveraign pow|er re&s;ides in both Hou&s;es of Parlament. The King hath no Negative voyce. The levying of Warre again&s;t the per&s;onall commands of the King, though accompanied with his pre&s;ence, is not a le|vying of Warre again&s;t the King; but a levying War again&s;t his Laws and authority (which they have power to Declare) is levying of War again&s;t the King. Trea&s;on cannot be committed against his per&s;on otherwi&s;e then as he was intru&s;ted. They have power to judge whether he di&s;charge his tru&s;t or not; that if they &s;hould follow the high|est precedents of other Parliaments Paterns, there would be no cau&s;e to complain of want of mode&s;ty or duty in them, and that it belonged only to them to judge of the Law.</HI></P>
<P>27 Of <HI>May,</HI> The King by his Proclamation, <HI>forbids all his Subjects and trayned bands of the</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 301.</NOTE> <HI>Kingdom to Ri&s;e, March, or Mu&s;ter.</HI> But the Parliament, on the &s;ame day <HI>Command all She|riffs, Ju&s;tices of the Peace and Con&s;tables within one hundred &amp;</HI> 50 <HI>miles of</HI> York, <HI>to &s;eize and make &s;tay of all Armes and Amunition going thither:</HI> And Declaring the &s;aid Proclamation to bee voyd in Law; <HI>Command all men to Ri&s;e, Mu&s;t|er,</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 305.</NOTE> <HI>and March, and not to Mu&s;ter or March by any other Authority or Commi&s;&s;ion,</HI> and the Sheriffs of all Counties the morrow after, Com|manded with the <HI>po&s;&s;e Comitatus</HI> to &s;uppre&s;s any of the Kings Subjects that &s;hould be drawn thither by his Command; Secure and &s;eize up|on the Magazines of the Counties. Protect all
<PB N="16" REF="13">
that are Delinquents again&s;t him, make all to be Delinquents that attend him; and cen&s;ure and put out of the Hou&s;e of Peers, nine Lords at once, for obeying the Kings &s;ummons and going to him.</P>
<P>3 <HI>June</HI> 1642. The King &s;ummoning the Mi|ni&s;ters, Gentry, and Free-holders of the Coun|ty of <HI>York,</HI> declared to them the rea&s;ons of pro|viding him&s;elfe a guard, and that he had no in|tention to make a War; and the morrow after forbad the Lord <HI>Willoughby</HI> of <HI>Parham</HI> to Mu|&s;ter and train the County of <HI>Lincolne,</HI> who un|der colour of an Ordinance of Parlament, for the <HI>Militia,</HI> had began to do it.</P>
<P>10. <HI>June</HI> 1642. The Parlament by a Decla|ration &s;ignifying, That the King intended to make a War again&s;t his Parlament; invited the Citizens of <HI>London,</HI> and all others, well affected (as they plea&s;ed to mi&s;call them) within eighty miles of the City to bring money and plate into the <HI>Guild-Hall London,</HI> and to &s;ub&s;cribe for Men, Hor&s;es, and Arms, <HI>to maintain the Prote|&s;tant Religion, the Kings Per&s;on and Authority; free cour&s;e of Ju&s;tice, Laws of the Land, and priviledges of Parlament;</HI> and the morrow af|ter &s;end 19 propo&s;itions to the King; <HI>That the great affairs of the Kingdom and Militia, may be mannaged by con&s;ent and approbation of Parlament, all the great Officers of E&s;tate, Pri|vy Councell, Amba&s;&s;adors, and Mini&s;ters of State, and Judges to be cho&s;en by them; that the Government, Education, and Marriage of the Kings Children be by their con&s;ent and approba|tion,</HI>
<PB N="17" REF="13">
<HI>and all the Forts and Ca&s;tles of the King|dome under the Command and Cu&s;tody of &s;uch as they &s;hould</HI> approve of; and that no Peers to be made hereafter, &s;hould &s;it or vote in Parliament without the con&s;ent of Parliament; with &s;everal other demands (which if the King &s;hould have granted, would at once in effect, not onely have un|done and put his &s;ubjects out of his prote|ction, but have depo&s;ed both him&s;elf and <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Collect. of Par. Me&s;. and Dec.</HI> 370. 370.</NOTE> his po&s;terity) <HI>and then they would proceed to regulate his Revenue, and deliver up the Town of</HI> Hull <HI>into &s;uch hands as the King by con&s;ent and approbation of Parliament &s;hould appoint.</HI></P>
<P>But the King having the &s;ame day before tho&s;e goodly demands came to his hands (be|ing a greater breach of his former privi|ledges then his demanding of the five Mem|bers and <HI>Kimbolton,</HI> it it had not been law|full for him &s;o to doe, could be of theirs) granted a Commi&s;&s;ion of Array for the County of <HI>Leice&s;ter</HI> to the Earl of <HI>Hunting|ton,</HI> and by a letter &s;ent along with it, dire|cted <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibm.</HI> 346. <HI>&amp;</HI> 348.</NOTE> it for the pre&s;ent onely to Mu&s;ter and Array the Trained Bands.</P>
<P>And 13. <HI>June</HI> 1642. <HI>Declared to the Lords attending him at</HI> York, <HI>That he would not en|gage them in any War again&s;t the Parliament, un|le&s;s it were for his nece&s;&s;ary defence:</HI> whereupon <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 349. 350.</NOTE> the L. Keeper <HI>Littleton,</HI> who a little before had either been affrighted or &s;educed by the Parliament to vote their new Militia, The Duke of <HI>Richmond,</HI> Marque&s;s <HI>Hartford,</HI> Earl
<PB N="18" REF="14">
of <HI>Salisbury,</HI> Lord <HI>Gray</HI> of <HI>Ruthen</HI> (now Earl of <HI>Kent)</HI> and divers Earls and Barons, enga|ged not to obey any Order or Ordinance concerning the Militia had not the Royal a&s;&s;ent to it.</P>
<P>And fourteenth of <HI>June</HI> 1642. Being in|formed, <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 350.</NOTE> <HI>That the Parliament endeavoured to borrow great &s;umms of money of the City of</HI> Lon|don, <HI>and that there was great labour u&s;ed to per&s;wade his Subjects to furni&s;h hor&s;e and money, upon pretence of providing a guard for the Par|liament:</HI> By his letter to the Lord Mayor, Aldermen, and Sheriffs of <HI>London</HI> di&s;avow|ing any purpo&s;e of making a War, decla|red; <HI>That He had not the lea&s;t thought of rai&s;|ing or u&s;ing of Forces unle&s;s he &s;hould be com|pelled to doe it for his own defence;</HI> and forbid|deth therefore, <HI>the lending of money or rai&s;ing of hor&s;es.</HI></P>
<P>And within two dayes after, the Lord Keeper, Duke of <HI>Richmond,</HI> Marqui&s;s <HI>Hart|ford,</HI> Earl of <HI>Salisbury,</HI> Lord <HI>Gray</HI> of <HI>Ruthen,</HI> with 17 Earls and 14 Barons, the Lord Chief Ju&s;tice <HI>Bancks,</HI> and &s;undry others of emi|nent quality and reputation; atte&s;t His Ma|je&s;ties Declaration and profe&s;&s;ion that He had no intention to make a War, but abhorred it; and, That they perceived no Councels or preparations <HI>tending to any &s;uch de&s;igne</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 356. 357.</NOTE> and &s;ent it with His Maje&s;ties Declaration to the Parliament: In the mean time the Committee of Parliament (appointed to make the propo&s;itions to the City of
<PB N="19" REF="14">
of <HI>London,</HI> for the rai&s;ing of Hor&s;e) <HI>viz.</HI> 15. <HI>June,</HI> 1642. Made report to the Hou&s;e of Commons; That the Citizens did very cheer|fully accept the &s;ame, there being (for in|deed there had been &s;ome de&s;ign and re&s;olu|lution a year before concerning the melting of plate to rai&s;e monies) already great &s;tore of plate, and monies brought into <HI>Guild-Hall,</HI> for that purpo&s;e; and an Ordinance of Parlament was made for the Earl of <HI>Warwick</HI> to be Lord Admirall, and keep the Navy, though the King had commanded him on pain of trea&s;on to deliver up the Ships to him: And the Lord <HI>Brook</HI> &s;ent down into <HI>Warwick-Shire</HI> to &s;ettle the <HI>Militia.</HI></P>
<P>17. <HI>June,</HI> 1642. Committee of both Hou&s;es was appointed to go to the City of <HI>London</HI> to enquire what &s;tore of Hor&s;e, Mo|nies, and Plate were already rai&s;ed upon the Propo&s;itions.</P>
<P>18. <HI>June,</HI> 1642. The King by his Procla|mation, <HI>Di&s;claiming any intention to make War again&s;t his Parlament forbiddeth all levies of Forces without his Maje&s;ties expre&s;s plea&s;ure &s;ignified under his Great Seal.</HI></P>
<P>And 20. <HI>June,</HI> 1642. Informing all his Subjects, by his Proclamation of the Lawful|ne&s;s of his Commi&s;&s;ions of Aray; <HI>That be|&s;ides</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Collect. Par. Decl.</HI> 373. 374.</NOTE> <HI>many other Warrants and Authorities of the Law; Judge</HI> Hutton <HI>and Judge</HI> Crooke <HI>in their Arguments against the Ship-money, agreed them to be Lawfull;</HI> and the Earle of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> him&s;elf <HI>had in the beginning of this Parlament</HI>
<PB N="20" REF="15">
<HI>accepted of one for the County of</HI> York. Gave his people to under&s;tand; <HI>That he had awar|ded the like Commi&s;&s;ions into all the Counties of</HI> England, <HI>and Dominion of</HI> Wales <HI>to provide for, and &s;ecure them in a legall way; left under a pretence of danger, and want of Authority from his Maje&s;ty to put them into a Military po&s;ture they &s;hould he drawn and engaged in any oppo&s;i|tion again&s;t him, or his ju&s;t Authority.</HI></P>
<P>But 21. <HI>June,</HI> 1642. The Lords and Com|mons <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 376.</NOTE> in Parlament Declaring <HI>The de&s;igne of their Propo&s;itions of rai&s;ing Hor&s;e and Moneys was to maintain the Prote&s;tant Religion, and the Kings Authority and Per&s;on, and that the Forces already attending his Maje&s;tie, and his preparations</HI> at fir&s;t coloured under the pre|tence of a guard, <HI>(being not &s;o great a guard as they them&s;elvs had con&s;tantly for</HI> 6 <HI>months before) did evidently appear to be intended for &s;ome great and extraordinary de&s;igne</HI> (&s;o as at this time al|&s;o they do not charge the King with any man|ner of action of War, or any thing done in a way or cour&s;e of war again&s;t them) and gave ju&s;t caufe of fear and jealou&s;ie to the Parlament (being never yet by any Law of God or man accounted to be a &s;ufficient cau&s;e or ground for Subjects to make War again&s;t their Soveraign) did forbid all Mayors, Sheriffs, Bayliffs, and other Officers to publi&s;h His Maje&s;ties &s;aid Letter to the City of <HI>London,</HI> And Declare that if He &s;hould u&s;e any force for the recovery of <HI>Hull,</HI> or &s;uppre&s;&s;ing of their Ordinance for
<PB N="21" REF="15">
the <HI>Militia,</HI> it &s;hould be held a levying Warr again&s;t the Parlament; and all this done before His Maje&s;ty had granted any Com|mi&s;&s;ion for the levying or rai&s;ing of a man; and le&s;t the King &s;hould have any manner of provi&s;ion of War to defend him&s;elf, when their Army or Sir <HI>John Hotham</HI> &s;hould come to a&s;&s;ault him; Powder and Armes were every whera &s;eized on, and Cutlers, Gun-Smiths, Sadlers and all Warlike Trades or|dered not to &s;end any to <HI>York;</HI> but to give a weekly account what was made or &s;old by them: And an Order made the 24 of <HI>June,</HI> 1642. <HI>That the Hor&s;es which &s;hould be &s;ant in for the &s;ervice o&s; the Parlament, when they came to the number of</HI> 60. <HI>&s;hould be trained, and &s;o &s;till as the number increa&s;ed.</HI></P>
<P>4. <HI>July</HI> 1642. The King by his letter un|der his &s;igne <HI>Manuall</HI> commanded all the Judges of <HI>England</HI> in their Circuits, to u&s;e all means to &s;uppre&s;s Popery, Riots, and un|lawfull a&s;&s;emblies, and to give the people to under&s;tand his re&s;olution to maintain the Prote&s;tant Religion, and the Laws of the <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 442.</NOTE> Kingdom, and not to govern by any arbitra|ry way; and that if any &s;hould give the King or them to under&s;tand of any thing wherein they held them&s;elves grieved, and de&s;ired a ju&s;t reformation, He would &s;peedily give them &s;uch an an&s;wer as they &s;hall have cau&s;e to thank him for his Ju&s;tice and favour. But the &s;ame day a Declaration was publi&s;hed by both Hou&s;es of Parlament, commanding that <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 449.</NOTE>
<PB N="22" REF="16">
no Sheriff, Mayor, Bayliff, Par&s;on, Vicar, Cu|rate, or other (Sir <HI>Richard Gurney</HI> the Lord Mayor of <HI>London,</HI> not many days before ha|ving been impri&s;oned for proclaiming the Kings Proclamation again&s;t the bringing in of Plate, &amp;c.) &s;hould publi&s;h or proclaim any Proclamation, Declaration, or other paper in the Kings name which &s;hould be contrary to any Order, Ordinance, or Declaration of both the hou&s;es of Parlament, or the proceed|ings <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 450.</NOTE> thereof; and Order, that in ca&s;e any force &s;hould be brought out of one County into another to di&s;turb the peace thereof, they &s;hould be &s;uppre&s;&s;ed by the Train Bands, and Voluntiers of the adjacent Counties. Shortly after Sir <HI>John Hotham</HI> fortifieth the Town of <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 453.</NOTE> <HI>Hull,</HI> whil&s;t the King is at <HI>York,</HI> &s;eizeth on a Ship coming to him with provi&s;ions for his Hou&s;hold, takes Mr. <HI>A&s;hburnham</HI> one of the Kings &s;ervants pri&s;oner, intercepts Letters &s;ent from the Queen to the King, and drown|eth <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 459.</NOTE> part of the Countrey round about the Town; which the Parlament allows of, and promi&s;e &s;atisfaction to the owners.</P>
<P>5. <HI>July</HI> 1642. <HI>They order a &s;ub&s;cription of Plate and Hor&s;e to be made in every County, and li&s;t the Hor&s;e under Commanders;</HI> and the mor|row after, Order 2000 men &s;hould be &s;ent to relieve Sir <HI>John Hotham</HI> in ca&s;e the King &s;hould be&s;iege him; to which purpo&s;e Drums were bear up in <HI>London,</HI> and the adjacent parts to <HI>Hull,</HI> The Earl of <HI>Warwick</HI> Ordered to &s;end Ships to <HI>Humber</HI> to his a&s;&s;i&s;tance, in&s;tru|ctions
<PB N="33" REF="16">
drawn up to be &s;ent to the Deputy-Lievtenants of the &s;everall Counties to ten|der the Propo&s;itions for the rai&s;ing of Hor|&s;es, Plate, and Money. Mr. <HI>Ha&s;tings</HI> and di|vers of the Kings Commi&s;&s;ioners of Array im|peached for &s;uppo&s;ed high Crimes and mi&s;|demeanours; and a Committee of five Lords and ten of the Hou&s;e of Commons ordered to meet every morning for the laying out of ten thou&s;and pounds of the <HI>Guild-Hall</HI> mo|neys for the buying of 700 Hor&s;e, and that 10000. Foot to be rai&s;ed in <HI>London</HI> and the Country, be imployed by direction of the Parlament; and the Lord <HI>Brook</HI> is furni&s;hed with 6. pieces of Ordinance out of the Tower of <HI>London</HI> to fortifie the Ca&s;tle of <HI>Warwick.</HI></P>
<P>And 9. <HI>July,</HI> 1642. Order, <HI>That in ca&s;e the Earl of</HI> Northampton <HI>&s;hould come into that County with a Commi&s;&s;ion of Array, they &s;hould rai&s;e the</HI> Militia <HI>to &s;uppre&s;s him; And that the Common Coun&s;ell of</HI> London <HI>&s;hould con&s;ider of a way for the &s;peedy rai&s;ing of the</HI> 10000 <HI>Foot, and that they &s;hould be li&s;ted, and put in pay within four days after.</HI></P>
<P>11. <HI>July,</HI> 1642. The King &s;ends to the Par|lament to cau&s;e the Town of <HI>Hull</HI> to be deli|vered unto him, and de&s;ires to have their an|&s;wer by the 15 of that month, and as then had u&s;ed no force again&s;t it: But the morrow <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 452.</NOTE> after before that me&s;&s;age could come unto them they re&s;olve upon the Que&s;tion: That <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 457.</NOTE> an Army <HI>&s;hall be forthwith rai&s;ed for the defence of the Kings per&s;on and both hou&s;es of Parlament;</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 457.</NOTE>
<PB N="24" REF="17">
<HI>and tho&s;e who have obeyed their Orders and Com|mands; in pre&s;erving the true Religion, the Laws, Liberties, and the Peace of the Kingdom; and that they would live and dye with the Earl of</HI> E&s;|&s;ex, <HI>whom they nominate Generall in that cau&s;e.</HI></P>
<P>And 12. <HI>July</HI> 1642. Declare; that, <HI>they will protect all that &s;hal be imployed in their a&s;&s;i&s;tance and</HI> Militia.</P>
<P>And 16 <HI>July</HI> 1642. Petition the King <HI>to for|bear any preparations or actio~s of War; and to di&s;|mi&s;s</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ibid.</HI> 465. <HI>&amp;</HI> 483.</NOTE> <HI>his extraordinary guards, to come nearer to them, and hearken to their advice:</HI> but before the Petition could be an&s;wered, wherein the King offered when the Town of <HI>Hull</HI> &s;hould bee delivered to Him he would no longer have an <HI>Army before it, and &s;hould be a&s;&s;ured that the &s;ome pretence which took</HI> Hull <HI>from him, may not put a Gari&s;on into</HI> Newca&s;tle, (into which after the Parlaments &s;urpri&s;e of <HI>Hull,</HI> He was infor|ced to place a Governour and a &s;mall Garri|&s;on) He would al&s;o <HI>remove that Garri&s;on, and &s;o (as his Magazine and Navy might be de|livered unto him; all Armies and Levies made by the Parlament laid down, the pretended Ordinance for the</HI> Militia <HI>di&s;avowed, and the Parlament ad|journed to a &s;ecure place he would lay down Arms and repair to them, and de&s;ired all differences might be freely debated in a Parlamentary way, whereby the Law might recover its due reverence, the Subject his ju&s;t Liberty. Parlaments their ful vigour and e&s;timation, and the whole Kingdom a ble&s;&s;ed Peace and Pro&s;perity, and requiring their an&s;wer by the</HI> 27. <HI>of that</HI> July, <HI>promi&s;ed, til then,</HI>
<PB N="25" REF="17">
<HI>not to make any attempt of force upon Hull;</HI> had armed their General with power again&s;t him, given him a Commi&s;&s;ion to kill and &s;lay all that &s;hould oppo&s;e him in the execution of it, and cho&s;en their General of the Hor&s;e.</P>
<P>8. <HI>Augu&s;t,</HI> 1642. Upon information that &s;ome of the Town of <HI>Port&s;mouth</HI> had revolted to Colonell <HI>Goring</HI> (being but &s;ent thither with a me&s;&s;age from the King) and Declared for his Maje&s;tie: Order forces to be &s;ent thi|ther &s;peedily to beleaguer it by Land, and the Earle of <HI>Warwick</HI> to &s;end thither 5. Ships of the Navy to prevent any forraign forces com|ing to their a&s;&s;i&s;tance, and upon Intelligence that the Earle of <HI>Northampton</HI> appeared with great &s;trength at <HI>Banbury,</HI> to hinder the Lo. <HI>Brooks</HI> for carrying the picces of Ordnance to <HI>Warwick;</HI> Ordered 5000 Hor&s;e and Foot to be &s;ent to a&s;&s;i&s;t him.</P>
<P>9. <HI>Augu&s;t</HI> 1642. Upon information that the Marquis of <HI>Hartford</HI> and divers others were in <HI>Somer&s;et-&s;hire</HI> demanding obedience to the Kings Commi&s;&s;ion of Array, &amp; to have the Magazine of the Connty to be delivered unto them: Gave power to the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> their Lord Generall, the Lord <HI>Brook</HI> and o|thers to apprehend the Marquis of <HI>Hartford,</HI> and Earl of <HI>Northampton,</HI> and their complices, and to kill and &s;lay all that &s;hould oppo&s;e them. And the day following gave the Earle of <HI>Stamford</HI> a Commi&s;&s;ion to rai&s;e forces for the Suppre&s;&s;ing of any &s;hould attempt for the King in <HI>Leice&s;ter-&s;hire</HI> or the adjacent Coun|ties.</P>
<P><PB N="26" REF="18">
And on the eleventh of <HI>Augu&s;t,</HI> 1642. Upon the Kings Proclamation, two days be|fore declaring the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> and all that &s;hould adhere unto him in the levying of Forces, and not come in and yield to His Maje&s;ty within &s;ix days to be Travtors<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> vote the &s;aid Proclamation to be again&s;t the fun|damental Laws of the Kingdom; Declare their re&s;olutions to maintain and a&s;&s;i&s;t the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex;</HI> and <HI>re&s;olve to &s;pend no more time in Declarations and Petitions, but to endeavour by rai&s;ing of Forces to &s;uppre&s;s the Kings Party</HI> (though all that the Kings loyal Subjects did at that time for Him, was but to execute the Commi&s;&s;ion of Array in the old legal way of the <HI>Militia)</HI> and within a day or two after ordered the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> their Lord General to &s;et forth with his Army of Hor&s;e upon the Monday following; but not &s;o much as an An&s;wer would be afforded to the Kings Me&s;|&s;age &s;ent from <HI>Hull,</HI> where, whil&s;t He with patience and hope forbore any action, or at|tempt of force, according to His promi&s;e, Sir <HI>John Hotham</HI> &s;allied out in the night, and murdered many of his fellow-&s;ubjects.</P>
<P>12 <HI>Angu&s;t,</HI> 1642. The King, though He might well under&s;tand the great leavies of Men and Arms ready to march again&s;t Him, by a Declaration publi&s;hed to all his Sub|jects, a&s;&s;ures them; <HI>as in the pre&s;ence of God; That all the Acts pa&s;&s;ed by Him in this parlia|ment &s;hould be as equally ob&s;erved, as tho&s;e which mo&s;t of all concerned His own intere&s;t and rights;</HI>
<PB N="27" REF="18">
<HI>and that his quarrel was not again&s;t the Parlia|ment, but particular men; and therefore de&s;ired, That the Lord</HI> Kimbolton, <HI>Mr.</HI> Hollis, <HI>Sir</HI> Hen: Ludlow, <HI>Sir</HI> Arthur Ha&s;ilrig, <HI>Mr.</HI> Strode, <HI>Mr.</HI> Martin, <HI>Mr.</HI> Hampden, <HI>Alderman</HI> Pen|nington, <HI>and Captain</HI> Venne, <HI>might be deli|vered into the hands of Ju&s;tice, to be tried by their Peers, according to the known Laws of the Land; and again&s;t the Earls of</HI> E&s;&s;ex, War|wick, Stamford, <HI>Lord</HI> Brooks, <HI>Sir</HI> John Hotham, <HI>Major General</HI> Skippon, <HI>and tho&s;e who &s;hould exerci&s;e the</HI> Militia <HI>by vertue of the Ordinance, he would cau&s;e Indictments to be drawn of high Trea&s;on upon the Statute of</HI> 25 Edw. 3. <HI>and if they &s;ubmit to trial, and plead the Ordinance, would re&s;t &s;atisfied if they &s;hould be acquitted.</HI> But when this produced as little effect as all other endeavours He had u&s;ed for peace, He that &s;aw the <HI>Hydra</HI> in the mud and &s;lime of Sedition, in its <HI>Embrio,</HI> birth and growth, and finds him now erected rea|dy to devour him; mu&s;t now (though very unwilling to ca&s;t off His beloved Robe of Peace, for&s;ake an abu&s;ed patience, and be|lieve no more in the hopes of other reme|dies had &s;o often deceived Him: but if He will give any account to the Watchman of <HI>I&s;rael</HI> of the People committed to his charge; or to the people of his protection of them, or any manner of &s;atisfaction to his own judgment and di&s;cretion) betake Him&s;elf to the Sword which God had intru&s;ted Him with: and therefore makes the be&s;t u&s;e He
<PB N="28" REF="19">
could of tho&s;e few friends were about Him&punc; and with the money which the Queen had not long before borrowed, and the &s;mall &s;up|plies He had obtained of His Servants and Friends about Him (who pawned and enga|ged their Plate, Jewels and Lands for Him) with tho&s;e Lords and Gentlemen that wil|lingly offered to bear Him company in His Troubles; provides what Men and Arm<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">&punc; He could in His way towards <HI>Notting ham,</HI> where He intended to &s;et up his Standard.</P>
<P>But the Parliament about the 23 of <HI>Au|gu&s;t,</HI> 1642. having received &s;ome informati|on that He intended to &s;et up his Standard at <HI>Nottingham,</HI> Declare: That <HI>now it appear<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> to all the world, that there is good ground of their fears and jealou&s;ies</HI> (which if ever there had been any, as there was no cau&s;e at all of any&punc; more than that meaning to murder and ru|ine Him, they were often affraid He &s;hould take notice of it, and &s;eek to defend Him&s;elf; there was by their own confe&s;&s;ion till this time no manife&s;t or certain ground appear|ing, that He intended to defend Him&s;elf a|gain&s;t the Parliament) and therefore order: <HI>That all that &s;hall &s;uffer in their E&s;tates by any force rai&s;ed by the King, without con&s;ent of Par|liament, &s;hall have full reparation of their da|mages out of the E&s;tates of the actors, and out of the E&s;tates of all &s;uch per&s;ons in any part of the Kingdome, who &s;hould per&s;ist to &s;erve the King in this War again&s;t the Parliament; and That it &s;hould be lawfull for any number of per|&s;ons</HI>
<PB N="29" REF="19">
<HI>to joyn and defend them&s;elves; and, That the Earl of</HI> E&s;&s;ex, <HI>their Generall &s;hould grant out Commi&s;&s;ions for Levying and conducting for|ces into the Northern parts, And Sir</HI> John Hotham <HI>the Governour of</HI> Hull <HI>a&s;&s;i&s;t them; and command al&s;o the Sheriffs of the County of</HI> York <HI>and the adjacent Counties, with the power of the Counties, and Trained Bands to aid them, and to &s;eize upon all that &s;hall execute the Com|mi&s;&s;ion of Array for his Maje&s;tie,</HI> who was thus &s;ufficiently be&s;et by tho&s;e that intended what &s;ince they have brought to pa&s;s again&s;t Him.</P>
<P>25. <HI>Augu&s;t,</HI> 1642. (being &s;ome days after the Earle of <HI>Bedford</HI> had marched with great forces into the <HI>West)</HI> that His Subjects might be informed of His danger, and repair to his Succour; &s;etting up his Standard at <HI>Notting|ham;</HI> being a thing of meer legall nece&s;&s;ity; if He would have any at all to come to help Him, and not forfeit and &s;urpri&s;e tho&s;e that by tenure of their Lands or by rea&s;on of Of|fices, Fees, or, Annuities enjoyed under Him, were more immediately bound to a&s;&s;i&s;t Him.</P>
<P>And yet here He mu&s;t weep over <HI>Jeru&s;alem;</HI> and once again intreat the Parlament and His Rebellious Subjects to prevent their own mi&s;eries; and therefore &s;ends the Earls of <HI>Sonthampton</HI> and <HI>Dor&s;et</HI> to the Parlament to de&s;ire a Treaty, <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">ffering to do all on His own part which might advance the Prote&s;tant Religion, oppo&s;e Popery and Super&s;tition, and &s;ecure the Laws and Liberties of His Subjects, and ju&s;t p<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">iviledges of Parlament:
<PB N="30" REF="20">
Which after &s;everall &s;corns put upon tho&s;e noble Me&s;&s;engers, as denying the Earle of <HI>Southampton</HI> to come and &s;it in the Hou&s;e of Peers (as a right by birth and inheritance due to him) and cau&s;ing the Serjeant at Arms of the Hou&s;e of Commons to go before him with the Mac&ecirc; as they u&s;e to do before Delin|quents: They refu&s;e to accept of, unle&s;s the King <HI>would fir&s;t take down His Standard, and recall his Declarations and Proclamations again&s;t them.</HI> To which the King the 5. <HI>September,</HI> 1642. (notwith&s;tanding the Earl of <HI>Bedford</HI> had with great forces in the mean time be|&s;ieged the Marquis of <HI>Hartford</HI> in the Ca&s;tle of <HI>Sherborn</HI> in <HI>Dor&s;et &s;hire)</HI> replying, <HI>That he never did Declare, or intended for to Declare both his hou&s;es of Parlament to be Traitors, or &s;et up his</HI> Standard <HI>again&s;t them: much le&s;s to put them and the Kingdom out of his prote|ction:</HI> And utterly prote&s;ting again&s;t it, <HI>before God and the World, offered to recall his De|clarations and Proclamations with all cheerfull|ne&s;s the &s;ame day that they &s;hould revoke their Declarations against tho&s;e that had a&s;&s;i&s;ted him;</HI> and de&s;iring a Treaty, and conjuring them to <HI>con&s;ider the bleeding condition of</HI> Ireland, <HI>and the danger of</HI> England, <HI>undertakes to bee ready to grant any thing &s;hall be really good for his Subjects;</HI> which being brought by the Lord <HI>Falkland,</HI> one of his Maje&s;ties Secretaries of State, and a Member of the Hou&s;e of Commons, and not long before in a very great e&s;teem with them (all the
<PB N="31" REF="20">
re&s;pect could be afforded him being to &s;tand at the Bar of the Hou&s;e of Commons, and deliver his Me&s;&s;age to them) had onely an an&s;wer in a printed Declaration of the Lords and Commons returned unto him, That it was Ordered and Declared by the Lords and Commons in Parliament, <HI>That the Armes which they have been forced to take up, or &s;hall be forced to take up, for the pre&s;ervation of the Parliament, Religion, and the Lawes and Liber|ties of the Kingdome, &s;hall not be laid down until his Maje&s;ty &s;hall withdraw his protection from &s;uch Per&s;ons as have been voted by both Hou&s;es of Parliament to be Delinquents, or that &s;hall by both Hou&s;es of Parliament be voted to be Delin|quents</HI> (which after their mad way of voting might have been him&s;elf, his Queen, or his Heir apparent) <HI>and leave them to the Ju&s;tice of Parliament according to their demerits, to the end that tho&s;e great charges and damages where|withal the Commonwealth hath been burthened &s;ince his Maje&s;ty departed from the Parliament, might be born by the Delinquents and other ma|lignant and di&s;-affected per&s;ons, and that tho&s;e who by Loans of money or otherwi&s;e at their char|ges have a&s;&s;i&s;ted the Commonwealth, or &s;hall in like manner hereafter a&s;&s;i&s;t the Commonwealth in times of extream danger</HI> (and here they would al&s;o provide for future friends and quarrels) <HI>may be re-paid all &s;umms of money lent for tho&s;e purpo&s;es, and &s;atisfied their charges &s;u&s;tained as out of the e&s;tates of the &s;aid Delinquents, and of the Malignant and di&s;-affected Party in this Kingdome.</HI></P>
<P><PB N="32" REF="21">
And to make good their words of 8. <HI>Sep|tember</HI> 1642. Before their an&s;wer could come unto the Kings hands, Ordered certain numbers of hor&s;e and foot to be &s;ent to Gar|ri&s;on and &s;ecure <HI>Oxford,</HI> and the morrow af|ter (before the King could po&s;&s;ibly reply un|to it) their Lord General, the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> marched out of <HI>London</HI> again&s;t him with 20000 men, hor&s;e and foot, gallantly arm|ed, and a great train of Arti<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">lery to attend him; notwith&s;tanding all which, and tho&s;<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> huge impo&s;&s;ibilities every day more and more appeared of obtaining a Peace wit<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> tho&s;e who were &s;o much afraid to be lo&s;er<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> by it, as they never at all intended it.</P>
<P>The King mu&s;t needs &s;end one me&s;&s;ag<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> more unto them, to try if that might no<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> give them &s;ome occa&s;ion to &s;end Him gentle<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> conditions; and therefore 13. <HI>September</HI> 1642. (Being the &s;ame day they had impea|ched the Lord <HI>Strange</HI> of High-trea&s;on for executing the Kings Commi&s;&s;ion of <HI>Array,</HI> and Ordered the propo&s;itions for furni&s;hing of hor&s;e, plate, and money, to be tendred from hou&s;e to hou&s;e, in the Cities of <HI>London</HI> and <HI>We&s;tminster,</HI> and to be &s;ent into all the Shires and Counties of <HI>England</HI> to be tendred for the &s;ame purpo&s;e, and the names of the refu&s;ers to be certified.) Mr. <HI>May,</HI> one of the Pages to the King, comes to the Lords Hou&s;e in Parl&icirc;ament, with a Me&s;&s;age from Him, bearing date but two dayes before; <HI>That al|though He had u&s;ed all wayes and me anes to pre|vent</HI>
<PB N="35" REF="21">
<HI>the pre&s;ent di&s;tractions and dangers of the Kingdome, all his labours have been fruitle&s;s, that not &s;o much as a Treaty, earne&s;tly de&s;ired by him, can be obtained (though he di&s;claimed all his Proclamations and Declarations, and the ere|cting of his</HI> Standard <HI>as again&s;t his Parliament) unle&s;s he &s;hould denude him&s;elf of all force to de|fend him from a vi&s;ible &s;trength marching a|gain&s;t him; That now he had nothing left in his power but to expre&s;s the deep &s;en&s;e he had of the publick mi&s;ery of the Kingdome, and to ap|ply him&s;elf to a nece&s;&s;ary defence, wherein he wholly relied upon the providence of God and the affection of his good People, and was &s;o far from put ting them out of his protection, as when the Parliament &s;hould de&s;ire a Treaty, he would pi|ou&s;ly remember who&s;e blood is to be &s;pilt in this quarrel, and cheerfully embrace it.</HI></P>
<P>But this mu&s;t al&s;o leave them as it &s;ound them, in their ungodly purpo&s;es; for the morrow after being the 14. day of <HI>September</HI> 1642. Mr. <HI>Hampden,</HI> one of the &s;ive <HI>Members</HI> (by this time a Colonel of the Army) brings letters to the Hou&s;e of Commons from the Parliaments Lord General, that he was at <HI>Northampton</HI> in a very good po&s;ture, and that great numbers of the Countrey thereabouts came in daily unto him, and offered to march under him, and that &s;o &s;oon as all his forces that are about <HI>London</HI> &s;hal come up unto him, which he de&s;ires may be ha&s;tened, he intend|ed to advance towards his Maje&s;ty: and it was the &s;ame day voted, That all things &s;eal|ed
<PB N="34" REF="22">
by the Kings Seal &s;ince it was carried a|way by the Lord Keeper <HI>Littleton,</HI> &s;hould be Null, and of no force in the Law, and that a new Seal &s;hould be provided.</P>
<P>The King therefore &s;eeing what he mu&s;t tru&s;t to, 19. <HI>September</HI> 1642. being at <HI>Wellington</HI> in <HI>Shrop-&s;hire</HI> in the head of &s;uch &s;mall forces and friends as he could get toge|ther, (for the Parlament that very day had received letters, That the King but the week before, having a mu&s;ter at <HI>Nottingham,</HI> there appeared but about 3000 foot, and 2000. hor&s;e, and 1500 dragoona; and tha<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> a great part of his men were not provided with arms) made his Prote&s;tation and promi&s;e as in the pre&s;ence <HI>of Almighty God, and as He hoped for his ble&s;&s;ing and protection, to maintain to the ut|mo&s;t</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Ihm.</HI> 614.</NOTE> <HI>of his power the true reformed Prote&s;tant Religion e&s;tabli&s;hed in the Church of</HI> England, <HI>and that he de&s;ired to govern by the known Laws of the Land, and that the Liberty and property of the Subject &s;hould bee pre&s;erved with the &s;ame care as his own ju&s;t rights, and to ob&s;erve invi|olably the Laws con&s;ented to by him in this Par|lament, and promi&s;ed as in the &s;ight of Almigh|ty God, if He would plea&s;e by his ble&s;&s;ing upon that Army rai&s;ed for his nece&s;&s;ary defence, to pre&s;erve him from that rebellion, to maintain the ju&s;t pri|viledges and freedom of Parlament, and govern by the known Laws of the Land. In the mean while, if this time of War, and the nece&s;&s;ity and &s;traights he was driven to, &s;hould beget any viola|tion of them, he hoped it would be imputed by</HI>
<PB N="35" REF="22">
<HI>God and man to the Authors of the War, and not to him who had &s;o earne&s;tly de&s;ired and laboured for the peace of the Kingdome, and pre&s;ervation thereof; and that when He &s;hould fail in any of tho&s;e particulars, He would ex<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">est no aid or re|lief from any man, or protection from Heaven.</HI></P>
<P>And now that the &s;tage of War &s;eems to be made ready, and the Parliament party be|ing the better furni&s;hed, had not &s;eldome &s;hewed them&s;elves, and made &s;everall traver|&s;es over it (for indeed the King having &s;o ma|ny nece&s;&s;ities upon him, and &s;o out of power and provi&s;ion for it, might in that regard only if He had not been &s;o unwilling to have any hurtcome to his people by his own defen|ding of him&s;elf, be backward &amp; unwillingly drawn unto it, we may do well to &s;tand by and ob&s;erve who cometh fir&s;t to act upon it.</P>
<P>22. Of <HI>September</HI> 1642. The Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> writeth from <HI>Warwick</HI> that he was upon his march after the King and before the 6. of <HI>O|ctober</HI> following had written to the County of <HI>Warwick</HI> with all &s;peed to rai&s;e their Trai|ned bands and Voluntiers to re&s;i&s;t his Forces if they &s;hould come that way, and to the three Counties of <HI>Northampton, Leice&s;ter</HI> and <HI>Derby</HI> to gather head and re&s;i&s;t him if he &s;hould re|tire into tho&s;e parts; and by all that can bee judged of a matter of fact, &s;o truly and faith|fully repre&s;ented, mu&s;t needs be acknowledg|ed to have great advantages of the King, by the City and Tower of <HI>London,</HI> Navy, Ship|ping, Armes, Ammunition, the Kings Maga|zine,
<PB N="34" REF="23">
all the &s;trong. Towns of the Kingdom, mo&s;t of the Kingdoms plate and money, the Parliaments credit and high e&s;teem, which at that time the people Idolized; the fiery Zeal of a &s;editious Clergy to preach the peo|ple into a Rebellion, and the people head-longly running into the witchcraft of it: When the King on the other &s;ide had little more to help him the<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> the Laws and Religi|on of the Land, which at that time every man began to <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">i<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">con&s;true and pull in pie|ces, had neither men, hor&s;e, arms, ammuni|tion, &s;hips, places of &s;trength, nor money, not any of his party or followers, after the Parliament had as it were proclamed a War again&s;t him, could come &s;ingle or in &s;mall numbers through any Town or Village, but were either openly a&s;&s;aulted, or &s;ecretly be|trayed, no man could adven<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">ure to &s;erve or own him, but mu&s;t expo&s;e him&s;elf and his E|&s;tate to be ruined either by the Parliament or people, or &s;uch as for malice or profit would inform again&s;t him. All the gains and pla|ces of preferment were on the Parliaments part, and nothing but lo&s;&s;es and misfortunes on the Kings: No man was afraid to goe openly to the Parliaments &s;ide, and no man du<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">&s;t openly &s;o much as take acquaintance of his S<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">veraign, but if he had done a quar|ter of <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 word"> which <HI>Ziba</HI> did to <HI>David</HI> when he <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 word"> the <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 word"> <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="3 letters">ves of bread, or old <HI>Barzil|l<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters">,</HI> <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 word"> <HI><GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 word"></HI> the <HI>Gutite,</HI> when he went along with him when hi<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> Son <HI>Ab&s;alom</HI> rebelled a|gain&s;t
<PB N="39" REF="23">
him, They &s;hould never have e&s;caped &s;o well as they did, but have been &s;ure to be undone and &s;eque&s;tred for it. So much of the affections of the people had the Parlia|ment co&s;ened and &s;toln from them, &s;o much profit and preferment had they to per&s;wade it, and &s;o much power to enforce tho&s;e, that otherwi&s;e had not a mind to it, to fight a|gain&s;t him; Who thus every way encom|pa&s;&s;ed about with dangers, and like a <HI>Par|tridge</HI> hunted upon the Mountains, march|eth from <HI>Shrewsbury</HI> towards <HI>Banbury,</HI> per|&s;wading and picking up what help and a&s;&s;i|&s;tance his better &s;ort of Subjects dur&s;t ad|venture to afford him: in the way to which;</P>
<P>On <HI>Sunday</HI> the 23. of <HI>October</HI> 1642. (for they thought it better to rob God of his <HI>Sabbath,</HI> than lo&s;e an opportunity of mur|thering their Soveraign) the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> and Parliament-Army powring in from all quarters of the Kingdom upon him, had compa&s;&s;ed him in on all &s;ides; and before the King could put his men in Battel-Array, (many of whom being young Country fel|lows, had no better armes than clubs and &s;taves in their hands, cut out of the hedges) and put his two young Sons, the Prince of <HI>Wales</HI> and the Duke of <HI>York,</HI> in the guard of a Troop of hor&s;e at the further end of the field, and had fini&s;hed a &s;hort prayer, a bul|let of the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI>'s Cannon grazed at his heels as he was kneeling at his prayers on the &s;ide of a bank (for <HI>Blague,</HI> a villain in
<PB N="38" REF="24">
in the Kings Army, having a great pen&s;ion allowed him for it, had given notice in what part of the field the King &s;tood, that they might the better know how to &s;hoot at him.) But God having a greater care of his Anoin|ted than of their Rebellious pretences, &s;o or|dered the hands of tho&s;e that fought for the King, as the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> was &s;o loaden with Victories, as he left five of his men, for one of Kings, dead behind him; lo&s;t his Bag|gage and Artillery, retired back to <HI>Warwick,</HI> and left the King to ble&s;s God in the field; where he &s;upped with &s;uch victuals as the more loyal and better natur'd neighbours &s;ent him, when the wor&s;er &s;ort refu&s;ed to do it, and lying there all night, &s;ent warrants out the next day to the neighbour Pari&s;hes to bury the dead; drew off his Ordnance, and marched to <HI>Banbury,</HI> and yet he could not forget to pity tho&s;e were at &s;uch paines and hazard the day before to murther Him, but before he went out of the field &s;ent Sir <HI>Willi|am Le<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">neve Clarencieux,</HI> King of Armes to <HI>Warwick,</HI> whither the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> was fled, with a Proclamation of pardon to all that would lay down armes; which though they &s;cornfully received, and the Herald threat|ned to be hanged if he did not depart the &s;ooner, cannot per&s;wade Him from &s;ending a Declaration or Me&s;&s;age to the Parliament, to offer them all that could be reque&s;ted by Subjects; but all the u&s;e they made of it was to make the City of <HI>London</HI> believe they were
<PB N="39" REF="24">
in greater danger than ever, if they &s;ent them not more moneys, and recruited the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> his broken Army; and to co&s;en and put the people on the more to &s;eek their own mi|&s;ery, a day of Thank&s;giving was publiquely kept for the great Victory obtained again&s;t the King. And <HI>Stephen Mar&s;hall,</HI> a Factious bloody Mini&s;ter, though he confe&s;&s;ed he was &s;o carried on in the crowd of tho&s;e that fled from the battel, as he knew not where he was till he came to a Market-Town which was &s;ome miles from <HI>Edge-hill,</HI> where the Battel was fought, preaches to the people (too little believing the Word of God, and too much believing him:) that to his know|ledge there was not above 200. men lo&s;t on the Parliaments &s;ide; that he picked up bul|lets in his black velvet cap, and that a very &s;mall &s;upply would now &s;erve to reduce the King, and bring him to his Parliament.</P>
<P>And here ye may &s;ee <HI>Janus</HI> Temple wide open, though the doors of it were not lift off the hinges, or broken open at once, but pickt open by tho&s;e either knew not the mi&s;ery of the War, or knowing it, will prove to be the more guilty promoters of it. That we may the better therefore find out (though the matter of Fact already repre&s;ented may be evidence enough of it &s;elf) who it was that let out the fury and rage of War upon us, we &s;hall con&s;ider;</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="2" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="38" REF="25">
<HEAD>CHAP. II. <HI>Whether a Prince or other Magi&s;trate, la|bouring to &s;uppre&s;s, or puni&s;h a Rebel|lion of the People, be tied to tho&s;e rules are nece&s;&s;ary for the ju&s;tifying of a War, if it were made between equals.</HI></HEAD>
<P>WAr was fir&s;t brought in by nece&s;&s;ity, where the determining of controver|&s;ies between two &s;trange Princes of equal Po|wer, could not be had, becau&s;e they have no &s;uperiour: A Rebel therefore cannot pro|perly be called an enemy, for <HI>Ho&s;tis nomen notat aequalitatem;</HI> and when any &s;uch Arms are borne again&s;t Rebels, it is not to be cal|led a War, but an Exerci&s;e of Juri&s;diction upon trayterous and di&s;&s;oyal Per&s;ons, <HI>atque e&s;t ratio manife&s;ta,</HI> &s;aith <HI>Albericus Gentilis, qui enim jure judex e&s;t &amp; &s;uperior, non jure cogitur</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Alber. Gentil.</HI> 223.</NOTE> <HI>ad &s;ubeundas partes partis &amp; aequalis, &amp; non e&s;t bellum cum latronibus praedonibus aut piratis quanquam magnos habeant excercitus, &amp; proin|de nec ulla cum illis belli jura,</HI> &s;aith <HI>Be&s;oldus:</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Be&s;oldus in di&s;&s;ert. de <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">ure Belli</HI> 77, <HI>&amp;</HI> 78.</NOTE> The <HI>Romans</HI> who were &s;o exact and curious in their publick denouncing of War, and &s;en|ding Amba&s;&s;adors before they made War a|gain&s;t any other Nation, did not do it in ca|&s;es of Rebellion and defection; and there|fore
<PB N="43" REF="25">
<HI>Fidenatibus &amp; Campanis non denunciant</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Lib. Alber.</HI> 23.</NOTE> <HI>Romani.</HI> And <HI>Cicero,</HI> that was of opinion, that <HI>nullum bellum ju&s;tum haberi videtur ni&s;i nuncia|tum, ni&s;i indictum ni&s;i repetitis rebus</HI> &s;tood not upon tho&s;e &s;olemnities in the <HI>Cataline con&s;pi|racy;</HI> for the rules of ju&s;tifying a War again&s;t an enemy or equals as demanding re&s;tituti|on, denunciation, and the like, are not re|qui&s;ite in that of puni&s;hing Rebels; <HI>Pompey</HI> ju&s;tifies tbe War maintained by the Senate a|gain&s;t <HI>Cae&s;ar</HI> (not then their Soveraign) with <HI>neque enim vocari praelia ju&s;ta decent &amp;c. Cicero</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Lucan. li.</HI> 2.</NOTE> did not think it convenient to &s;end Amba&s;&s;a|dors to <HI>Anthony,</HI> nor intreat him by faire words; but that it was meet to inforce him by arms to rai&s;e his &s;iege from <HI>Mutina;</HI> for he &s;aid, <HI>They had not to do with</HI> Hambal <HI>an ene|my</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Cicero Phi<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">&punc; lipic.</HI> 5.</NOTE> <HI>to the Commonwealth, but with a rebellious Citizen.</HI> The re&s;i&s;ting of the Kings Authority when the Sheriff of a County goes with the <HI>po&s;&s;e Comitatus,</HI> to execute it, was never yet &s;o much as called a War, but Rebellion and In&s;urrection, or Commotion, were the be&s;t terms be&s;towed upon it [&s;uch attempts are not called Wars, but Robberies, of which the Law taketh no other care of, but to pu|ni&s;h them] The ha&s;te that all our Kings and Princes in <HI>England</HI> have made in &s;uppre&s;&s;ing Rebellions (as that of the Barons Wars by <HI>Henry</HI> the 3. and his &s;ending his Sonne the Prince to be&s;iege <HI>Warren</HI> Earl of <HI>Surrey</HI> in his Ca&s;tle of <HI>Rygate,</HI> for affronting the Kings Ju&s;tices, &s;aying, <HI>That he would hold his Lands</HI>
<PB N="42" REF="26">
<HI>by the Sword:</HI> That which <HI>Rich.</HI> 2. made to &s;uppre&s;s <HI>Wat. Tiler, H.</HI> 6. <HI>Jack Cade, H.</HI> 8. <HI>Ket</HI> and the <HI>Norfolk</HI> Rebels, and Queen <HI>Eli|zabeth</HI> to &s;uppre&s;s the Earls of <HI>Northumber-land</HI> and <HI>We&s;tmerland)</HI> may tell us that they under&s;tood it no otherwi&s;e than all the Kings and Magi&s;trates of the world have ever pra|cti&s;ed it [by the Laws of <HI>England,</HI> if Engli&s;h|men that are Traytors go into <HI>France,</HI> and confederate with <HI>Altens</HI> or <HI>Frenchmen,</HI> and come afterwards and make a War in <HI>Eng|land</HI> and be taken pri&s;oners, the &s;trangers may be ran&s;omed, but not the <HI>Engli&s;h,</HI> for they were the Kings Subjects, and are to be reckoned as Traytors, not &s;trangers:] And the Parliaments own advice to the King to &s;uppre&s;s the Iri&s;h Rebels that ploughed but with their own Heyfer, and pretended as they did to defend their Religion, Laws and Li|berties; and the opinion al&s;o of Mr. Pre&s;ident <HI>Brad&s;haw</HI> (as Sir <HI>John Owen</HI> called him in his late &s;entence given again&s;t the Earls of <HI>Cam|bridge, Holland,</HI> and <HI>Norwich,</HI> Lord <HI>Capel</HI> and Sir <HI>John Owen,</HI> whom he mi&s;takenly (God and the Law knows) would make to be the Subjects of their worfer fellow-Subjects, may be enough to turn the que&s;tion out of doors.</P>
<P>But le&s;t all this &s;hould not be thought &s;uf|ficient to &s;atisfie tho&s;e can like nothing but what there is Scripture for, we &s;hall a little turn over the leaves of that &s;acred Volume, and &s;ee what is to be found concerning this matter.</P>
<P><PB N="43" REF="26">
<HI>Mo&s;es</HI> who was the meeke&s;t Magi&s;trate in the world, and better acquainted with him that made the fifth Commandement, than the&s;e that now pretend Revelations again&s;t it; thought fit to &s;uppre&s;s the rebellion of <HI>Corah, Dathan</HI> and <HI>Abiram</HI> as &s;oone as he could; and for no greater offence than a de|&s;ire to be coordinate with him, procured them to be buried alive, with all that appertained unto them.</P>
<P>When <HI>Ab&s;olom</HI> had rebelled again&s;t his fa|ther <HI>David,</HI> and it was told him, <HI>That the</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg">2 <HI>Sam</HI> 15.</NOTE> <HI>hearts of the men of I&s;rael were after him, Da|vid,</HI> a man after Gods own heart, without any me&s;&s;age of peace, or Declaration &s;ent un|to his dear &s;on <HI>Ab&s;olom,</HI> or offering half or any part of his Kingdome to him, &s;ent three &s;everal Armies to pur&s;ue and give him bat|tell.</P>
<P>When <HI>Sheba</HI> the &s;onne of <HI>Bichri</HI> blew a Trumpet and &s;aid, <HI>We have no part in</HI> David, <HI>every man to his tent, O I&s;rael; and thereupon</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg">2 <HI>Sam.</HI> 20.</NOTE> <HI>every man of I&s;rael followed after him and for|&s;ook their King; David</HI> (who knew that <HI>Mo|&s;es</HI> would not make a War upon the <HI>Amo|rites,</HI> though he had Gods commandement for it without offers of peace, and me&s;&s;en|gers &s;ent fir&s;t unto them) &s;aid to <HI>Ama&s;a, A&s;|&s;emble me the men of Judah within three daies;</HI> and when he tarried longer, &s;aid unto him, <HI>Take thou thy Lords Servants and pur&s;ue after him, le&s;t he get him fenced Cities, and e&s;cape us.</HI></P>
<P><PB N="42" REF="27">
For they that would take heed of Cocatri|ces, have ever u&s;ed to kill them in the &s;hell. <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Bodm, page</HI> 736.</NOTE> And <HI>diligenti cuique Imperatori ac magi&s;trains danda e&s;t opera</HI> (&s;aith <HI>Bodin) ut non tam &s;edi|tiones tollere quam praeoccupare &s;tudent.</HI> For &s;e|dition (&s;aith he) once kindled, like a &s;pan of fire, blown by popular fury, may &s;ooner fire a whole City than be extingui&s;hed. <HI>Et tales igitur pe&s;tes opprimere derepent&eacute; nece&s;&s;<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> e&s;t;</HI> Princes and Soveraigns who are bound to protect and defend their Subjects, are not to &s;tand &s;till, and &s;uffer one to oppre&s;s ano|ther, and them&s;elves to be undone by it af|terwards.</P>
<P>But put the ca&s;e the Parliament could have been called a Parliament when they had dri|ven away the King, which is the Head and Life of it, or could have been &s;aid to have been two Hou&s;es of Parliament, when there was not at that time above a third part of the Hou&s;e of Peers, nor the half of the Hou&s;e of Commons remaining in them, and what tho&s;e few did in their abfence was either for|ced by a Faction of their own, or a party of &s;editious <HI>Londoners</HI> (for indeed the Warre rightly con&s;idered, was not betwixt the Par|liament and the King, but a War made by a factious and &s;editious part of the Parliament again&s;t the King, and the major part of the Parliament) and had been (as it never was nor could be by the Laws and Con&s;titutions of the Kingdom) coordinate and equal with the King, and joint-tenan<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters"> of the Kingdom;
<PB N="47" REF="27">
it would have been nece&s;&s;ary to make <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> War as ju&s;t as they could, and to have done all that had been in order to it: and there|fore we hope they which pretend &s;o much to the Ju&s;tice of the Kingdom, will not be of|fended to have the Ju&s;tice of their Wars &s;om|thing examined.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="4" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. IV. <HI>Suppo&s;e the Warre to be made with a neighbour-Prince, or between equals; Whether the King or Parliament were in the defen&s;ive or ju&s;tifyabie part of it.</HI></HEAD>
<P><HI>PL<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">rique</HI> &s;aith learned <HI>Grotius, tres &s;tatu|unt bellorum ju&s;tas cau&s;as, defen&s;ionem, re|cuperationem</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg">H. Grotius. de jure pa|<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">is &amp; belli.</NOTE> <HI>&amp; punttionem.</HI> For any defence the Parliament might pretend a nece&s;&s;ity of, The King neither a&s;&s;aulted them, nor u&s;ed any violence to them when they fir&s;t of all granted out their Propo&s;itions and Commi&s;|&s;ions of War, unIe&s;s they can turn their jea|lou&s;ies into a <HI>Creed,</HI> and make the Kings de|manding the five Members and <HI>Kimbolton</HI> (be|ing done by warrant of the Law of the Land, and the Records and precedents of their own Hou&s;es) appear to be an a&s;&s;aulting of them. Or if any rea&s;onable man knew but how to
<PB N="46" REF="28">
make that to be an a&s;&s;ault, or a nece&s;&s;ary cau&s;e of War for them to revenge it; the Kings waving and relinqui&s;hing of his charge afterwards again&s;t them, might have certainly been enough to have taken away the cau&s;e of it (if there had been any) how&s;oever, a War<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">, made onely to revenge a bare demand or re|que&s;t of a thing and was neither &s;o much as forced or a &s;econd time demanded of them, but totally laid a&s;ide and retracted, can never be accounted ju&s;t.</P>
<P>As for the recovery of things lo&s;t, or taken away, The Parliament it &s;elf, had no|thing taken from them, for both they and the people were &s;o far from being loo&s;ers at that time by the King, as the Remon&s;trance of the hou&s;e of Commons made to the peo|ple 15. <HI>December</HI> 1641. of the Kings erroun (as they plea&s;e to call them) in the govern|ment <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Collect. of Me&s;&s;R <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">. mon &s;t. and Declar.</HI> 15.</NOTE> (but indeed the errours rather of his Mini&s;ters and them&s;elves al&s;o, in bu&s;ying him with brawles and quarrells and denying to give him fitting &s;upplies) mentions how much and how many benficeial Laws the King had <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Iom.</HI> 45. <HI>&amp;c.</HI></NOTE> granted them. And &s;o the Parliament and People being no loo&s;ers, and the King never denying them any&punc; thing could in honour o<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> con&s;cience be granted them; That part of the ju&s;tifying of a War will no way al&s;o be|long to them.</P>
<P>But if the puni&s;hment for offences and in|juries pa&s;t (if they could be &s;o properly cal|led) being a third cau&s;e of ju&s;tifying a War,
<PB N="47" REF="28">
could be but imagined to be a cau&s;e to ju&s;ti|fie the Parliaments war again&s;t the King; Yet they were to remember another Rule or Law of War, <HI>Ne nimis veteres cau&s;ae accer&s;entur.</HI> That they do not pick quarrels by raking up pa&s;t grievances, that it be not <HI>propter leviu&s;cu|las injurias;</HI> or for trifles. For when the King <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Be&s;oldus in di&s;&s;ert. philolog. p.</HI> 58.</NOTE> (who if he had been no more then coordinate with them) had called them to Councell to to advi&s;e him, followed their advice in every thing he could find any rea&s;on for, taken a|way all grievances, made a large provi&s;ion to prevent them for the future, by granting the Trienniall Parliament, and &s;o large an a|mends for every thing they could but tell how to complain of; there was &s;o little left to the People and the Parliament to quarrell for, as they were much behind in thankfulne&s;s for what they had got of him already.</P>
<P>Or if any other cau&s;es or provocations &s;hould be imagined as mi&s;u&s;ing the Parlia|ments Me&s;&s;engers, or the like; we know the King (unle&s;&s;e it were by his patience and of|ten Me&s;&s;ages for peace) was guilty of no pro|vocations; but on the contrary though hee had all manner of &s;cornes and reproaches ca&s;t upon him, and his me&s;&s;engers evil entrea|ted by them, could never be brought to return or retaliate it to any of theirs.</P>
<P>But nothing as yet &s;erving to excu&s;e them, It will not be ami&s;s to examine the cau&s;es as they are &s;et down by them&s;elves, to ju&s;tifie
<PB N="46" REF="29">
their war, and &s;o we may well &s;uppo&s;e there are no other.</P>
<P>A war again&s;t the King for &s;afety of his own Per&s;on was needle&s;s (and then it comes within that rule of war and law of Nations, <HI>Ne leves &s;int cau&s;ae be<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">li,,</HI> not to make a warre unnece&s;&s;ary: for the King would look to that him&s;elf; and as they were his Subjects they, as well as every hone&s;t Subject were bound to defend and a&s;&s;i&s;t him, but not whe|ther he would or no; and in &s;uch a way of defence, as would tend to his ru<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">ne rather then his &s;afety. For <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">urely &s;hould any &s;tran|ger of another Kingdom or Nation have ca|&s;ually pa&s;&s;ed by <HI>Edge-hill</HI> when the Kings and the Parliaments <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 word"> were in fight, and have been told that the King &s;hot at them for the &s;afety of his own <HI>Per&s;on,</HI> and that they al&s;o &s;hot again&s;t hi<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> for the &s;afety of his own <HI>Per&s;on;</HI> and being a<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">ked which of the two parties hee believe did really or mo&s;t of all intend the &s;afety of it? we cannot tell how to think any man &s;uch a &s;tranger to nature, rea&s;on or under&s;tanding, as to think the King &s;hould not fight as the Dictates of na|ture per&s;waded him to: or that the King could tell how to fight again&s;t tho&s;e that fought for him: or that if he &s;hould be &s;o hugely mi|&s;taken in that one year or Battell, he &s;hould be in &s;everall <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters">her years and Battells after.</P>
<P>To <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 span"> the de<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">ence of the Religion e&s;tabli&s;h<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">d (as they made al&s;o the people be|lieve) that was as needle&s;s; when the King
<PB N="49" REF="29">
offered to do every thing might help to pro|mote it: and they are &s;o little al&s;o to be credited in that pretence, as we know they did all they could from the beginning to ruine it; took away <HI>Epi&s;copacy,</HI> the hedge and bounds of it, brought in <HI>Presbytery</HI> to preach up and aid their <HI>Rebellion,</HI> and when their own turnes were &s;erved, encouraged <HI>Conventicles</HI> and <HI>Tub Preachers</HI> to <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">ud down the <HI>Presbytery:</HI> And being demanded at the Treaty at <HI>&V;xbridge</HI> by the Kings Commi&s;&s;i|oners what Religion they would have the King to e&s;tabli&s;h, were &s;o unprovided of an an&s;wer, as they could not re&s;olve what to nominate, nor in any of their propo&s;itions afterwards &s;ent to the King, though often urged and complained o<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> oy the <HI>Scotti&s;h</HI> Commi&s;&s;ioners, could ever find the way to doe it, but have now &s;et up an <HI>Independent</HI> extemporary enthu&s;ia&s;tick kind of wor&s;hip|ing God (if there were any &s;uch thing in it) or rather a religious <HI>Chaos</HI> or gallimaufry of all manner of here&s;ie,, errours, bla&s;phemies, and opinions put together, not any of the owners of which we can be confident will &s;ub&s;cribe to that opinion, that Wars may be made for Religion, or that Con&s;cience ought to be forced by it.</P>
<P>As for the re&s;trictive part of the Lawes, to keep the people in &s;ubjection, we can very well per&s;wade our &s;elves no &s;uch War was e|ver made yet in the world, nor any people ever found that would engage in a War for
<PB N="50" REF="30">
that they obeyed, but again&s;t their wills; And for that part of the law that gives them the Kings protection, priviledges, immuni|ties, and certainties of deciding controver|&s;ies (which are more fitly to be called the Li|ber<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">ies of tbe people, than to have 45. of the hou&s;e of Commons, or a Faction to make daily and hourly Lawes, and Religion, and Government, and vote their e&s;tates in and out to pay an Army, to force their obedi|ence to it) if we had not outlived the Parli|aments di&s;gui&s;es and pretences, &s;aw them now tearing up by the roots, that there may be no hope of their growing up again, and &s;etting up their own, as well as the <HI>ignorant</HI> and illiterate <HI>fancies</HI> of Mechanicks and <HI>Souldiers</HI> in &s;tead of them; we might have &s;aid that al&s;o had been needle&s;s, when the King had done abundantly enough already; and offered to grant any thing more could in rea&s;on be demanded of him.</P>
<P>And as touching their priviledges of Par|liament, they that under&s;tand but any thing of the Lawes of <HI>England,</HI> or have but looked into the Records and Journals of Parlia|ment, can tell that all priviledges of Parlia|ment (as King <HI>James</HI> &s;aid) were at fir&s;t be|&s;towed upon them by the Kings and Princes of this Kingdom, That priviledges of Par|liament extended not to <HI>Trea&s;on</HI> or <HI>Felony,</HI> or <HI>breach</HI> of the Peace. That 32 <HI>Hen.</HI> 6. Sir <HI>Thomas Thorp</HI> Speaker of the Hou&s;e of <HI>Com|mons,</HI> being arre&s;ted in execution in the time
<PB N="51" REF="30">
of the prorogation of the Parliament, the Commons demanded he might be &s;et at li|berty according to their priviledges: wher|upon the Judges being asked their Councel therein, made an&s;wer, <HI>That general &s;uper&s;e|deas of Parliament there was none; but &s;pecial &s;uper&s;edeas there was; in which ca&s;e of &s;pecial &s;uper&s;edeas, every member of the Hou&s;e of Com|of Commons ought to enjoy the &s;ame, unles in cau|&s;es of Trea&s;on, Felony, or breach of the Peace,</HI> or for a <HI>Conde~mnation</HI> before the Parliament: After which an&s;wer it was determined, that the &s;aid Sir <HI>Thomas Thorp</HI> &s;hould lie in execu|tion, and the Commons were required on the behalf of the King to choo&s;e a new <HI>Speaker,</HI> which they did, and pre&s;ented to the King accordingly. That Queen <HI>Eli|zabeth</HI> was a&s;&s;ured by her Judges, that &s;he might commit any of her Parliament during the Parliament, for any offence committed again&s;t her Crown and Dignity, and they &s;hewed her precedents for it; and that <HI>primo &amp; tertio Caroli Regis,</HI> upon &s;earch of prece|dents in the &s;everal great ca&s;es of the Earls of <HI>Arundel</HI> and <HI>Bri&s;tol,</HI> very much in&s;i&s;ted and &s;tood upon, the Hou&s;e of Peers in Parliament allowed of the exception of Trea&s;on, Felony, and breach of the Peace.</P>
<P>For indeed it is as impo&s;&s;ible to think there can be any priviledge to commit Trea|&s;on, as to think that a King &s;hould priviledge all his Nobility, and every one of his Sub|jects that could get to be elected into the
<PB N="52" REF="31">
Hou&s;e of Commons in Parliament, to com|mit Trea&s;on, and to take away his life in the time of Parliament, when&s;oever their re|venge, or malice, or intere&s;t &s;hould finde the opportunity to do it; or that, if it could be &s;o, any King or Prince would ever call or &s;ummon a Parliament to expo&s;e him&s;elf to &s;uch a latitude of danger, or give them leave to &s;it as long as they would to breed it: or that priviledges of <HI>Trea&s;on</HI> can be con&s;i&s;tent with the name or being of a Parliament to con&s;ult or advi&s;e with the King for the de|fence of Him and his Kingdome; or that when Felony and breach of Peace are excep|ted out of their priviledge, Trea&s;on, that is of a far higher nature, con&s;equence, and pu|ni&s;hment, &s;hould be allowed them; or if there could have been any &s;uch priviledge, and a meaner man than their Soveraign had broke it, a &s;mall under&s;tanding may inform them they could not, without breach of the Peace, have fought for it again&s;t a fellow-&s;ub|ject, and then al&s;o could not their priviledges have reached to it, but the King might have puni&s;hed them for it: and if they cannot upon a breach of priviledge (as it was adjudged in <HI>Halls</HI> ca&s;e) without the Kings Writ, and the cau&s;e fir&s;t certified in Chancery, deliver one of their own &s;etvants arre&s;ted: It is not likely any warrant can be found in Law to inforce the King to reparation, though he him&s;elf &s;hould have broken it; but to peti|tion the King for an allowance of that, or
<PB N="53" REF="31">
any other priviledge, as well in the middle, as any other time of their &s;itting in Parlia|ment, as they alwayes doe at the pre&s;enting of their Speaker in the beginning of it. Wherefore, certainly the people never gave the Parliament Commi&s;&s;ion (if they could have given a Commi&s;&s;ion to make a War a|gain&s;t their Soveraign) to claim that was ne|ver due to them, or to fight for that was ne|ver yet fought for by any of their Fore-fa|thers, nor ever under&s;tood to be taken from them, much le&s;s for their ayrie innovated <HI>pretences</HI> rather than <HI>priviledges,</HI> which have &s;ince eaten up all the peoples Lawes and Li|berties, as well as a good part of their lives and e&s;tates with it, and are now become to be every thing their Repre&s;entatives will and and arbitrary power have a mind to make it; who have &s;o driven away their old legal priviledges by &s;etting up illegal and fanta|&s;tick kind of <HI>Priviledges</HI> (as they are plea&s;ed to call them) in&s;tead of them, as there is no|thing left of the <HI>Parliament</HI> like a <HI>Parliament,</HI> neither matter, nor form, nor any thing at all remaining of it; For, the upper and low|er Hou&s;es have driven away and fought a|gain&s;t the King, who was their <HI>Head:</HI> the the lower after that, have driven away the <HI>upper,</HI> and 45. of the Hou&s;e of Commons (whereof eleven are great Officers and Com|manders of the Army) have after that im|pri&s;oned and driven away four hundred of their fellow-members: And from degene|rate
<PB N="54" REF="32" MS="y">
and di&s;temperate piece of a Parliament, brought them&s;elves to be but a repre&s;enta|tive, or <HI>journey-men-voters</HI> to a Councel of their own mercenary and mechanick Army; and may &s;it another eight yeares before ever they &s;hall be able to find a rea&s;on to &s;atisfie any man is not a <HI>fool</HI> or a <HI>mad man,</HI> or a <HI>fel|low-&s;harer</HI> in the &s;poiles of an abu&s;ed and de|luded <HI>Nation,</HI> Why the Kings demanding of the <HI>five Members</HI> and <HI>Kimbolton</HI> by unde|niable warrant of the land and the Records, and precedents of their own hou&s;es upon a charge, or accu&s;ation of Trea&s;on, for endea|vouring among&s;t <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 word"> other pieces of Trea|&s;on, to alter the Government, and &s;ubvert the fundamental Lawes of the Kingdome, which the Parliament, and they <HI>them&s;elves</HI> that were <HI>accu&s;ed,</HI> have more than once de|clared to be Trea&s;on; &s;hould be taken to be &s;o great a breach of priviledge in the King their Soveraign, when the forcing and o|ver a wing the Hou&s;es of Parliament by the Army, their &s;ervants and hirelings, deman|ding the eleven Members, and impri&s;oning and bani&s;hing &s;ome of them, upon imaginary and fanta&s;tical offences committed again&s;t them&s;elves, or they could not tell whom; &s;hall be reckoned to be no breach at all of priviledge, and the forcing of the Hou&s;es by the &s;ame Army within a year afterwards, by &s;etting guards upon them, violently pul|ling two of the Members of the Hou&s;e of Commons out of the Hou&s;e, and impri&s;on|ing
<PB N="55" REF="32">
them, and 39 more of their fellow-mem|bers all night in an Alehou&s;e, and leading them afterwards to &s;everal pri&s;ons, with guards &s;et upon them, as if they had been common malefactors, can be called <HI>mercies</HI> and <HI>deliverances,</HI> and a purging and taking away rotten Members out of the Hou&s;e of Commons&punc;</P>
<P>But now that we can find nothing to make a defen&s;ive or lawful, nor &s;o much as a ne|ce&s;&s;ary War on the Parliaments part: for <HI>(cau&s;a belli,</HI> &s;aith <HI>Be&s;oldus, corre&s;pondere debet</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Be&s;oldus di&s;&s;ert. p<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">&icirc;. log. pa</HI> 88.</NOTE> <HI>damno &amp; periculo)</HI> the Parliament feares and jealou&s;ies were not of weight enough to put the people into a mi&s;ery far beyond the ut|mo&s;t of what their feares and jealou&s;ies to them did amount unto, we &s;hall do well to examine by the rules and laws of War and Nations, the ways and means they u&s;ed in it.</P>
<P><HI>Inju&s;tum cen&s;etur bellum &s;i non ejus, penes</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Can. quid culpatur</HI> 23.</NOTE> <HI>quem e&s;t Maje&s;tas, authoritate moveatur; a war cannot be ju&s;t if it be not made by a lawful authority: Armorum delatio &amp; prohibitio ad Principem &s;pectat: It belongs to the Prince to</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Da. D. Bo|cer de b<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">ll<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> cap.</HI> 5. <HI>Be|&s;oldus de juribus Maje&s;tati, cap.</HI> 6. 7 <HI>Edw.</HI> 1.</NOTE> <HI>rai&s;e or forbid Arms;</HI> and the Records of the Parliament (which we take to be a better &s;en&s;e of the Hou&s;e then their own purpo&s;es) can inform them, that the <HI>Prelates. Earls, Ba|rons,</HI> and <HI>Commonalty</HI> of the Realm did in the &s;eventh year of the reign of King <HI>Edw.</HI> the Fir&s;t, declare to the King, <HI>That it belong|eth, and his part is, through His Royal Sig|norie &s;treightly to defend force of Armour, and</HI>
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<HI>of Armour, and all other force again&s;t his Peace when it &s;hall plea&s;e him, and to puni&s;h them which &s;hall do the contrary, according to the Laws and u&s;ages of the Realm, and that thereunto they were bound to aid their Soveraign Lord the King at all &s;ea&s;ons when need &s;hall be.</HI></P>
<P>How much ado then will they have to make a War again&s;t their Soveraign to bee Lawfull? or (if by any Warrant of Laws, Divine or Humane, they could but tell how to ab&s;olve them&s;elvs from their oaths of <HI>Su|premacy, Allegiance,</HI> and their very many prote&s;tations and acknowledgements of Su|bjection to the King) find a Supream autho|rity to be in the People, <HI>at the &s;ame time</HI> they not only &s;tiled them&s;elves, but all tho&s;e they repre&s;ented to be his Subjects.</P>
<P>Or, how will they bee able to produce a warrant from the People, their now preten|ded Soveraigns (till they &s;hall be able &s;uf|ficiently to en&s;lave them) to <HI>authorize them to make a War to undo them,</HI> when they elected them but to con&s;ent to &s;uch things as &s;hould be treated of by the King and his Kingdom? Or how could a tenth part of the people give warrant to them to fight again&s;t the King, and the other nine parts of the people? Or can that bee a good warrant when &s;ome of them were cheated, and the other by plun|derings and &s;eque&s;trations forced to yield to it? Or could the pretence of a War for de|fence of the Kings per&s;on, and to maintain
<PB N="57" REF="33">
the <HI>Religion, Laws, and Liberties of the people,</HI> be a warrant to the Parliament (which ne|ver &s;ought any for the King and People, but to take away the Soveraignty from the one, and the Liberties of the other) to do every thing was contrary unto it? But if that could have legitimated their actions? as it never did or will be able.</P>
<P>There is a two fold rule of Ju&s;tice in the practi&s;e of War and Nations, <HI>&s;i bellum geratur &s;ine denuncaitione in captivos tanquam latrones animadverti po&s;&s;it; It is a thievery, rather than a War not denounce or give notice of it before|hand:</HI> and in that al&s;o the Parliament was faulty, for they took <HI>Hull</HI> and <HI>Port&s;mouth</HI> and the Kings Navy and Magazine from him when hee hoped better things of them, and &s;ent out their Armies and the <HI>Earl of E&s;&s;ex</HI> a|gain&s;t him whil&s;t he was in treaty with them, and offered all that he could to have a peace with them.</P>
<P><HI>Bellum item impium inju&s;tumque &s;it &s;i modus debitus non ob&s;ervetur; A War is unju&s;t if there be not a due way of proceedings held in it,</HI> which e&s;pecially con&s;i&s;teth in not hurting the inno|cent women and Children, and in this al&s;o they will fall &s;hort of an excu&s;e. For how full is every Town and Village of the Truth as well as the complaints of the unchri&s;tian u&s;age of old and &s;ick people, Women and Children, beaten, wounded, or killed upon no provocation, Women and Maids ravi&s;h|ed, and their fingers cut off for their rings,
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Old <HI>Be&s;t</HI> of <HI>Canterbury</HI> hanged up by the pri|vities, others tortured, and had burning matches tyed to their fingers to make them confe&s;s where their mony was, Women and Children, &s;ick and aged Per&s;ons &s;tarved for want of the &s;u&s;tenance they had taken from them; Husbandmen had their corn and hay &s;poiled in the field, and the barn, their &s;heep, cattle, and provi&s;ions devoured, hou&s;es rui|ned or burnt, &amp; their hor&s;es that &s;hould help to plough and do other works of Husbandry taken away, in &s;o much as &s;ome were infor|ced to blind and put out their hor&s;es eyes, that they might not be taken from them; Churches that e&s;caped defacing, prophaned, and made Stables, or Goals or Victualling, or Bawdy hou&s;es, Monuments defaced, and Sepulchers opened, as were tho&s;e of the <HI>Saxon</HI> Kings at <HI>Winche&s;ter,</HI> and the prie&s;ts and Mini|&s;ters not &s;o much as &s;uffered to weep betwixt the Porch and the Altar, but their bene&s;ices and livelyhood taken from them by Wolves put in the Shepherds places; had their Books burned, and all their means and mainte|nance plundred from them; and tho&s;e that were neutralls, and m<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">dled on neither &s;ide but lived as quietly as they could, either to|tally undone, or ca&s;t in pri&s;on, not for that they did them no hurt, but becau&s;e they might do it, and if they were not impri&s;oned their Lands, money, or goods were &s;ure to be in the fault and taken away from them.</P>
<P><HI>Ut bellum illae&s;a con&s;cientia geratur, nece&s;&s;e</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Be&s;oldus Ibid.</HI> 95.</NOTE>
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<HI>e&s;t ut ad&s;it intentio bena; there ought to bee a good intention to make the War con&s;cionable;</HI> which in this appears to fail al&s;o. For the Charge again&s;t the five members is now as true as it was then, they meant to ruine the King, and they have done it, and to alter the Government, and &s;ubvert the Religion, Laws, and Liberties, and they have done a great part of it, and as fa&s;t as they can are pulling down the remainder.</P>
<P><HI>Quaerere debemus victoriam rationibus hone|&s;tis,</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Du. picart ob&s;ervat. decad</HI> 10. <HI>colle</HI> 2. <HI>&amp; Facius axi|om bell</HI> 10.</NOTE> <HI>ne &s;alutem quidem turpibus; We ought to pur&s;ue victory and the just ends of War by ho|nest and lawfull means, and not to do foul and di&s;hone&s;t things to procure our &s;afety;</HI> from the latter of which, the mad fears and jealou&s;ies which the Parliament made u&s;e to u&s;her in their pretences, their fayning of Victories and &s;candaling the King and his actions, not to in&s;i&s;t upon their buying the Kings &s;ervants and &s;ecrets, Battells, Towns, and Garri&s;ons; and making too many <HI>Juda&s;es</HI> of all that were about him, will hardly be able to free them; or if they could, the making u&s;e of men and money intended for the &s;upport of <HI>Ireland,</HI> and leaving them wallowing in their blood for &s;even years together, whil&s;t they were ruining their King that would have helped them, violating of their oaths of alle|giance and Supremacy, which many of their Members had taken &s;ix or &s;even times over breaking their oaths, taken in their prote&s;ta|tion and Nationall Covenant, and not &s;o
<PB N="60" REF="35">
few at one hundred &s;olemne promi&s;es, and undertakings in their &s;everall Petitions, Re|mon&s;trances, and Declarations; forcing the People to take the Prote&s;tation and Cove|nant, and compell them as &s;oon as they had taken it, to break them, and by cozening and forcing them into Rebellions and perjuries, cheat them out of their Religion, Loyalty, Laws and Liberties: will without very good advocates be &s;ure enough to condemn them: and if the great Turk carrying the Covenant which <HI>Ladi&s;laus</HI> the unfortunate King of <HI>Hungary</HI> was per&s;waded to break with him as an en&s;ign of publick dete&s;tation in the battell wherein he &s;l<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">w him; invoked the God of the Chri&s;tians to help him to revenge &s;o great a treachery; there will be more rea&s;on now for all that are but Chri&s;tians, or but pretend to any morality, <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">o carry in their banner, the Po<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">rtract of the Kings bleeding Head, as it was cut from his &s;houlders, and make War in revenge of the Ma&s;ter piece, and <HI>totum aggregatum,</HI> of all manner of wick|edne&s;s and perfidiou&s;ne&s;s, who be&s;ides all their own and the Peoples oaths taken to de|fend him, when tho&s;e they called Deliu|quents (&s;ome few onely which were &s;pecially named and excepted) for obeying the known Laws of the Land as well as their oaths and con&s;ciences, were never que&s;tioned for their lives; but &s;uffered to compound for their E&s;tates; would not &s;uffer the King, that was neither a Delinquent or excepted Per&s;on, to
<PB N="61" REF="35">
enjoy either his Life or E&s;tate, though to &s;ave his people and keep them from killing one another, he yielded him&s;elf became a Pri&s;o|ner upon the publick faith of the Kingdoms of <HI>England</HI> and <HI>Scotland.</HI></P>
<P><HI>Paxaequa non est recu&s;anda Licet victoriae spes ad&s;it</HI> (&s;aith <HI>Be&s;oldus) A good or fitting Peace is not to be refu&s;ed though the victory were cer|tain:</HI> And in this al&s;o the Parliament will be as far to &s;eek for a ju&s;tification as in the o|ther: For in&s;tead of offering any thing which was likely to bring it, they cau&s;ed men and women in the fir&s;t year of their Warre to be killed becau&s;e they did but petition them to accept of a peace; and in the third and fourth year of their War plundered and robbed o|thers that petitioned them but to hearken to it, and put out of office, and made all as De|<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters">linquents in the &s;eventh year of the Warre that did but pet&icirc;tion them for a Treaty with the King, and refu&s;ed all the Kings many, ve|ry many Me&s;&s;ages for peace, not onely when he was at the highe&s;t of his &s;ucce&s;&s;e in the War, but when he was at the lowe&s;t, and a Pri&s;oner to them, and conjured them as they would an&s;wer at the dreadfull day of Judgement to pitty the bleeding conditions of his Kingdomes and People, and &s;end pro|po&s;itions of Peace unto him, quarters and half years, and more then a whole year toge|ther after the battell of <HI>Na&s;eby</HI> (in&s;omuch as their fellow Rebells the <HI>Scotch</HI> Commi&s;&s;i|oners did heavily complain of it) were at &s;e|verall
<PB N="62" REF="36">
times trifled away and &s;pent before any propo&s;itions could be made ready, though tho&s;e which they &s;ent to <HI>Oxford, Uxbridge, New-ca&s;tle</HI> and <HI>Hampton Court,</HI> were but &s;ub&s;tantially and materially the &s;ame with their nineteen Propo&s;itions which they made unto the King before the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> was made their General, and in all the Treaties, made Propo&s;itions for them&s;elves and the Soveraignty and great offices and places of the Kingdome, but would neither for Gods &s;ake, or their Kings &s;ake, or their Oaths or Con&s;cientes &s;ak, or the Peoples &s;ake, or Peace &s;ake, which the People petitioned and hun|gred and thir&s;ted for, alter or abate one <HI>Jota</HI> or tittle of them, but were &s;o unwilling to have any peace at all, as &s;ix or &s;even Me&s;&s;en|gers or Trumpeters could come from the King, before they could be at lei&s;ure or &s;o mannerly as to an&s;wer one of them, but this or that Me&s;&s;age from the King was received and read, and laid by till a week or when they would after: and the Kings Commi&s;&s;io|ners in the Treaties mu&s;t forget their due ti|tles of Earles, Lords or Knights, becau&s;e the King had made them &s;o &s;ince the beginning of the War, or el&s;e mu&s;t be neither Treaty nor Peace there.</P>
<P>At <HI>Uxbridge</HI> the time of the Treaty limited for 20. days; and at <HI>New-Ca&s;tle</HI> for 10. and though the King and his Commi&s;&s;ioners at <HI>Uxbridge</HI> almo&s;t petioned for a ce&s;&s;ation in the interim of that which was at <HI>Oxford,</HI> it
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could not be granted, nor have a few dayes added to it; and if the King could in honor and con&s;cience have granted all the other parts of the Propo&s;itions, mu&s;t grant them an act, not only to con&s;i&s;cate the E&s;tates of his Friends and tho&s;e that took up armes to &s;ave his Life and E&s;tate, but to take away their Lives al&s;o, and not only that, but to condemn of high Trea&s;on, &amp; attaint their blood, when they that fought again&s;t them were only guilt+<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">, a thing &s;o unfitting and unu&s;ually &s;tood upon, as it was never asked in any treaty or pacification among the civilized or mor bar|barous heathen, and amounts to more then <HI>Adonibezeks</HI> cau&s;ing the thumbs and great toes of his captive Kings to be cut off, and making them to gather the Crumbs from un|der his table, or <HI>Benhadads</HI> demand of <HI>A|habs &s;ilver</HI> and <HI>gold,</HI> his <HI>wives and Children,</HI> and what&s;oever was plea&s;ant in his eyes, which the Elders and people of <HI>I&s;rael</HI> per&s;waded <HI>Ahab</HI> not to con&s;ent unto, but was a thing purpo&s;ely contrived and &s;tood upon to hin|der a peace; was not to be asked or granted by any that could but intitle them&s;elves to the lea&s;t part of rea&s;on or humanity; a demand <HI>Bajazet</HI> would not leave his Iron-Cage to yield unto; a thing nature it &s;elfe would abhor, and the wor&s;t of Villains and Reprobates rather loo&s;e their lives then yield to: would never be demanded by any nor granted by any but his Equalls.</P>
<P>And if their de&s;iring of a War more then a
<PB N="64" REF="37">
peace, and to keep the King out of his own had not been the onely cau&s;e of &s;uch unnatu|rall and barbarous propo&s;itions it may well be wondred, why they that have made to them&s;elves (for we cannot believe they have found any law or warrant to ground it upon) a power to take away the Kings life upon a colour or pretence of an <HI>unread,</HI> as well as <HI>unheard</HI> of piece of Ju&s;tice; &s;hould need to &s;trive &s;o hard with the King, to give them a power to do that they are now &s;o bufie to do of them&s;elves: and as if they had been afraid all this would not be enough to keep the doors of <HI>Janus,</HI> or the Devill open, for fear le&s;t the King &s;hould trouble them with any more offers or Me&s;&s;ages of Peace: a vote mu&s;t be made in <HI>February</HI> 1647. that it &s;hould be trea&s;on in any man to bring or receive any more Me&s;&s;ages from him without con&s;ent of Parliament. But &s;uppo&s;e (that which is not) that the Parliament could have but found any thing but &s;ome what like a cau&s;e or ju&s;ti|fication of a War again&s;t their Soveraign (for notwith&s;tanding all their hypocriticall pre|tences, &s;o as it was at fir&s;t intended, and &s;o it hath been proved to be ever &s;ince) to whom their Ma&s;ters the People (we mean as to the hou&s;e of Commons) had &s;ent them to con|&s;ult with, not to make a War again&s;t him: they might have remembred that &s;aying of <HI>Cicero,</HI> (if they had found nothing in the Book of God, and their own Con&s;ciences to per&s;wade them to it) That <HI>du<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> &s;unt genera</HI>
<PB N="65" REF="37">
<HI>decertandi, unum per di&s;ceptationem, alterum</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Cic.</HI> 1. <HI>de offic.</HI></NOTE> <HI>per vim, &amp; ad hoc confugiendum non e&s;t &s;i uti &s;uperiori licebit: There are other wayes to come by pretended rights, than by a War, and we ought never to make u&s;e of a War (which is the wor&s;t of all remedies) if we may obtain it by a better. Hen.</HI> 2. King of <HI>England</HI> was made a Judge between the Kings of <HI>Ca&s;tile</HI> and <HI>Navarre,</HI> The Rebellious Barons of <HI>England</HI> in the Reign of King <HI>Hen.</HI> 3. referred their <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Jov. lib.</HI> 1.</NOTE> controver&s;ies to the deci&s;ion of the King of <HI>France</HI> and his Parliament at <HI>Paris:</HI> And the blood of this Kingdome which ran &s;o plentifully in tho&s;e unhappy differences, was by that meanes onely &s;topped. <HI>Charles</HI> the 4. Emperor was made a Judge of the diffe|rences <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Polidor</HI> 13. 20.</NOTE> betwixt the <HI>Engli&s;h</HI> and the <HI>French Kings:</HI> For as <HI>Albericus Gentilis</HI> &s;aith well; <HI>Intelligendum &amp; eos qui diffugiunt genus hoc de|certandi</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Albericus Gentilis Cap.</HI> 3.</NOTE> <HI>per di&s;ceptationem, &amp; ad alterum quod e&s;t per vim currunt, illico eos a ju&s;titia, ab hu|manitate, a probis exemplis refugere, &amp; ruere in arma volentes qui &s;ubire judicium nullius ve|lint:</HI> They that ru&s;h into a War without a&s;|&s;aying all other ju&s;t meanes of deciding the controver&s;ie for which it is made, and will judge onely according to their own will and opinion, doe turn their backs to Ju&s;tice, Hu|manity, and all good Examples. And in that al&s;o the Parliament will be found faul|ty: For the <HI>French</HI> King and the <HI>E&s;tates</HI> of the united <HI>Provinces,</HI> did by more than one Reque&s;t and Emba&s;&s;y &s;everally and earne&s;tly
<PB N="66" REF="38">
mediate to make an accord betwixt the King and his Parliament, and de&s;ired to have all things in difference left to their Arbitre|ment; but their <HI>Amba&s;&s;adors</HI> returned home again with a report how much they found the King inclined to it, and how &s;atisfacto|rily he had offered; and how much the Par|liament was aver&s;e to their interpo&s;ition; and altogether refu&s;ed it.</P>
<P>But we have tarried long enough among the Parliament party, from thence therefore (for it is time to leave the company of &s;o much wickedne&s;s) we &s;hall remove to the Kings party (and yet that may cau&s;e a <HI>Se|que&s;tration)</HI> and examine for a fuller &s;atisfa|ction of that which by the rule of contraries is clear enough already, if he were not on the defen&s;ive and more ju&s;tifiable part of the bu&s;ine&s;s.</P>
<P>The King as he was <HI>Defen&s;or &amp; Protector &s;ubditorum &s;uorum,</HI> and &s;worn to &s;ee the Law executed, had not the Sword nor his Autho|rity committed to him in vain: And if he had had no manner of ju&s;t cau&s;e of fear, ei|ther in his own Per&s;on or Authority, or no cau&s;e given him <HI>in re lae&s;ae Majestatis,</HI> the im|pri&s;oning of his Subjects, and plundering and taking away their e&s;tates from them, long before he had either armed him&s;elf, or had wherewithal to doe it, had been cau&s;e as &s;ufficient as to cau&s;e a <HI>Hue and Cry</HI> to be made after a F<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">lon, or rai&s;e the <HI>po&s;&s;e Comi|tatus</HI> to bring him to Ju&s;tice; and might by
<PB N="67" REF="38">
the &s;ame rea&s;on doe it in the ca&s;e of more: and by the &s;ame rea&s;on he might do it by the help of one, nothing can hinder but by the &s;ame rea&s;on he might doe it by the help of more.</P>
<P>When <HI>Nathan</HI> came to <HI>David</HI> with a pa|rable, and told him of the rich man that had taken the poor mans only <HI>&s;heep,</HI> he that un|der&s;tood wel enough the duty of a King, was exceeding wroth again&s;t the man, and &s;aid, <HI>As &s;ure as the Lord liveth this man &s;hall &s;urely die.</HI> And can any man think that the King when he &s;aw &s;o much Sedition and Trea&s;on among the people countenanced &amp; cheri&s;hed, tumults grow up into outrages, outrages to parties and warlike a&s;&s;emblies, propo&s;itions made to bring in Hor&s;e and Money to maintain an Army again&s;t Him, and many of his Sub|jects daily, impri&s;oned, &s;eque&s;tred, undone or killed, can be blamed if he had a great deal &s;ooner gone about to defend both him&s;elf and his people? For who (&s;aith St. <HI>Jerom)</HI> did <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">ver re&s;t quietly &s;leeping neer a viper? <HI>E&s;t lex una &amp; perpetua &s;alutem omni ratione de|fendere</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Jerom. Ep.</HI> 47.</NOTE> <HI>&amp; haec ratio doctis, nece&s;&s;itas Barbarts, mos gen ibus, feris natura ip&s;a prae&s;crip&s;it, &amp; haec non &s;cripta &s;ed nata lex,</HI> &s;aith <HI>Tully</HI> (that great ma&s;ter of morality) <HI>Rea&s;on, Nece&s;&s;ity, Cu&s;tom, and Nature it &s;elf, have made &s;elf-pre&s;ervation to be warrantable.</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg">Cicero pro Milone.</NOTE></P>
<P><HI>Nemo exponere &s;e debet pericu<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">is &s;ed obvi<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">m offen&s;ioni eisudum, <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">non m<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">do quae e&s;t in actu, &s;ed quae e&s;t in potentia ad actum, &amp; <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">u&s;tus me|tus</HI>
<PB N="68" REF="39">
<HI>ju&s;tum facit bellum,</HI> &s;ay the Civil Lawes; and where there was not <HI>nuda cogitatio,</HI> or a bare intention onely to ruine the King, but &s;o much over and over again acted, as might well occa&s;ion more than a fear and apprehen|&s;ion in him of what hath &s;ince been brought to pa&s;s again&s;t him; no man certainly with|out much blindne&s;s or partiality can think it to be a fault in him to &s;eek to defend him|&s;elf, when the Parliament did not only long before he rai&s;ed any forces to defend him&s;elf, but at the &s;ame time when he was doing of it, make the people believe his <HI>Per&s;on</HI> was in &s;o much danger, as they mu&s;t needs take up Arms to defend Him.</P>
<P>And how much more warrantable then mu&s;t it be in the Kings ca&s;e, when it was not only an endeavour to defend him&s;elf, but all tho&s;e that have been &s;ince &s;lain, and undone, and ruined, for want of power e|nough to do it?</P>
<P>Defence is by the Civil Lawyers &s;aid to be either nece&s;&s;ary, profitable, or hone&s;t: <HI>Nec distingui vult Baldus &s;ive &s;e, &s;ua, &s;uo&s;ve defen|dat,</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Baldus</HI> 3. <HI>con&s;id.</HI> 485 <HI>&amp; confid.</HI> 3</NOTE> <HI>&s;ive prope, &s;ive po&s;ita long&egrave;; A man is &s;aid to defend him&s;elf when it is but his own goods, e&s;tate, or people, whether neer or further off; Nece&s;&s;aria defen&s;io ejus e&s;t,</HI> &amp; <HI>factum ad nece&s;|&s;ariam defen&s;ionem contra quem veniat armatus inimicus, &amp; ejus contra quem inimicus &s;e para|vit;</HI> It mu&s;t needs be a nece&s;&s;ary defence a|gain&s;t whom an armed Enemy is either mar|ching or preparing.</P>
<P><PB N="69" REF="39">
<HI>&V;tilis defen&s;io, quum nos movemus bellum ve|rentes ne ip&s;i bello petamur; when we make a war to prevent or be before-hand, when war or mi&s;chief is threatned or likely to come upon us;</HI> for as <HI>Nicephorus</HI> the Hi&s;torian &s;aith, He that will live out of danger, mu&s;t <HI>occurrere malis impendentibus, &amp; atnevertere, nec est cunctan|dum aut expectandum, &amp;c.</HI> meet and take a|way growing evils, and turn them another way, and not to d<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">lay, and be &s;lack in it.</P>
<P><HI>Hone&s;ta defen&s;io quae citra metum ullum peri|culi no&s;tri, nulla utilitate quae&s;ita, tantum in gratiam aliorum &s;u&s;cipitur:</HI> When for no fear of danger to our &s;elves, and for no con|&s;ideration of profit to our &s;elves, but meerly in favour or help of others the war is under|taken. Wherefore certainly when the King may be ju&s;tly &s;aid to tarry too long before <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Alberic. Genti. lib.</HI> 1. <HI>Dec.</HI> 25.</NOTE> he made the &s;econd and third kinds of de|fences, either to prevent the danger and fury of a War again&s;t him&s;elf, or to help tho&s;e that <HI>&s;uffered</HI> and were <HI>undone</HI> in &s;eeking to defend him&s;elf, and was &s;o overmuch in love with <HI>Peace,</HI> as he utterly lo&s;t it, and could never again recover it; and was &s;o much mi|&s;taken in the love and religion of his Sub|jects and <HI>Parliament promi&s;es,</HI> and the <HI>im|po&s;&s;ibilities</HI> of &s;uch horrid proceedings again&s;t him, as all his three Kingdomes were in a flame of War, and &s;trong Combinations made by two of them, and the Pulpit every where flaming, Seditious exhortations a|gain&s;t him, his Navy, Magazines, Ports, Re|venues, Mint, &s;tronge&s;t Towns and places
<PB N="70" REF="40">
&s;eized on, Armies marching again&s;t him, and he onely and a few friends and followers pend up in a corner, had an enemy and a &s;trong Town at his back ready every day to &s;urprize him, and &s;everal Armies marching and in action before and round about him, before he granted out any Commi&s;&s;ion for War, or had or could make any preparati|on for it; and had &s;o many to help and de|fend be&s;ides him&s;elf, it would be too much injury, and too great a violence to all man|ner of rea&s;on and under&s;tanding, to deny him a Ju&s;tification upon the fir&s;t &s;ort of de|fences, if the two latter will not reach it, for the fir&s;t cannot by any interpretation goe without. For <HI>haec e&s;t nece&s;sit as</HI> (&s;aith <HI>Baldus) quae bellum justificat quum in extremo loco ad bellum confugitur.</HI> Or if with <HI>Grotius</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Bald.</HI> 5. <HI>Con&s;. pa.</HI> 439.</NOTE> we look upon it another way, and make the Ju&s;tice of War to con&s;i&s;t, 1. <HI>in defen&s;ione.</HI> 2. <HI>in recuperatione rerum.</HI> 3. <HI>in p<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">uitione.</HI> The King, before ever he went to demand <HI>Hull,</HI> or before ever he de&s;ired a guard of the County of <HI>York,</HI> had cau&s;e enough and e|nough to doe it; and it would be hard if a great deal le&s;s then that &s;hould not be able to deliver him from the cen&s;ure or blame of an offen&s;ive or unnece&s;&s;ary War. When that which was made by <HI>David</HI> upon the children of <HI>Ammon,</HI> and that of the late glorious King of <HI>Sweden</HI> again&s;t the Emperour of <HI>Ger|many;</HI> the former for mi&s;u&s;ing, the latter for encroaching upon him, and not re|ceiving
<PB N="71" REF="40">
his Amba&s;&s;adors, found warrant and nece&s;&s;ity enough to doe it. But what could the King doe more in his endeavours and waiting for a Peace, or le&s;s in his preparati|ons or making of a War? when the lea&s;t, or one of the <HI>hundred</HI> provocations or cau&s;es we dare &s;ay plainly here &s;et down in the matter of fact, hath hitherto among the wi&s;e&s;t Prin|ces and Commonwealths in the World, been reputed a ju&s;t and warrantable cau&s;e of War.</P>
<P><HI>Homicide</HI> by the Lawes of <HI>England</HI> &s;hall be excu&s;ed with a <HI>fe defendendo,</HI> when the a&s;|&s;aulted hath but &s;imply defended him&s;elf, or retired in his own defence &s;o far till by &s;ome water or wall he be hindred from going a|ny further. Death and de&s;truction march|ing towards the King, <HI>Hull</HI> fortified and kept behind him, and all manner of nece&s;|&s;itie compa&s;&s;ing him in on every &s;ide, could then doe no le&s;s then rouze him up to make his own defence; and he mu&s;t be as much without his &s;en&s;es, as care of his own pre|&s;ervation, if he &s;hould not then think it to be high time to make ready to defend him&s;elf, and nece&s;&s;ity enough to excu&s;e him for any thing &s;hould be done in order to it.</P>
<P>The Parliament and He (as this ca&s;e &s;tood) could not be both at one and the &s;ame time in the defen&s;ive part; For they had all the Money, Arms, Ammunition, and &s;trength of the Kingdom in their hands, and multitudes of deluded people to a&s;&s;i&s;t them; and &s;o
<PB N="72" REF="41">
hunted and pur&s;ued from place to place, as it was come to be a &s;aying and a by-word among the apprentices and new levied men at <HI>London</HI> they <HI>would goe a King-catching:</HI> and were not likely therefore to be guilty of &s;o much patience as the King, who was &s;o much in love with peace, and &s;o thir&s;ted after it, as that, and his often &s;ending Me&s;|&s;ages and Propo&s;itions for it, would not &s;uffer him to make u&s;e of any victories or ad|vantages God had given him. Twice did he &s;uffer the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> to attempt to force him from <HI>Oxford,</HI> and Sir <HI>Thomas Fairfax</HI> once to beleager him, when he had Power enough to have made <HI>London</HI> or the a&s;&s;ociate Counties the Seat of the War, and it would be &s;omething &s;trange that he, who when he had rai&s;ed forces again&s;t his <HI>Scotti&s;h</HI> Re|bels, and found him&s;elf in the Head of &s;o gallant an Army, as he had much adoe to keep them from fighting, and his enemies &s;o ridiculou&s;ly weak, as he might have &s;ub|dued them; but with looking upon them but a fortnight longer, could not be per&s;wa|ded to draw a Sword again&s;t them, would now begin an offen&s;ive warre without any power or &s;trength at all again&s;t tho&s;e that had before-hand ingro&s;&s;ed it: or what po|licy or wi&s;edome could it be in him to begin a War without Money, or Men, or Armes to goe through with it? or to refu&s;e the a&s;&s;i|&s;tance of his <HI>Catholique</HI> Subjects, and <HI>Forrain</HI> Friends and Forces? or to &s;pend &s;o much
<PB N="73" REF="41">
time in Me&s;&s;ages and offers of Peace, to give them time and ability to di&s;arm him, and arm them&s;elves, if he had not utterly abhor|red a War, and as cordially affected peace? as he offered fair enough for it: Or if we could but tell how to &s;ay that the King did begin the War? (when what he did was but to pre&s;erve his Regality, and the <HI>Militia</HI> and <HI>Protection</HI> of his people, which the Parlia|ment in expre&s;s terms, as well as by <HI>Petiti|oning</HI> for it, acknowledged it to be his <HI>Own;</HI> being but that which every private man that had but money or friends, would not neglect to do.)</P>
<P>Did he any more in &s;eeking to pre&s;erve his Regality, then to defend and keep him&s;elf from a breach of tru&s;t they fought to make him break? Or did he any more then &s;eek to defend him&s;elf again&s;t tho&s;e did all they could to force him to break it? or could there be a greater perjury, or breach of tru&s;t in the Kingly office, than to put the Sword which God had given him, into the hands of <HI>mad-men,</HI> or <HI>fools,</HI> or &s;uch as would kill and &s;lay and undo their fellow-&s;ubjects with it? or to deliver up the protection of his people into the hands of a few of their am|bitious fellow-&s;ubjects, did as much break their own tru&s;t to tho&s;e they repre&s;ented in asking of it, as the King would havedone if he had granted it? or why &s;hall it not be ac|counted an <HI>inculpata tutela</HI> in the King to pre&s;erve and defend that by a War, the Laws
<PB N="74" REF="42">
of God and Man, his <HI>Coronation-Oath, Ho|nour,</HI> and <HI>Con&s;cience,</HI> and a duty to Him&s;elf and his Po&s;terity, as well as to his people, would not permit him to &s;tand &s;till, and &s;uf|fer to be taken away from him.</P>
<P>But if the King by any manner of con|&s;truction could be blamed or cen&s;ured for denying to grant the <HI>Militia,</HI> which was the fir&s;t pretence of beginning of the War, by tho&s;e that &s;ought to take it from him (for till the be&s;ieging of <HI>Hull</HI> the 16. of <HI>July</HI> 1642. after many other affronts &amp; attempts of as high a nature put upon him, the mo&s;t ma|licious interpretation of the matter of Fact, cannot find him &s;o much as at all to have de|fended him&s;elf, as to have done any one act of War (or &s;o much as like it) who &s;hall be in the fault for all that was done af|ter, when he offered to condi&s;cend to all that might be profitable for his people in the matter of Religion, Lawes, and Liberties? Or was it not a ju&s;t cau&s;e of War to defend him&s;elf and his people again&s;t tho&s;e would notwith&s;tanding all he could doe and offer, make a War again&s;t him, becau&s;e he would not contrary to his Oath, <HI>Magna Charta</HI> and &s;o many other Laws he had &s;worn to <HI>ob&s;erve,</HI> betray, or deliver up his people into their hands to be governed, or rather undone by a greater latitude of Arbitrary power then the great <HI>Turk</HI> or <HI>Crim Tartar</HI> ever exerci&s;ed upon their en&s;laved people, and put the edu|cation and marriage of his own <HI>Children</HI>
<PB N="75" REF="42">
out of his power, was never &s;ought to be ta|ken out of the hand of any Father who was not a <HI>fool</HI> or a <HI>mad-man,</HI> nor yielded to by any who would have the credit to be accoun|ted <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 word"> wi&s;e; or becau&s;e he would not de|nude him&s;elf of the power of conferring ho|nours, or vilifie or di&s;credit his great and le&s;&s;er Seals, and the Authority of them, from which many mens E&s;tates and Honours, and the whole current of the <HI>Ju&s;tice</HI> of the King|dome had their original, and refu&s;ed to per|jure him&s;elf by aboli&s;hing <HI>Epi&s;copacy,</HI> which <HI>Magna Charta,</HI> and &s;ome <HI>dozens</HI> of other laws bound him to pre&s;erve? Or if that be not e|nough to ju&s;tifie him in his own defence, had he not cau&s;e enough to deny, and they little enough to ask Liberty of Con&s;cience, and practice to <HI>Anabapti&s;ts, Bla&s;phemers</HI> of God, denie<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">s of the <HI>Trinity, Scriptures,</HI> and <HI>Deity</HI> of Chri&s;t, when the Parliament them&s;elves had taken a Covenant to root them out, and made as many of the people as they could force, to take it with them? or had he not cau&s;e enough to deny to &s;et up the <HI>Presbyte|rian</HI> Authority, would not even have taken away his own Authority, but have done the like al&s;o with the Lawes and Liberties of the Nation, and the ruling part of that they now call the Parliament utterly abhor; or if all that could not make the War be made to be defen&s;ive and lawful? had he not cau&s;e e|nough to deny, and they none at all to ask that he &s;hould by Act of Parliament con&s;ent
<PB N="76" REF="43">
to make all tho&s;e to be Traytors that took his part, their Blood and Po&s;terities attain|ted, and their E&s;tates forfeited? when as &s;ome of the Parliaments own Members were heard to &s;ay when tho&s;e Propo&s;itions were &s;ent to him; That if he yeelded unto them, <HI>He was the unworthie&s;t man living, and not fit to be a King.</HI></P>
<P>For certainly, if the Laws of God and man, and the under&s;tanding of all mankind be not <HI>changed,</HI> there was never a ju&s;ter, more <HI>defen&s;ive,</HI> unwilling, and <HI>nece&s;&s;itated</HI> Warre, than that of the Kings part, &s;ince man came out of <HI>Paradi&s;e.</HI> And if &s;uch a War &s;hould not be lawfull (after &s;o many provocations and nece&s;&s;ities for the defence of him&s;elf and his People, and &s;o many after-generations, this War of the Parliament, and the cur&s;e of it, is like to ruine and leave in &s;lavery) un|der what cen&s;ure and opinion may that of <HI>Abraham</HI> with <HI>Chederlaomer</HI> the King of <HI>E|lam,</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Gen.</HI> 14.</NOTE> and <HI>Tidal</HI> King of the Nations be, when he fought with them to re&s;cue his brother <HI>Lot,</HI> and his goods, and was ble&s;&s;ed by <HI>Mel|chi&s;edec</HI> the Prie&s;t of the mo&s;t high God, for doing of it. Or of the War which the Tribes of <HI>I&s;rael</HI> made again&s;t the Tribe of <HI>Benjamin,</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Judg.</HI> 20.</NOTE> and the men of <HI>Gibeah,</HI> for committing lewd|ne&s;&s;e and folly in <HI>I&s;rael:</HI> that of <HI>David</HI> to <NOTE PLACE="marg">1 <HI>Sam.</HI> 30.</NOTE> re&s;cue his Wives that were carried away cap|tive by the <HI>Amalekites,</HI> or to fetch home the <NOTE PLACE="marg">2 <HI>Sam.</HI> 6.</NOTE> Ark of God from the <HI>Phili&s;tines;</HI> that which <HI>Ahab</HI> made with <HI>Benhadad</HI> the King of <HI>Syria,</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg">1 <HI>Reg.</HI> 20,</NOTE>
<PB N="77" REF="43">
who was not half &s;o tyrannical in his Pro|po&s;itions as the Parliament, were approved of in Sacred Story; or that which was made by <HI>Judas Machabeus</HI> and his Brethren, to re&s;|cue the decayed e&s;tate of the people of the <HI>Jews;</HI> or that which was u&s;ed to be made by the heathen <HI>pro aris &amp; focis,</HI> were never yet &s;o much as &s;u&s;pected to be unlawfull: How &s;hall this of the Kings be condemned, that had as much as <HI>Abraham, David, Ahab,</HI> a|gain&s;t <HI>Benhadad, Judas Machabeus,</HI> and the <NOTE PLACE="marg">1 <HI>Macc.</HI> 3. <HI>v.</HI> 43.</NOTE> tribes of <HI>I&s;rael,</HI> or tho&s;e heathens that made it <HI>pro aris &amp; focis,</HI> put them altogether to war|rant it? Or by what rea&s;on or Law, is any man by the Laws of <HI>England</HI> excu&s;ed for kil|ling a man in his own defence, when he is ne|ce&s;&s;itated or hindred by a Wall or a Water, that he can go no farther? or for killing thieves that come to a&s;&s;ault or rob him in his hou&s;e or ca&s;tle? If the King &s;hall be hunted from his hou&s;e through all the parts and cor|ners of his Kingdom for his <HI>Life;</HI> and not onely for his <HI>Life,</HI> but his <HI>Honour;</HI> and not onely for his <HI>Life</HI> and <HI>Honour,</HI> but his <HI>Con&s;ci|ence?</HI> and yet mu&s;t never draw his Sword, or &s;eek to defend him&s;elf, or have any body el&s;e to do it for him? Or how have all the <HI>Kings, Princes,</HI> and <HI>Magi&s;trates</HI> of the world hitherto governed, and defended them&s;elves, and their people? or &s;hall ever be able to give an account of the people committed to their charge, if they may not be at liberty to make a legal u&s;e of the &s;word, power, and rea&s;on
<PB N="78" REF="44">
God hath given them? Or how can tho&s;e State-riddles (like tho&s;e of <HI>Sphinx,</HI> only made to de&s;troy men with all) that they fought for the King and Parliament, as is alledged in many of their Orders and Declarations? and that the War was a Rebellion rai&s;ed again&s;t the King and Parliament; as is expre&s;&s;ed in the Ordinance of Parliament for a&s;&s;ociation of the Counties of <HI>Pembroke, Cardigan,</HI> and <HI>Carmarthen;</HI> be ever under&s;tood by any rules <NOTE PLACE="marg">8 <HI>June,</HI> 1644.</NOTE> of &s;ence or rea&s;on; if he were on the offen|&s;ive part of the War, and had begun it again&s;t them? But if any &s;hall be &s;o in love with the &s;en&s;e of the Hou&s;e of Commons, as to be out of their owne &s;en&s;es, and thinke that though there be no manner of evidence or proof to be had for love or money, that the Parliament were con&s;trained to defend them|&s;elves by a War: yet the Kings admitting of the Preamble of the Parliaments Propo&s;iti|ons pre&s;ented to him at the I&s;le of <HI>Wight,</HI> that the Parliament was nece&s;&s;itated to take up Arms in their ju&s;t and lawfull defence; make<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> him (who mu&s;t needs be be&s;t acquainted with his own actions) to be &s;o clearly guilty of all the blood hath been &s;hed in the&s;e Wars, as it puts to &s;ilence all that can be now al|ledged or &s;aid in his behalf.</P>
<P>They that made the <HI>Preamble,</HI> and placed it in <HI>limine</HI> and <HI>thre&s;hold</HI> of the Treaty, on purpo&s;e to catch and in&s;nare him (for either he mu&s;t have denied it at the very beginning and entrance into the Treaty, and leave hi<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">
<PB N="79" REF="44">
Kingdomes and People to wallow in the blood and mi&s;ery their Parliament <HI>Idols</HI> had brought them to; and have all the blame laid upon him for hindring a Peace he had &s;o much longed and laboured for; or put him&s;elf, and all his Loyal Subjects that hel|ped to defend him, under the burden of tho&s;e <HI>Sins</HI> and <HI>Shames</HI> the Parliament them&s;elves had all the right to) can tell their undone and deluded <HI>Pro&s;elytes,</HI> how much the King &s;tuck at it, how unwilling he was to break off the Treaty, and was unwilling to wrong his own Innocency; and that when the Parlia|ment Commi&s;&s;ioners had not any thing ei|ther in Law, or <HI>Truth,</HI> or Rea&s;on, or <HI>Argu|ment,</HI> to per&s;wade him to yield unto it, but laid it onely as a ca&s;e of nece&s;&s;ity before him (though there was no &s;uch preamble at the Treaties of <HI>Oxford</HI> and <HI>Uxbridge,</HI> nor any &s;uch nece&s;&s;ity at tho&s;e times in&s;i&s;ted upon) that unle&s;&s;e he <HI>would take the guilt upon him|&s;elf, his too Hou&s;es of Parliament and the people had engaged with them</HI> mu&s;t nece&s;&s;arily bee guilty of Trea&s;on and could not have any &s;e|curity from the guilt and puni&s;hment. The King be <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters">aning him&s;elf and People that mu&s;t be thus &s;hut out from any hopes of peace, intreated &s;ome expedient, or <HI>medium</HI> might be found out to reconcile the difference: But <HI>Cains</HI> &s;ins being <HI>greater</HI> then could bee forgiven him, unle&s;s <HI>Abel</HI> can be brought to &s;ay he killed <HI>Cain;</HI> they that could after|ward find an expedient for 21 of their great
<PB N="80" REF="45">
<HI>Council</HI> of State that refu&s;ed to &s;ub&s;cribe to the lawfulne&s;&s;e of murdering the King, after it was done, could finde none at all for the King to purcha&s;e a peace for the People (though many kinds of ways and expedients, as allowing him to make the like preamble to his own Propo&s;ition, or the like might have been ea&s;ily contrived and thought upon. For the truth was, the <HI>Independent</HI> party de&s;ired no Peace at all, and the <HI>Presbyterians</HI> de&s;ired it onely to get into their hands the Kings Po|wer and Authority, and lay the guilt of all the blood they had &s;hed for it upon him; and both of them were &s;o well content to have him allow of the preamble, as the <HI>latter,</HI> thought him&s;elf &s;afe and out of controver|&s;ie if the King took the blood upon him; and the <HI>former,</HI> that it would prove no &s;mall ad|vantage or colour, to take away his Life for confe&s;&s;ing him&s;elf guilty of it, by allowing of the preamble; in this unparallel'd de|mand, never before &s;tood upon By Subjects to their <HI>Prince,</HI> or <HI>Conquerours</HI> to their <HI>Cap|tives. Nero</HI> him&s;elf was &s;o far &s;hort of it, as though he had cunning enough when he &s;et <HI>Rome</HI> on fire, to lay the fault upon the <HI>Chri|&s;tians,</HI> had not Villany enough to torture and &s;eek to draw them to a <HI>confe&s;&s;ion,</HI> that they did it.</P>
<P>The King after Prote&s;tation that he could not without manife&s;t injury to the Truth, and a violation of his <HI>Honour</HI> and <HI>Con&s;cience,</HI> take upon him a guilt, could no way be char|ged
<PB N="81" REF="45">
upon him, or tho&s;e that appeared in his defence, was yet for peace &s;ake, and his peoples &s;ake, content to &s;ay; <HI>It will be a great &s;elf-denial to take this &s;up|po&s;ition of a guilt upon my &s;elfe, and a Chri&s;tian vertue to undergoe any affliction that may be for the good of my People:</HI> and <HI>I am confident tho&s;e that have adventured &s;o much for me, will be content to &s;hare with me for &s;o good a purpo&s;e in the &s;uffer|ing for it. I &s;hall therefore conditionally con&s;ent to the Preamble;</HI> &s;o as there fol|low a <HI>conclu&s;ion</HI> upon the <HI>whole matter</HI> in Treaty and <HI>Propo&s;itions</HI> betwixt us; o|therwi&s;e it is but <HI>&s;ub modo,</HI> and <HI>conditi|onal;</HI> as it is alwaies to be under&s;tood in this Treaty, that <HI>nothing agreed in part</HI> betwixt us, &s;hall be binding, unle&s;s there be a conclu&s;ion upon the <HI>whole.</HI> And here let the Truth be judge, if the King did not abundantly endeavour to &s;ave his People, and if the Parliament had not need of a <HI>Justification,</HI> when they u&s;ed all manner of force and &s;hifts, to have the King take the fault upon him: they therefore that &s;hall con&s;ider that the King was a clo&s;e pri&s;oner, robbed and bereaved of all he had (but his Ho|nour and <HI>Con&s;cience,</HI> and a great mea|&s;ure
<PB N="82" REF="46">
of knowledge and under&s;tanding, and the hearts of his Loyal Subjects) was debarred of all friends and comforts, pent up and u&s;ed with all manner of hard&s;hip and extremities, and every day like to be murdered, that conditions <HI>ad|impleri debent priu&s;quam &s;equatur effe|ctus,</HI> are but in&s;erted or added, <HI>in ca&s;um incertum qui pote&s;t tendere ad e&s;&s;e, aut non e&s;&s;e;</HI> and depend on <HI>&s;ub&s;equencies</HI> or fol|lowing <HI>effects,</HI> which not hapning or co|ming to be performed according to the intent of the conditions, makes them to vani&s;h and expire, as if there no &s;uch matter at all had been acknowledged or expre&s;&s;ed in them: That <HI>Cooke,</HI> his ac|cu&s;er, who when he comes to be hanged for it, will never be able to prove that the People <HI>&s;ub&s;tituted,</HI> or gave him war|rant for to accu&s;e him. And <HI>Brad&s;haw,</HI> who &s;ate higher in the <HI>pageant</HI> of <HI>Ju&s;tice,</HI> and the re&s;t of his fellow-murderers, took the Kings conditional con&s;enting to the Preamble, to be &s;o little for their purpo&s;e, as they never &s;o much as men|tioned it: mu&s;t not onely acquit him of any confe&s;&s;ion or guilt to be inferred from his conditional yeelding to that <HI>Ambu&s;cado</HI> Preamble, but di&s;&s;olve into
<PB N="83" REF="46">
wonder and admiration, that he who in his Royal Meditations, and Conference with death, upon the Parliaments Votes of <HI>non addre&s;s,</HI> and his clo&s;er impri&s;on|ment at <HI>Carisbrook-Ca&s;tle,</HI> had clearne&s;s of Con&s;cience enough to &s;ay (for as for his judgement we hope it cannot be &s;u|&s;pected, when Mr. <HI>Carill</HI> the <HI>Independent,</HI> and Mr. <HI>Vines</HI> a <HI>Presbyterian</HI> Mini&s;ter, could &s;ay he was a &s;econd <HI>Solomon;</HI> and the Parliaments Commi&s;&s;ioners at the I&s;le of <HI>Wight</HI> report him to be the ma|&s;ter of the greate&s;t wi&s;dome and under|&s;tanding) That he had <HI>the fea&s;t of a good Con&s;cience, and the brazen wall of a judi|cious</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><GAP DESC="foreign">, <HI>Cap.</HI> 28.</NOTE> <HI>integrity and Con&s;cience!</HI> doubted not but his <HI>Innocency would finde God to be his protector!</HI> rejoyced in the comfort of <HI>imitating Christs example in &s;uffering for Righteou&s;ne&s;s &s;ake!</HI> and thanked God <HI>he could pray for them, that God would not impute his Blood to them, fur|ther than to convince them what need they had of Chri&s;ts Blood, to wa&s;h their Souls</HI> from the guilt of &s;hedding His! And was afterwards in the face and view of Death and his Murderers, heard to &s;ay upon the Scaffold, <HI>He never did begin a War with the two Hou&s;es of Parliament,</HI>
<PB REF="47">
<HI>and called God to his witne&s;s (to whom he was &s;hortly to make an account) he never intended to incroach upon their priviled|ges, but they began upon him;</HI> It was the <HI>Militia</HI> they <HI>began upon,</HI> though they <HI>confe&s;t it was his,</HI> and <HI>that any that would looke into the date of their Commi&s;&s;ions and his, might</HI> clearly &s;ee <HI>that they be|gan the&s;e unhappy troubles;</HI> and hoped <HI>God would clear him of it!</HI> Could be &s;o much more than a man, and &s;o great a protector of his People, as not onely to be content to be robbed and di&s;poiled of all that he had for their &s;akes, but to &s;ave the Lives and E&s;tates of his People, when there was no other way to do it, deliver up him&s;elf (&s;o as a Peace and A|greement might have followed upon the Treaty) to the unju&s;t Cen&s;ure of Rob|bing and Spoiling tho&s;e that had robbed and undone him.</P>
<P>But now that we have hunted this Parliament <HI>Proteus</HI> through all his di&s;|gui&s;es of <HI>Parliament</HI> priviledges and pretences, and are lamentably a&s;&s;ured a great and accur&s;ed thing is committed in our <HI>I&s;rael,</HI> and the <HI>anger</HI> of the Lord is <HI>kindled</HI> again&s;t us; it may be labour well be&s;towed (though here is &s;ure e|nough
<PB N="85" REF="47">
already &s;aid and prov'd, that the King was in the defen&s;ive and ju&s;tifiable part of the War) to &s;end into <HI>Achan</HI>'s tent, and &s;earch and &s;ee what is there to be found concerning this matter; and here we finde the Lord <HI>Say,</HI> the Lord <HI>Brooks,</HI> and their complices, had not long before the King had &s;ummoned them to that which is now called the Parliament, &s;ettled and conveyed their e&s;tates, to prevent any dangers might happen upon their intended enterpri&s;es; <HI>Peard</HI> the pragmatique Parliament-man was heard to &s;ay a little before this holy War began to break out, That <HI>the Go|vernment of the Kingdom would within a year or two be altered.</HI></P>
<P>A little before the &s;econd Scotti&s;h In|va&s;ion, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Hi&s;tory of the Mar&abque; Montro&s;&s;e his actions in Scot|land.</NOTE> <HI>Hinder&s;on</HI> the Scotch <HI>firebrand</HI> confe&s;&s;es the Covenanters of both King|doms were unanimou&s;ly agreed <HI>to bring the King to their lure before they laid down Arms:</HI> the joint Declaration of both Kingdoms in <HI>January,</HI> 1643. profe&s;&s;es they will <HI>never lay down Armes till the</HI> pretended <HI>reformation be accompli&s;hed;</HI> many Declarations and Remon&s;trances of the Parliament (if they may be &s;o called) and the Army, mention the
<PB N="86" REF="48">
<HI>original power</HI> and Soveraignty to be in the people, the common <HI>Rights</HI> and <HI>Freedome</HI> of the Nation, and the <HI>oppor|tunities</HI> God hath put into their hands. An Ordinance of Parliament 20 <HI>October</HI> 1645. concerning Rules and Directions for Triers and Judges of the ability of Elders, declare it was <HI>the wonderfull pro|vidence of God in calling them</HI> (which he never did by force of Arms, Hypo|cri&s;ie, Trea&s;on, Rebellion, and u&s;urping of Regal Authority) <HI>to the great and difficult work of reformation and purging the Church.</HI> The Lord <HI>Fairfax</HI> and his General Council of Officers in their Re|mon&s;trance of the 16 <HI>November,</HI> 1648. made to the Parliament, call the put|ting down of Monarchy, and the e&s;ta|bli&s;hing of their unju&s;t ends, the <HI>publick intere&s;t originally contended for on the Parliaments part;</HI> and the Declaration and Votes of tho&s;e that call them&s;elves the Commons of <HI>England</HI> in Parliament a&s;&s;embled, 1 <HI>January</HI> 1648. affirm the bringing of Delinquents to puni&s;hment (which if they had been Delinquents, is certainly a part of the Kingly Office) the <HI>main,</HI> if not <HI>the onely end of making this War.</HI> And in another place thereof ac|knowledges
<PB N="87" REF="48">
the <HI>rooting out of Epi&s;copa|cy, and bringing Delinquents to puni&s;h|ment</HI> to be <HI>the onely motives that induced them to undertake this War.</HI></P>
<P>And though <HI>Achan</HI> will neither con|fe&s;s nor be brought to puni&s;hment, till the wrath and never-failing judgement of God &s;hall bring them and their &s;ons and their daughters, and their <HI>&s;ucce&s;&s;es,</HI> and the <HI>A&s;&s;es</HI> that follow them to be con&s;umed in the field of <HI>Achor:</HI> and the Fig-leaves which they have patched to|gether to palliate and hide their naked|ne&s;&s;e, cannot keep out the eyes and un|der&s;tanding of a ruined Nation bleeding under the burden of their iniquity; but whether ever confe&s;&s;ed or never, will be as plain as the mo&s;t infallible demon|&s;tration; they were never nece&s;&s;itated to make a War, but were &s;o far from the Ju&s;tification of a defen&s;ive War, as that they were altogether in the offen|&s;ive. For be&s;ide all that hath been &s;aid to prove them guilty of the blood and mi&s;ery of this Nation, who can think, or be believed (if he &s;hould be &s;o mad as to &s;ay it) That they were forced to make a War for that was none of their own, or to take away tenures in <HI>Capite,</HI>
<PB N="88" REF="49">
which was a principal Flower of his Crown; or for a <HI>Reformation</HI> of <HI>Religi|on,</HI> was already the envie and ambition of the be&s;t of the Reformed Churches, or to commit Sacriledge and aboli&s;h E|pi&s;copacy, which at the lea&s;t was of A|po&s;tolical in&s;titution; or to pre&s;erve the Statute of 25 <HI>E.</HI> 3. concerning what was Trea&s;on; when they them&s;elves com|mitted mo&s;t of the Trea&s;ons were men|tioned in it, and more than their fore|fathers and the makers of that Statute ever thought on. But that we may do all the right we can to them have done &s;o much wrong, and the better carry on our judgements to a certain conclu&s;ion of that which God and all good and ju&s;t men know to be true enough, it will not, we hope, be impertinent in this our &s;earch and di&s;qui&s;ition of the truth to proceed to the enquiry.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="5" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="89" REF="49">
<HEAD>CHAP. V. <HI>Whether the Parliament, in their pretended Magi&s;tracy, have not taken le&s;ler occa&s;ion to puni&s;h or provide again&s;t</HI> In&s;urrections, Trea&s;ons, <HI>and</HI> Rebellions, as <HI>they are plea&s;ed to call them.</HI></HEAD>
<P>ALl in the neighbourhood of their Proceedings, that know but any thing of them can tell it: The Parlia|ment have not been wanting to their own pre&s;ervations and purpo&s;es in the exerci&s;e of the greate&s;t jealou&s;ie, vigi|lancy, terror, and authority, over tho&s;e they could get within their juri&s;diction: Witne&s;&s;e <HI>Edward Archer,</HI> who was whipt and puni&s;hed almo&s;t to death for &s;peaking but his ill wi&s;hes to the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex,</HI> when he was marching out of <HI>London</HI> with their Army again&s;t the King: the impri&s;onment of their own Members, for &s;peaking again&s;t the <HI>Sen&s;e</HI> and <HI>Cabal</HI> of the Hou&s;e of Commons; men and women, old and young, &s;hut
<PB N="90" REF="50">
up under Decks, ready to be &s;tifled a &s;hip-board, upon &s;u&s;pition that they affected the King; hanging of the two <HI>Bri&s;tol</HI> Merchants, Ma&s;ter <HI>Bourchier</HI> and Ma&s;ter <HI>Yeomans,</HI> for an endeavour to deliver to deliver up <HI>Bri&s;tol,</HI> putting Co|lonel <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> out of the Government of that Town, upon &s;u&s;pition of favouring the enterpri&s;e; hanging of Ma&s;ter <HI>Tom|kins</HI> and Ma&s;ter <HI>Chaloner,</HI> for a purpo&s;e to force the delivery up of &s;ome facti|ous men to Ju&s;tice; bani&s;hing Ma&s;ter <HI>Waller,</HI> an eminent Member of the hou&s;e of Commons, for the contrivance of it; &s;earching the hou&s;es of forraign Amba&s;|&s;adors, and intercepting and opening their Letters; beheading Sir <HI>Alexander Cary</HI> for an intention to deliver up <HI>Pli|mouth,</HI> and Sir <HI>John Hotham</HI> (who ad|ventured fir&s;t of all to &s;et up their au|thority, and was magnified, and almo&s;t adored for it) for an intention only to deliver up <HI>Hull</HI> to the King; executing of his &s;on, for joyning with his father in it; hanging Ma&s;ter <HI>Kniveton,</HI> one of the Kings Me&s;&s;engers, but for bringing his Maje&s;ties Proclamation to <HI>London</HI> for the adjourning of the Term (being a greater mi&s;-u&s;age then <HI>Davids</HI> Me&s;&s;en|gers
<PB N="91" REF="50">
received from King <HI>Ammon)</HI> im|pri&s;oning, &s;tarving, and undoing of any that dur&s;t but own the King, or &s;end, or bring any Me&s;&s;age from him or his par|ty, or that did but give any aid or a&s;&s;i|&s;tance to him, to which their Oaths and Con&s;ciences, and the <HI>jugling</HI> Covenant (they them&s;elves took, and forced upon them) did oblige them; &s;hooting and cannonading of the <HI>Queen</HI> when &s;he came but to aid her husband, and cha|&s;ing and &s;hooting after her at Sea a year after, when &s;he was going back into <HI>France</HI> from him; &s;eque&s;tring wives and mothers that did but relieve their husbands and childrens wants when they returned out of the Kings &s;er|vice, putting thou&s;ands of the Ortho|dox Mini&s;ters out of their Benefices and livelihoods for u&s;ing the Common-Prayer-Book, preaching true Doctrine and obedience to the King, or praying for him at the &s;ame time when they pretended liberty of Con&s;cience, and pre&s;cription of Religion, voting the Prince a Traitor, for wi&s;hing well or be|ing in company with his Father (for he was too young to do any thing el&s;e for him) and making, or rather &s;uppo&s;ing
<PB N="92" REF="51">
charges of High Trea&s;on again&s;t tho&s;e that either fought for the King, or coun|&s;elled him how to defend him&s;elf; for but obeying the known Lawes, they them&s;elves made the world believe they made &s;ome part of the War for, ordering all to die without mercy that did but harbour the King when he fled in a di&s;gui&s;e before their Armies, con|demning men by a Court Martial after the War was ended, and &s;hooting them to death but for words or intentions. And if this and many things more might be &s;aid of it, be not enough, what means &s;o many <HI>Seque&s;trations,</HI> and the bleating and lowing of mens Sheep and Oxen taken away from them &s;ince the Warre was ended, but for words &s;poken either for the King or again&s;t them; husbands and fathers undone for what their wives or children did without their privity; the Mayor of <HI>London</HI> and divers Alder|men impri&s;oned but upon a &s;u&s;picion of joyning with the <HI>Scots,</HI> or &s;omething in pur&s;uance of the Covenant they forced them to take, or el&s;e would have undone them for refu&s;ing of it, Garri&s;ons and Armies with free-quartering and Taxes kept up after the War was ended, and
<PB N="93" REF="51">
the people like &s;heep devoured to main|tain them; &s;o much complaining in our &s;treets, and taking away the fifth part of many men in whole Counties, as <HI>E&s;&s;ex, Kent,</HI> &amp;c. for joyning with &s;ome of the Kings Forces, or for being forced to &s;end provi&s;ions to them (when they took up Arms, &s;ome in pur&s;uance of the Cove|nant, and others of them to deliver the <HI>King</HI> out of pri&s;on) and cau&s;ing the Souldiers not onely to cut and kill di|vers of the County of <HI>Surrey</HI> in the very act of Petitioning the Parliament for a Treaty of Peace with the King, and &s;e|que&s;ter many of them for putting their hands to it, with di&s;abling the Citizens of <HI>London</HI> for bearing any office in the City or Common wealth, for but putting their hands to the petition for the Trea|ty, though <HI>Cromwel</HI> him&s;elf had not long before &s;et on &s;om to petition for it; and the ruine &amp; undoing of 2 parts of 3 in the Kingdome, very many of whom did nothing actually in the Wars, but were onely &s;acrificed to their pretended rea&s;ons and jealou&s;ies of State, do &s;uffi|ciently proclame, and remain the woful Regi&s;ters to after-generations of this lamentable a&s;&s;ertion. If the King could
<PB N="94" REF="52">
have gotten but &s;o much leave of his mercy, and a tenderheartedne&s;&s;e to his people, as to have u&s;ed but the five|hundredth part of the Parliaments jea|lou&s;ies, and &s;harp and mercile&s;s autho|rity in the managing of this Warre, &s;o much of his Kingdomes and people had not been undone and ruined, nor the Parliament put to &s;o much labour to coyn faults and &s;candals again&s;t him, nor to wre&s;t the <HI>Lawes</HI> to <HI>non-&s;en&s;e,</HI> and the Scriptures to Bla&s;phemy, to ju&s;tifie their mo&s;t horrid act of murthering him, but for &s;eeking to pre&s;erve the <HI>Lawes</HI> and <HI>Liberties</HI> of his people, who are now clearly cheated out of them. And here our mi&s;ery tells us we mu&s;t leave them, and in the next place &s;hall remember (for indeed it is &s;o plain it needs no en|quiry.)</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="6" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="95" REF="52">
<HEAD>CHAP. VI. <HI>Who mo&s;t de&s;ired Peace, and offer|ed fairlie&s;t for it.</HI></HEAD>
<P>TH'bundant &s;atisfaction the King had offered them from his fir&s;t &s;ummoning of the late Parliament, to their di&s;&s;olving of them&s;elves, by di&s;|&s;olving him who gave them all their <HI>Life</HI> and <HI>Being:</HI> That which he <HI>did,</HI> and all which he would have <HI>done;</HI> &s;o many Declarations, An&s;wers and Me&s;|&s;ages penned by him&s;elf, intending as much as his words could &s;ignifie, and were believed and under&s;tood by all at that time, that were not intere&s;&s;ed or engaged again&s;t him, and by many of the eagre&s;t of them al&s;o, that had no hand, or look't to have any profit in the murthering of him (for a Trial of a King without either warrant or colour of <HI>Scripture,</HI> or the <HI>Lawes</HI> of the King|dome, or the con&s;ent of the major part of the people (if that could have autho|rized
<PB N="96" REF="53">
it, cannot, nay will not by all the world and after-ages be otherwi&s;e in|terpreted; unle&s;&s;e we &s;hall &s;ay <HI>Ravillac</HI> might have ju&s;tified his killing <HI>Henry</HI> the Fourth of <HI>France,</HI> if he had but had the wit to have framed or fancied a Su|preme Court of Ju&s;tice, and have Sen|tenced him before he had done it) will be as pillars and la&s;ting Monuments of this Truth, The King was the onely de|&s;irer of <HI>Peace,</HI> and laboured and <HI>tugged</HI> harder for it than ever Prince or King, Heathen or Chri&s;tian, fince Almighty God did his fir&s;t dayes work, did ever doe with Superiors, Equals or Subjects; and it will be no wrong certainly to <HI>Da|vid</HI> (who&s;e &s;ufferings are &s;o much re|membred in all Chri&s;tian Churches) complaining &s;o bitterly that he &s;ought peace with tho&s;e that refu&s;ed it, and in the mean time prepared for War a|gain&s;t him. To &s;ay the King did &s;uffer more, and offer more, and oftner for peace than ever he did (for any thing is extant or appearing to us) for &s;urely, &s;o many Me&s;&s;ages of Peace as one and twenty in two years &s;pace, from the 5. of <HI>December</HI> 1645. to the 25. of <HI>Decem.</HI> 1647. &s;ent to the Parliament after &s;o
<PB N="97" REF="53">
many affronts and di&s;couragements, mu&s;t needs excu&s;e him that offered all could be imagined to be for the good and &s;afety of his people, and condemn tho&s;e, that not onely from time to time refu&s;ed it, but adhered &s;o much to their fir&s;t intentions, as all the blood and ruine of the people could not per&s;wade them to depart with the lea&s;t <HI>punctillio</HI> of it; though the King before the I&s;le of <HI>Wight-</HI>Treaty, offered &s;o much for the Olive-branch, as to part with the Militia for term of his life, and in a manner to un-king him&s;elf, and was afterwards content to doe all that his Coronation-Oath, Honour and Con&s;cience, could po&s;&s;ibly permit him to do; and to pur|cha&s;e a peace for his people, was con|tent to have born the &s;hame &amp; reproach of what his enemies were onely guilty of&punc; in&s;omuch as the Lord <HI>Say</HI> him&s;elf, and mo&s;t of his ever-craving, never &s;afe enough Di&s;ciples, confe&s;&s;ed the <HI>King</HI> had offered &s;o much, as nothing more could be demanded of him. They therefore that can but tell how to di|vide or put a difference betwixt white and black, night and day, and the plaine&s;t contraries, mu&s;t needs al&s;o acknowledge
<PB N="98" REF="54">
the King offered all, and the Parliament refu&s;ed all: The <HI>King</HI> was willing to part almo&s;t with every thing, and the Parliament would never part with any thing: The <HI>King</HI> was willing for the good of his people to give away almo&s;t every thing of his own, but the Parli|ament would never yield to part with any thing was not their own. And thus may the account be quickly ca&s;t up be|tween the <HI>King</HI> and <HI>Parliament,</HI> who would have &s;aved the people from mi|&s;ery, and who was mo&s;t unwilling to make an end of it. But that we may not too ha&s;tily give the &s;entence to try the bu&s;ine&s;&s;e, a<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> they u&s;e to do at the Councel of <HI>War,</HI> or the new invented way of <HI>Ju&s;tice,</HI> &s;itting with their Will, or the Sword onely in one hand, and no <HI>Ballance</HI> at all in the other. We &s;hall in the next place examine.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="7" TYPE="chapter">
<PB N="99" REF="54">
<HEAD>CHAP. VII. <HI>Who laboured to &s;horten the War, and who to lengthen it.</HI></HEAD>
<P>THe odds was &s;o great betwixt what the Parliament laboured to get, and the <HI>King</HI> to keepe, as that which &s;ways the balance in mo&s;t mens actions, will be argument enough to conclude they were more likely to lo&s;e by a peace than a war; therefore the more willing to continue it: and if their own Inte|re&s;ts would not put them &s;o far upon it, their vain-glory and ambition would be forward enough to per&s;wade them to it; and if not that, the &s;ucce&s;s of their arms, or mi&s;called providence, would make them look (as experience tells us they did) upon any tenders of peace, as <HI>A|lexander</HI> the Great did upon <HI>Darius</HI> his offer o<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> half his Kingdom: and if not that, their feares and jealou&s;ies now grown greater by wronging of the King, than ever they were when they &s;u&s;pe|cted him, could never think it &s;afe to
<PB N="100" REF="55">
let an inraged <HI>Lion</HI> into his Denne they had &s;o long kept out of it. But the King could not fight for his own, but he mu&s;t adventure the undoing of his <HI>own;</HI> and could not but know, that &s;o much as was lo&s;t of his Subjects, would be &s;o much lo&s;t of a <HI>King;</HI> and therefore doth all he can to pre&s;erve a People, had no minde to pre&s;erve them&s;elves; and be|fore He had gathered up the Bayes He won at <HI>Edge-hill,</HI> &s;ends a Proclamation of pardon to tho&s;e, that the day before did all they could to kill him; and in all his actions of War afterward behaved him&s;elf rather like a weeping Father de|fending him&s;elf again&s;t the &s;trokes and violence of di&s;obedient children. Had the Parliament accepted of his offers before he came to <HI>Beverley,</HI> or be&s;ieged <HI>Hull,</HI> he had never &s;et up his <HI>Standard</HI> at <HI>Notsingham;</HI> or had they loved his People but half &s;o much as he did, their Armies had never &s;een his Banners di&s;|p<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">aid a<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> <HI>Edge-hill.</HI> Had they hearkned to his many endeavours for Peace after that Battel, and not &s;ought to &s;urround or ruine him when he came &s;o near as to their very doors to intreat for it, they had never been troubled to frame an
<PB N="101" REF="55">
Accu&s;ation again&s;t him for defending him&s;elf at <HI>Brainford,</HI> Had his Treaty at <HI>Oxford</HI> been proceeded in with the &s;ame de&s;ires of Peace he brought to it the blood that was &s;hed at <HI><GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters">ver&s;ham-bridge</HI> had been kept for better purpo&s;es; had he &s;ought his own advantages, he had not be&s;ieged <HI>Gloce&s;ter;</HI> or had he not been &s;o unwilling to put the People in it to the hazard of a &s;torm, might have ta|ken it; had they not &s;ent their General to a&s;&s;ault him at <HI>Gloce&s;ter,</HI> whil'&s;t he was as <HI>David</HI> be&s;ieging the &s;trong Hold of the <HI>Jebu&s;ites,</HI> that withheld it from his obedience, and &s;ought to ruine and un|doe Him a&s;well as his Loyal Subjects, he had not fought with them afterwards at <HI>Newbery;</HI> had not his Olive-branches been flung in the fire by tho&s;e He &s;ent them unto, he had not been put to de|fend him&s;elf at <HI>Cropredy-bridge.</HI> Had any thing been able to prevail with the Parliament to pitty their fellow-Sub|jects, he had not taken &s;uch a tedious and dangerous march to relieve tho&s;e they would have ruined at <HI>Bodmin</HI> in <HI>Cornwall.</HI> Had the Treaty at <HI>&V;xbridge</HI> taken effect, he needed not afterwards have adventured &s;o much to defend
<PB N="102" REF="56">
him&s;elf at <HI>Newbery.</HI> Had not the new|modell'd Army after &s;o many tenders of Peace, refu&s;ed by their ma&s;ters, beene &s;ent out to de&s;troy him, he had not been put to the trouble of taking <HI>Leice&s;ter</HI> for his &s;ecurity. And had not he been &s;ur|rounded and almo&s;t &s;urpri&s;ed by them, might have re&s;erved him&s;elf to a better &s;ucce&s;s and advantage than he had at <HI>Na&s;eby.</HI> Had his voluntary re&s;igning up of the remainder of his Armies and Ga|ri&s;ons been able to per&s;wade any thing with them, there had not been &s;o much as a relique of War left in the Kingdom; or could &s;o many Me&s;&s;ages for Peace, and &s;o many Petitions of the People for it, have made but any impre&s;&s;ion on the Parliament, &s;o many divi&s;ions, parties, and in&s;urrections, had not &s;ince broken the Harps of the Children of <HI>I&s;rael,</HI> nor &s;hould the drummes have out gone the voice of the <HI>Turtle.</HI> He that could not bring him&s;elf to the common actions of War to hang a Spie, in&s;omuch as when one of them was hanged before he was told he was taken, he was intreating the Governour of <HI>Oxford</HI> to &s;pare him. He that when he had <HI>John Lilburne,</HI> one of the mo&s;t factious that were again&s;t him,
<PB N="103" REF="56">
<HI>Wingate</HI> and <HI>Darley</HI> Parliament-men, Colonel <HI>Ludlow</HI> an actor of that Trea|&s;on his Father had not long before &s;po|ken again&s;t him, and Dr. <HI>Ba&s;twiek</HI> one of the bellows and principal factors of this horrid Rebellion, did no more than impri&s;on &s;ome of them, and giving the re&s;t a legal Trial, &s;hewed them what the law they made filly People believe they took up arms to maintain, would judge of them; and &s;uffered them to be ex|changed to do what they could after|wards again&s;t him: He that when he had taken 400 prentice-boys in the fight at <HI>Brainford,</HI> did but di&s;mi&s;s and pitty them; and when he had compelled the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> the Parliament-General at <HI>Le&s;tithiel</HI> in <HI>Cornwall</HI> to flie away by Sea in a Cock-boat, and leave all the Artil|lery and Foot of his Army to his mercy, did no more but di&s;arm them, and take an oath of them never more to &s;erve a|gain&s;t him; and being then in the height of his pro&s;perity, &s;ent a Me&s;&s;age and Offer of Peace to the Parliament, who were low enough at that time (if their de&s;igns would have given them leave) to have received it: He that could &s;ay he &s;hould be more afraid to take <HI>away</HI>
<PB N="104" REF="57">
<HI>any mans life unju&s;tly than to lo&s;e his own!</HI> was not likely to be guilty of blood-&s;ee|king, or the &s;hedding of it: He that had experience enough how much his Life and Crown were &s;ought for, yet to &s;hew them the way to peace, and to take off all pretences to hinder it, could &s;heath his own Sword, and put him&s;elf into the hands of tho&s;e he had &s;o little rea&s;on to tru&s;t, as he knew them to be the great contrivers of the War again&s;t him; cau&s;ed the Marque&s;s of <HI>Montro&s;&s;e,</HI> one of his <HI>mighty</HI> men of War, to di&s;|band, when he was ma&s;ter of a &s;trong and (not long before) fortunate Army in <HI>Scotland;</HI> commanded <HI>Newark, Ox|ford, Wallingford</HI> and <HI>Worce&s;ter,</HI> very &s;trong and almo&s;t impregnable Towns and Garri&s;ons in <HI>England</HI> to be delivered up, and all acts of ho&s;tility by Sea and Land, and all the preparations his friends could make either in foraign parts or at home to cea&s;e: He that could endure five yeares Ballading, Libelling, and Preaching again&s;t him, and &s;uch heaps of numberle&s;s affronts and injuries of all kinds done unto him, and two years impri&s;onment afterwards; yet &s;o long as he enjoy'd but the liberty of Pen and
<PB N="105" REF="57">
Ink, or a Me&s;&s;enger to carry it, did &s;o tire them with Me&s;&s;ages and Offers of Peace, as they voted it to be Trea&s;on for any to bring any Me&s;&s;age from him, and notwith&s;tanding all that, made &s;hift to throw a Me&s;&s;age or Declaration to his People, made up like a ball, out of the place of his clo&s;e Impri&s;onment at <HI>Ca|risbrook,</HI> was not like to de&s;ire the lengthening that war he did all he could to avoid, and offered &s;o much to make an end of; but on the contrary, if we take into our con&s;ideration the more than <HI>Gothi&s;h</HI> unheard of inhumane cru|cities, acted and done by the Parliament again&s;t their better <HI>fellow-Subjects,</HI> their Plunderings, Seque&s;trations, and rack|ing of every mans e&s;tate they plea&s;ed to call Delinquents; &s;everities in all their actions, &s;tanding upon every punctilio or word, or &s;uper&s;cription of a Letter, and not abating a tittle of their demands, as if they had been the <HI>Decalogue,</HI> or &s;ome other place of Scripture (though rivo|lets of blood, hundred thou&s;ands of ru|ined families, and thronged Ho&s;pitals of &s;ick and wounded men, <HI>Widows</HI> and <HI>Fa|therle&s;s</HI> cried aloud to them for Peace) and their killing and murdering tho&s;e
<PB N="106" REF="58">
that but petitioned for it; and a foun|dation laid of a new war may la&s;t as long as that of the <HI>Netherlands</HI> and <HI>Germany.</HI> There will be enough and enough again to in&s;ure us of this mo&s;t clear and evi|dent truth, the King did all he could, and more than any man el&s;e would have done to obtain Peace, and the Faction of Parliament all they could to avoid it; for certainly if there be any rules of Learning, <HI>Truth</HI> or Rea&s;on, left us to judge by, he mu&s;t be &s;eque&s;tred of all his <HI>brains</HI> that can but endeavour to make a doubt whether the King did not more re&s;emble the true mother of the Child in the ca&s;e before <HI>Solomon,</HI> who did &s;o <HI>much,</HI> and offered to part with &s;o <HI>much</HI> to &s;ave the life of it, than the Par|liament, that would have it more than <HI>divided,</HI> and to be cut and torn all to <HI>bits</HI> and <HI>pieces,</HI> and would do nothing at all to <HI>&s;ave,</HI> but every thing to <HI>de&s;troy</HI> it. And now we have &s;een a King <HI>un|done</HI> and impri&s;oned for his endeavours to protect his People, and bring againe beloved <HI>Peace</HI> to tho&s;e that would not entertain it: and heard the report of his <HI>murther</HI> (for mo&s;t of the Peoples eyes have not &s;een it, nor have their
<PB N="107" REF="58">
hearts acted in it) we &s;hall, as mo&s;t men do (after they have lo&s;t a good offer or opportunity) enquire.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 N="8" TYPE="chapter">
<HEAD>CHAP. VIII. <HI>Whether the Conditions offered by the King would not have been more profitable, if they had been accepted; and what the people have got in&s;tead of them.</HI></HEAD>
<P>IN order to which, though &s;o wofull and over-and-over-bitterly<HI>-Ta&s;ted, Seen, Felt, Heard</HI> and <HI>&V;nderstood, Expe|riences</HI> of the mi&s;eries have come unto us by the Parliaments not accepting the gracious offers and conditions the King made unto them, may make it to be as needle&s;s to enquire of them, as for a man to ask where to finde <HI>Pauls</HI> Steeple in <HI>London</HI> when he is in <HI>Pauls Church|yard,</HI> or to enquire for the <HI>Sun</HI> in the <HI>dog-days,</HI> when he and every man el&s;e may &s;ee or feele the effects of it; we &s;hall be content to con&s;ider what the
<PB N="108" REF="59">
King offered, and what the Parliament would have had him to grant. What the King would have done, and what the Parliament have done; and by that &s;ee which would have been the better bar|gain.</P>
<P>The King like a <HI>pater patriae</HI> offered over and over to grant all manner of Laws and Liberties, which might be good and whol&s;ome for his People, and onely denied to grant tho&s;e things the granting whereof (as he &s;aid him&s;elfe) <HI>would alter the fundamental Laws;</HI> and <HI>endanger the very foundation upon which the publick happine&s;s and welfare of his People</HI> was founded and con&s;tituted; or to give them &s;tones in &s;tead of bread, or <HI>Scorpions</HI> in &s;tead of fi&s;hes. But the Par|liament meaning to feed the People nei|ther with <HI>bread</HI> nor fi&s;hes, ask the Royal Sword, <HI>Crown,</HI> and Scepter, Coronation Oath, and Con&s;cience, and an Arbitrary Power to governe and domineer over their fellow Subjects, and to en&s;lave tho&s;e that tru&s;ted them: And though the King had already granted enough to pre&s;erve the Laws, Lives, Religion, and Liberty of the People, and was &s;o wil|ling, almo&s;t at any rate, to purcha&s;e a
<PB N="109" REF="59">
peace for him&s;elf and his people; as he was content to part with his Sword and Militia, and divers other parts of his <HI>Re|gality</HI> during his life: Yet that would not &s;erve the turn, 'twas <HI>Naboths</HI> Vine-yard, not <HI>Ahabs</HI> Fa&s;t, made all the bu&s;i|ne&s;&s;e: the Parliament, that pretended &s;o much to deny them&s;elves, and to dote upon the people, doe notwith&s;tanding all they can to continue the War, and to cozen &amp; force the peoples blood, e&s;tate, and con&s;cience out of them; and they mu&s;t never give over paying of Taxes, fighting and <HI>fooling,</HI> till they enable them to impri&s;on their <HI>King,</HI> and not onely murther him, but thou&s;ands, and many ten thou&s;ands of their fellow-&s;ubjects, and the Lawes, Religion, and Liberties of the people.</P>
<P>And now that they have done more than the men of the Gun-powder-trea|&s;on intended to do; &amp; all <HI>England</HI> are be|com like &s;heep without a Shepherd; wan+dring on the mountains, &amp; thou&s;ands of <HI>Wolves</HI> by Votes &amp; Ordinances, &amp; mi&s;|called <HI>Acts</HI> of Parliament appointed to feed them; four or five yeares &s;ad ex|perience in the Wars of the Parliament again&s;t the King, and almo&s;t as much more time &s;pent in &s;etling and &s;ubduing
<PB N="110" REF="60">
the people, making them like <HI>Camels,</HI> to kneel down to take up their bur|dens, labour, and travel hard, and en|dure hunger and thir&s;t under them; yet yield up their <HI>veines</HI> to be prick'd for blood to enable their drivers to furni&s;h them with a new &s;upply of burdens, when they &s;hall be di&s;charged of what they have laid upon them, may ea&s;ily &s;hew us a difference as big as a <HI>mountain</HI> betwixt our old good Lawes and Liber|ties enjoyed under a gracious <HI>King,</HI> who had an e&s;tate of inheritance large enough of his own, be&s;ides an oath to oblige him to protect us; and a <HI>Hell</HI> upon <HI>Earth,</HI> and the mo&s;t <HI>Slavi&s;h</HI> of all the Governments were ever yet put upon a Nation, by men of as little wit and e&s;tates as they have hone&s;ty; having no other obliga|tions upon them but their own abomi|nable de&s;igns &amp; intere&s;ts. For which of the people, unle&s;s tho&s;e that have traded in their neighbours blood and ruine, but hath made their complaints of their un|doing?</P>
<P>The Religion of the Kingdome, once &s;o glorious, is now cut into fancies and bla&s;phemies; the Churches where God was wont to be wor&s;hipped, either de|faced,
<PB N="111" REF="60" MS="y">
or pulled down, or made &s;tables for hor&s;es; the Lawes of the Kingdom, that were con&s;onant to the Word of God, and had in them the <HI>Quinte&s;&s;ence</HI> of all could be found to be extant in the Lawes of Nature, Nations, Civil Laws, or rectified Rea&s;on, and what&s;oever the wi&s;edome and care of all former <HI>Kings</HI> in Parliament, or the u&s;age and cu&s;toms of this or any other neighbouring Nati|ons could bring to its perfection, and were wont to nouri&s;h &amp; pre&s;erve peace and property, among us voted out, or into that <HI>&s;en&s;e,</HI> or to<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters">er <HI>interest,</HI> to that every thing or nothing, or to that <HI>non|&s;en&s;e</HI> according as the Lawle&s;&s;e, Unli|mited, Unju&s;t and Ignorant will of fel|low-&s;ubjects &s;hall plea&s;e to mi&s;u&s;e them in the <HI>Voting hou&s;e,</HI> or place of bandy|ing <HI>aies</HI> or <HI>noes.</HI> (For a Parliament, which in its legal and primitive In&s;titu|tion, con&s;i&s;ting of King, Lords and Commons, and the right u&s;e of it, is &s;o <HI>venerable,</HI> as no man (as our Lawes &s;ay) ought &s;o much as to &s;peak or think di&s;|honourably of it, we cannot without violence to the Lawes, and our rea&s;on and under&s;tanding call it) where pu<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">|lique orders are made without hearing
<PB N="112" REF="61">
of all, or any parties intere&s;&s;ed, a piece of a cau&s;e heard by &s;ome, and none at a<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">l of it by others; votes and parties made and packed and lent to one another be|fore-hand, and the be&s;t of the Faction, and Juglers, carry all the bu&s;ine&s;&s;e as they have a mind to it. A way of Ju&s;tice wor&s;e than that (<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">f there were any in it) of a lawle&s;&s;e Court &s;aid to be kept yearly on a Hil betwixt <HI>Raleigh</HI> and <HI>Rochford</HI> in <HI>Ee&s;lx,</HI> the wedne&s;day afterevery <HI>Micha|elmas</HI> day, where the Steward, or Judge <HI>&s;itteth in the night after the fir&s;t Cock-cro|wing, without any light or candle, and cal|leth</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg"><HI>Weavers Funcral Monu. ments, pag.</HI> 605.</NOTE> <HI>all that are bou<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="3 letters"> to attend the Court, with as low a voice as po&s;&s;ibly he may, write orders with a coal, and they that an&s;wer not are deeply amerced:</HI> For that being a particular puni&s;hment long agoe infli|cted upon the Tenants of certain Manner in <HI>Raleigh</HI> hundred, for a con&s;piracy a|gain&s;t the King, is but once a yeare, &s;ome &s;hift, or chance, or mercy of the Steward, or an appeal, may take a way the incon|venience of it. A way of government wor&s;e then to be &s;ubject to the rule of &s;o many <HI>fools,</HI> for they might perchance doe that would be ju&s;t; or &s;o many <HI>Knaves,</HI> who but in playing the <HI>Knaves</HI>
<PB N="113" REF="61">
one with another, or for reward, might &s;ometimes do that which was right, or <HI>Mad-men,</HI> which at intervals might do &s;omething which was rea&s;onable, wor&s;e then for every &s;ubject of <HI>England</HI> to be put to play at <HI>dice</HI> for his life, or e&s;tate, or any thing el&s;e he &s;hould crave a Ju|&s;tice to get or keep; for then he might by skill or chance obtain &s;omething: In fine, wor&s;e then any example or way of Government the world hath as yet pro|duced, and can have nothing wor&s;e but Hell it &s;elf.</P>
<P>The Parliament and priviledges of it are de&s;troyed, and every mans life and e&s;tate in no better a condition then at the plea&s;ure of the next pretenders to it. All the <HI>Charters</HI> and <HI>Liberties</HI> of Ci|ties and Corporate Towns, Corporati|ons of Trade, and Companies of Mer|chants made void; all the Merchandi&s;e, Trade, and Manufacture of the King|dom laid open, and in common to eve|ry one that will intrude upon it; all that is in the Law concerning our Lives, E|&s;tates, Liberties, and Religion, made void and dependant upon the Arbitrary <HI>Independent</HI> power; all that is in the Law concerning Navigation, the Kings
<PB N="114" REF="62">
Protection of his people; certainty of Cu&s;tomes, Trade and Entercour&s;e, Leagues and Corre&s;pondencies with Forrain Princes expired or annihilated, and all that our Fore-fathers have ob|tained by way of Lawes and Settle|ment, and certainty of E&s;tate, are now at di&s;po&s;e of our vote-mongers; who in &s;tead of a mo&s;t pious and gracious King governing by known Lawes, have &s;et us up 43. or 50. Kings, and ten times as many more <HI>Knaves</HI> and <HI>Fools,</HI> who will govern by no Law but &s;uch as they &s;hall call Lawes and make them&s;elves; can be accu&s;ers, witne&s;&s;es and Judges, at one and the &s;ame time, and if need be, con|demn and take away mens E&s;tates fir&s;t, and try them after two or three yeares Petitioning for it: a bondage &amp; &s;lavery in the general more then ever any of our Ance&s;tors ta&s;ted of. For the <HI>Ro|mans,</HI> who&s;e Ju&s;tice and Morality at home, and Vertue and Temperance a|broad, made them free enough from Tyranny, did but make them as <HI>Tribu|taries:</HI> The <HI>Picts</HI> made but temporary incur&s;ions, and a wall could be made a|gain&s;t them: The <HI>Saxons</HI> and <HI>Danes</HI> brought us good Lawes; and <HI>William</HI>
<PB N="115" REF="62">
the <HI>Conquerour</HI> was content to re&s;tore them. And all that &s;ucceeded him &s;ince, under&s;tood a government by Lawes to be their own as well as the peoples &s;ecu|rity: but this which they have now brought upon us, and would keep us under, is a mi&s;ery beyond that was &s;uf|fered under the 30. <HI>Tyrants</HI> of <HI>Athens, Spartan, Ephori,</HI> or Romes <HI>Decemvirat,</HI> for there were &s;omething of Lawes and Rules to govern by: The Children of <HI>I&s;rael</HI> in the <HI>Egyptian</HI> &s;lavery, had a pro|perty in their goods and cattel, and were at liberty to &s;erve a better God then that of their Ma&s;ters; and though they had their burdens doubled upon them, were not kill'd, impri&s;oned, or &s;eque|&s;tred, for petitioning again&s;t the &s;en&s;e of <HI>Pharaoh.</HI> The <HI>Jewes</HI> in Captivity had &s;o much liberty of Con&s;cience al|lowed to them, as to play upon their <HI>Harps,</HI> and &s;ing the <HI>Songs of Sion</HI> in a &s;trange Land. The frozen <HI>Ru&s;sians,</HI> though &s;o dull and ignorant, as when they are asked any matter of State, or difficulty, make an&s;wer, God and the great Duke knoweth, breath not under &s;o Arbitrary &amp; lawle&s;&s;e a government. The <HI>Grecians</HI> had not their Lawes, Re|ligion,
<PB N="116" REF="63">
and Liberties, as we have, all at once taken from them; nor can the &s;uf|ferings of them or any other va&s;&s;als of the <HI>Ottoman</HI> Port, or tho&s;e that live un|der the <HI>Crim Tartar,</HI> equal the one half of our Engli&s;h &s;lavery.</P>
<P>Into which we had never fallen or come at all, or &s;o long groaned under, had we but &s;erved <HI>God</HI> and the <HI>King,</HI> as we ought to have done, and not wr<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">|&s;ted the &s;en&s;e as well as the plain words of the <HI>Scripture,</HI> and the Lawes of the <HI>Land,</HI> to enable the &s;ons of <HI>Zerviah</HI> to be too hard for us, and bring all manner of mi&s;chief, confu&s;ion and wickedne&s;&s;e upon us, more then <HI>Romes</HI> and <HI>Con&s;tan|tinoples Antichri&s;t</HI> ever brought upon a people, and from which the King had delivered us, if we had not Cur&s;ed, Re|viled, <HI>Prayed,</HI> Contributed, and Fought again&s;t him for endeavouring to <HI>Protect</HI> us. How gracious then was he who en|dured the heat of the day, and cold of the night, to pre&s;erve a great deal more for us then <HI>Nabals</HI> &s;heep could amount unto; yet being wor&s;e u&s;ed then ever <HI>David</HI> was for it, could not tell how &s;o much as to threaten to doe that which <HI>David</HI> had &s;o great a mind to doe, but
<PB N="117" REF="63">
fought as long as he could to Protect them, would not &s;o much as defend them&s;elves, but did all they could to ruine tho&s;e that defended him. And how much was he beyond <HI>Codrus</HI> the <HI>A|thenian</HI> King, the Roman <HI>Curtius,</HI> or <HI>Decii</HI> (if all that the Ancients wrote of them were true) who &s;acrificed them|&s;elves, but not their E&s;tates and Po&s;te|rity to pre&s;erve the Publique; and how good beyond example, or the credit of any Hi&s;tory, who made him&s;elf a <HI>Mar|tyr</HI> for his peoples lives and liberties, and endured &s;o many deaths, and &s;uffer|ed more indignities then all the Kings of <HI>England</HI> put together, have ever en|dured to pre&s;erve a people, have (for a great part of them) either by Rebel|lion, or an accur&s;ed <HI>Newtrality,</HI> helped to ruine him: and when he knew what|&s;oever <HI>Conditions</HI> or <HI>Propo&s;itions</HI> he &s;hould be forced to yield unto, would by the Law of God, as well as the Civil and Common Law, the Lawes of Na|ture and Nations, and the dictates of e|very common mans rea&s;on and appre|hen&s;ion, have been void in the very ma|king of them, and could not have reach|ed to his Po&s;terity, and that if he would
<PB N="118" REF="64">
but have &s;urrendred up his people, and gone along with their new Ma&s;ters in their <HI>Arbitrary</HI> and Tyrannical govern|ment, as &s;ome of his la&s;t words upon the <HI>Scaffold</HI> plainly intimate, and &s;ided with 20. or 30. of the <HI>Faction,</HI> and delivered up the &s;heep to the <HI>Wolves,</HI> he might, no doubt, have had a good part of the Fleece to his own &s;hare; or but wirh <HI>Samp&s;on</HI> have plea&s;ed him&s;elf with re|venge, and delivered up a people to <HI>Slavery,</HI> were at &s;o much expence of Trea&s;ure and Blood, and their own <HI>Soules,</HI> to bring their Soveraign to it; might have worn the Title of a King, and played the wanton with <HI>Sardanapa|lus</HI> in the company and delight of wo|men, plea&s;ed his palat with <HI>Vitellius,</HI> his pride, if he had any, with <HI>Ba&s;&s;ianus,</HI> his cruelty, if he could ever have been guil|ty of it, with <HI>Commodus,</HI> and with <HI>Chil|derick</HI> the lazy King of <HI>France,</HI> in a Cha|riot deck't with garlands, whil&s;t others governed for him, been at certain times of the year onely exhibited to the peo|ple, and like the <HI>Minotaure</HI> of <HI>Creete,</HI> wallowed in the <HI>labyrinth</HI> of <HI>Parliament Priviledges,</HI> and devoured his people, did notwith&s;tanding refu&s;e to doe any
<PB N="119" REF="64">
thing might help him&s;elf, either to pur|cha&s;e his own quiet, or &s;o great a Liber|ty, and would neither for any good might come to <HI>him&s;elf,</HI> or any evil might be ca&s;t upon him and his Po&s;teri|ty, be per&s;waded or threatned from the protection of his people, who (if he had not taken more care for them then they did for them&s;elves) mu&s;t, if he had yielded to all the Parliament-propo&s;iti|ons (for then they might <HI>have imagined mi&s;chief by a Law)</HI> have from time to time been engaged in any Warre their <HI>Task-ma&s;ters</HI> had a mind to put them upon, mu&s;t have been exci&s;ed, plundred, &s;eque&s;tred, ruined, and undone; &s;worn and for&s;worn; con&s;trained to &s;wear to doe a thing to day, and the next day &s;wear not all to doe it: The &s;on &s;et to kill his Father, and brothers forced to fight one again&s;t another, and have all their Holy-dayes turned to Thank&s;gi|ving-dayes, that they are undone, or Fa&s;ting-dayes that they may be undone <HI>&s;oon</HI> enough. And if at any time that <HI>thing</HI> they call a <HI>Parliament</HI> &s;hould think it fit to make a Directory to the <HI>Alcho|ran,</HI> and to order every man to turn <HI>Turk,</HI> and the King as their <HI>Henry Sco|bel,</HI>
<PB N="120" REF="65">
or Town-Clerk but &s;ub&s;cribe it, their <HI>Spiritual</HI> as well as their <HI>Temporal</HI> E&s;tate, and their <HI>Soules</HI> as well as their Bodies, mu&s;t be voted and forced to it.</P>
<P>And now let the people that have ta|&s;ted too much of &s;uch a kind of happi|ne&s;&s;e, and are like to continue in it, as long as their <HI>mi&s;ery-makers</HI> can by any help of the <HI>Devil</HI> or his Angels hold them to it; con&s;ider whether they or their fore-fathers (though &s;ome have thought them&s;elves to have wit enough to adventure to call them fooles) were the wi&s;er; whether they that &s;etled the Government, and were contented with it, or they that pulled it in pieces, and whether the tearing up of the funda|mental Lawes of <HI>Monarchy, Peerage,</HI> Par|liament, and <HI>Magna Charta,</HI> even &s;ince this day the King was murthered for defending of them, which every one but them&s;elves de&s;ired to uphold, be not enough (be&s;ides the <HI>Scotti&s;h</HI> com|bination, and the plots to ruine <HI>Monar|chy,</HI> and the King and his Po&s;terity, before the five Members and <HI>Kimbolton</HI> had &s;o for engaged them&s;elves in it) to inform them, if nothing el&s;e had been demon&s;trated unto them: That the
<PB N="121" REF="65">
King did all he could to pre&s;erve the <HI>Lawes, Religion,</HI> and <HI>Liberties</HI> of the people (which divers pieces of his coin will help to perpetuate the truth as well as the memory of) and the Parliament all they could to de&s;troy them: And that as he actually endeavoured to de|fend them, &s;o have they as actually un|done and de&s;troyed them. And let the greate&s;t &s;earch of Hi&s;tory can be made, or time it &s;elf be Judge, if ever any war was more made in the <HI>defen&s;ive,</HI> or up|on <HI>ju&s;ter</HI> grounds, or greater <HI>nece&s;sities,</HI> or if ever any King before fought for the <HI>Liberties</HI> of tho&s;e he was to govern, and for <HI>Lawes</HI> to re&s;train him&s;elf withal: or if it were po&s;&s;ible for him to &s;uffer &s;o much in any mans opinion, as to have it thought to be <HI>unlawful,</HI> or that he was a <HI>murtherer</HI> of his people, for &s;eeking to <HI>Protect</HI> them. How &s;hall any King or Magi&s;trate be able to bear or u&s;e the Sword, when they them&s;elves &s;hall be in continual danger to be beaten with it?</P>
<P>King <HI>Edward</HI> the &s;econd of <HI>England</HI> was not murthered for the blood that was &s;hed in the <HI>Barons</HI> Wars, though &s;ome of them had drawn their &s;words
<PB N="122" REF="66">
but in performance of his fathers will, to take away his favourite <HI>Gave&s;tion</HI> from him. King <HI>Rich.</HI> 2. in tho&s;e many devi&s;ed Articles charged again&s;t him, was not depo&s;ed for the blood was &s;hed in <HI>Wat Tilers</HI> Commotion; nor <HI>Hen.</HI> 6. publickly accu&s;ed for that of <HI>Jack Cades</HI> Rebellion, and the mo&s;t bloody differ|ences of the <HI>White</HI> and <HI>Red-Ro&s;es;</HI> nor Queen <HI>Elizabeth</HI> for all that was &s;pilt in reducing <HI>Ireland,</HI> when her favourite the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex</HI> made it to be the more by his practi&s;es with <HI>Tyrone;</HI> nor for the blood of <HI>Hacket,</HI> who pretended to be Chri&s;t; nor of <HI>Penry,</HI> and other Secta|ries (le&s;&s;er Incendiaries than <HI>Burton, Prynne,</HI> and <HI>Bastwick)</HI> for di&s;turbing the Common-wealth; the great <HI>Henry</HI> of <HI>France</HI> was not endeavoured by his <HI>Ca|tholick</HI> Subjects to be brought to trial for &s;hedding &s;o much of their blood to reduce them to his obedience, nor by his <HI>Protestant</HI> Subjects after he was tur|ned Catholick, for &s;pending &s;o much of their blood to another <HI>purpo&s;e</HI> than they intended it. Nor have the &s;tout-hearted <HI>Germans</HI> (though many of them great and almo&s;t free Princes) in their late Peace and Accord made betwixt the
<PB N="123" REF="66">
<HI>Swedes</HI> and the Emperour, thought it any way rea&s;onable or nece&s;&s;ary to de|mand reparation for tho&s;e millions of men, women, and children, hou&s;es and e&s;tates, were ruined and &s;poiled by a thirty years War to reduce the <HI>Bohemi|ans</HI> and Prince Elector Palatine to their obedience.</P>
<P>For what rules or bounds &s;hall be put to every mans particular fancy or cor|rupted intere&s;t, if they &s;hall be at Li|berty to que&s;tion and call to account the authority God hath placed over them? Shall the &s;on condemn or puni&s;h the Fa|ther for his own di&s;obedience? the Wife her Husband for her own act of Adulte|ry? or the Servant the Ma&s;ter, for his own unfaithfulne&s;&s;e? or can there be a|ny thing in the Rea&s;on or under&s;tand|ing of man, to per&s;wade him to think the King was ju&s;tly accu&s;ed for the &s;hed|ding of his blood which the accu&s;ers them&s;elves were only guilty of? And <HI>Brad&s;haw</HI> him&s;elf (like the Jewes high Prie&s;t, confe&s;&s;ing a truth again&s;t his will) in the word he gave in&s;tead of rea&s;on for murthering the King again&s;t the will and good liking of nine parts in every ten of the Commons of <HI>England,</HI> could
<PB N="124" REF="67">
make his Ma&s;ters that call them&s;elves the Parliament of <HI>England</HI> to be no bet|ter then the <HI>Tribum plebis</HI> of <HI>Rome,</HI> and the <HI>Ephori</HI> of <HI>Sparta,</HI> the former of which for manifold mi&s;chiefes and in|conveniences were abrogated, and laid a&s;ide, and never more thought fit to be u&s;ed, and the latter (not being half &s;o bad as our new &s;tate <HI>Gip&s;ies)</HI> killed and made away to re&s;tore the People again to their Liberties.</P>
<P>But the opinion and Judgement of the Learned Lord Chief Ju&s;tice <HI>Popham</HI> (who then little thought his grand-child Colonell <HI>Popham</HI> &s;hould joyn with tho&s;e that &s;ate with their Hats on their Heads, and directed the murther of their Sove|raign: and if he were now living would &s;ure enough have hanged him for it) and tho&s;e other learned Judges, in the ca&s;e and Tryall of the Earl of <HI>E&s;&s;ex,</HI> in the Raign of Queen <HI>Elizabeth,</HI> That <HI>an in|tent to hurt the Soveraign Prince, as well as the act of it was Trea&s;on:</HI> And <HI>that the Laws of</HI> England <HI>do interpret every act of Rebellion or Trea&s;on to aim at the death or depo&s;ing of the Prince.</HI> For <HI>that Rebells by their good will never &s;uffer that King or Prince to live or Raign, that un|derstands</HI>
<PB N="125" REF="67">
<HI>their purpo&s;es, and may revenge them,</HI> agreeable to that of the Civil Law: <HI>That they that go about to give Law to their Prince will never &s;uffer him to recover Au|thority to puni&s;h it;</HI> is now written in the blood of the King, and tho&s;e many ite|rated complaints of the King in &s;everall of his Declarations publi&s;hed to the peo|ple (in the mid&s;t of the Parliaments grea|te&s;t pretences and promi&s;es) that they intended to take away his life, and ruine him, are now gone beyond &s;u&s;pition: and every man may now know the mea|ning of their Canoneers levelling at the King with per&s;pective gla&s;&s;es, at <HI>Copredy</HI> bridge, the acquitting of <HI>Pym</HI> the Inn|keeper, who &s;aid, <HI>He would wa&s;h his Hands in the Kings hearts-blood,</HI> &s;tifling of fifteen or &s;ixteen &s;everall indictments for trea&s;onable words; &amp; <HI>Rolf</HI> rewarded for his purpo&s;e to kil him, and the pro&s;e|cutors checked, and &s;ome of them impri|&s;oned for it. For the Sun in the Firma|ment, and the four great quarters of the Earth, and the Shapes and Lineaments of man are not &s;o univer&s;ally known, &s;een or &s;poken of, as this will be mo&s;t cer|tain to the pre&s;ent, as well as after ages. The end hath now verified the begin|ning,
<PB N="126" REF="68">
&amp; <HI>Quod primum fuit in intentione ultimo loco agitur,</HI> Seaven years hypocri|tical Promi&s;es &amp; practices, 7. years Pre|tences, and &s;even years preaching and pratling have now brought us all to this conclu&s;ion as wel as Confu&s;ion. The blood of old <HI>England</HI> is let out bygreater witch-craft and cou&s;enage then that of <HI>Medea,</HI> when &s;he &s;et <HI>Pelias</HI> daughters to let out his old blood, that young might come in the place of it; the Cedars of <HI>Leba|non</HI> are devouted, and the Trees have made the <HI>Bramble</HI> King, and are like to &s;peed as wel with it as the <HI>Frogs</HI> did with the <HI>Storke</HI> that devoured them; And they have not onely &s;lain the King who was their Father, but like <HI>Nero,</HI> rip't up the belly of the Common-Wealth, which was their <HI>Mother:</HI> The light of <HI>I&s;rael</HI> is put out; and the King, Laws, Religion, and Liberties of the people <HI>murthered,</HI> an action &s;o horrid, and a &s;in of &s;o great a magnitude, and complication, as if we &s;hall ask the <HI>daies that are pa&s;t,</HI> and en|quire from the one end of the Earth to the other, there will not be found any wickedne&s;&s;e like to this <HI>great wickedne&s;s,</HI> or hath been heard like it. The <HI>Se|vern, Thames, Trent,</HI> and <HI>Humbar,</HI> four
<PB N="127" REF="68">
of the greate&s;t Rivers of the Kingdome with all their le&s;&s;er running &s;treams of the I&s;land in their continuall cour&s;es, and tho&s;e huge heaps of waterin the O|cean girdle of it in their Re&s;tle&s;&s;e agita|tions will never be able to &s;coure and wa&s;h away the guilt and &s;tain of it, though all the rain which the clouds &s;hal ever bring forth, and impart to this Na|tion, and the tears of tho&s;e that bewail the lo&s;&s;e of a King of &s;o eminent graces and perfections bee added to it.</P>
<Q><L>Quis cladem illius diei? quis funera fando</L>
<L>Explicet? aut po&s;&s;it lachrymis aequare dolores?</L>
<L>Gens antiqua ruit, multos dominata per Annos.</L></Q>
</DIV2>
</DIV1>
</BODY>
</TEXT>
<TEXT LANG="eng">
<FRONT>
<DIV1 TYPE="title page">
<P><PB REF="69">
<PB REF="69">
AN EXACT LIST OF The Names of tho&s;e pretended Judges who &s;ate, and &s;entenced our late SOVERAIGNE KING CHARLES the Fir&s;t, in the place which they called the High Court of Ju&s;tice, <HI>Jan.</HI> 27. 1648.</P>
<P>And al&s;o of tho&s;e thirty five Witne&s;&s;es Sworn again&s;t the &s;aid KING; The Sentence read again&s;t him; With the Catalogue of the Names of tho&s;e that Sub&s;cribed and Sealed the Warrant for his Execution.</P>
<P>And the manner of his <HI>Cruel M&V;RDER.</HI></P>
<P><HI>London,</HI> Printed by <HI>Henry Bell,</HI> and are to be &s;old by mo&s;t Book-&s;ellors, 1660.</P>
</DIV1>
</FRONT>
<BODY>
<DIV1 TYPE="list of names">
<PB REF="70">
<PB REF="70">
<HEAD>The Names of the pretended Judges, who gave Sentence again&s;t the late King, <HI>January</HI> 27. 1648.</HEAD>
<LIST>
<HEAD>LXXII in Number.</HEAD>
<ITEM>IOhn Brad&s;haw <HI>Lord Pre&s;ident.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Oliver Cromwell.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Henry Ireton.</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Sir</HI> Hardre&s;s Waller.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Valentine Walton.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Harri&s;on.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Edward Whaley.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Pride.</ITEM>
<ITEM>I&s;aac Ewer.</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Lord</HI> Grey <HI>of</HI> Grooby.</ITEM>
<ITEM>William <HI>Lord</HI> Moun&s;on.</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Sir</HI> John Danvers</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Sir</HI> Thomas Maleverer.</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Sir</HI> John Bourcher.</ITEM>
<ITEM>I&s;aac Pennington.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Henry Martin.</ITEM>
<ITEM>William Purifoye.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Barkstead.</ITEM>
<ITEM>M<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters">thew Tomlin&s;on.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Blake&s;ton.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Gilbert Millington.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Chaloner.</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Sir</HI> William Con&s;table.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Edmund Ludlow.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Hutchi&s;on.</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Sir</HI> Michael Live&s;ey.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Robert Tichburne.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Owen Roe.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Robert Lilburne.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Adrian Scroop.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Richard Dean.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Okey.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Harri&s;on.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Hew&s;on.</ITEM>
<ITEM>William Goffe.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Cornelius Holland.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Carew.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Jones.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Li&s;ter.</ITEM>
<ITEM><PB REF="71">
Peregrine Pelham.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Wogan.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Francis Alleu.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Daniel Blagrave.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Moor.</ITEM>
<ITEM>William Say.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Francis La&s;cels.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Chaloner.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Gregory Clement.</ITEM>
<ITEM><HI>Sir</HI> Gregory Norton.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Venn.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Andrews.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Anthony Stapley.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Horton.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Li&s;le.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Browne.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Dixwell.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Miles Corbett.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Simon Meyne.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Alured.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Henry Smith.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Humphrey Edwards.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Frye.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Edmund Harvey.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Scot.</ITEM>
<ITEM>William Cawley.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Downes.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Hammond.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Vincent Potter.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Augu&s;tine Garland.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Charles Fleetwood.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Temple.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Wayte.</ITEM>
</LIST>
<PB REF="71">
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="list of names">
<P>Coun&s;ellors a&s;&s;i&s;tant to this Court, and to draw up the Charge again&s;t the KING, were
<TABLE>
<ROW>
<CELL>Dr. <HI>Dori&s;laus.</HI></CELL>
<CELL COLS="2">Serjeant <HI>Danby,</HI> Serjeant at Arms.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Mr. <HI>Aske.</HI></CELL>
<CELL>&nbsp;</CELL>
<CELL>&nbsp;</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL ROWS="2">Mr. <HI>John Cook</HI> Solicitor.</CELL>
<CELL>Mr. <HI>Broughton</HI></CELL>
<CELL ROWS="2">Clerkes to the Court.</CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL>Mr. <HI>Phelpes</HI></CELL>
</ROW>
<ROW>
<CELL COLS="3">Colonel <HI>Humphrey</HI> Sword-bearer.</CELL>
</ROW>
</TABLE></P>
<P>Me&s;&s;engers, Door-keepers and Criers, were the&s;e;
<LIST>
<ITEM>Mr. <HI>Walford.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Mr. <HI>Radley.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Mr. <HI>Paine.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Mr. <HI>Powell.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Mr. <HI>Hull.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Mr. <HI>King.</HI></ITEM>
</LIST></P>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="sentence">
<HEAD><HI>The Sentence again&s;t the &s;aid King,</HI> Jan. 27 1648. <HI>which was read by Mr.</HI> Broughton <HI>afore&s;aid,</HI> Clerk.</HEAD>
<P>WHereas the Commons of <HI>Eng|land</HI> in Parliament have appoin|ted them an High Court of Ju&s;tice for
<PB REF="72">
the Trial of <HI>Charles Stuart</HI> King of <HI>Eng|land,</HI> before whom he had been three times convented, and at the fir&s;t time a Charge of High Trea&s;on and other Crimes and Mi&s;demeanors was read in the behalfe of the Kingdome of <HI>Eng|land,</HI> &amp;c. as in the Charge which was read throughout.</P>
<P>To which Charge, he the &s;aid <HI>Charles Stuart</HI> was required to give his An&s;wer, but he refu&s;ed &s;o to do; and &s;o expre&s;<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> &s;everal pa&s;&s;ages at his Trial in refu&s;ing to an&s;wer.</P>
<P>For all which Trea&s;ons and Crimes, this Court doth adjudge, That the &s;aid <HI>Charles Stuart,</HI> as a Tyrant, Traytor, Murderer, and publick Enemy, &s;hall be put to death, by &s;evering his head from his body.</P>
<P><HI>This Sentence (&s;ays the Pre&s;ident) now read and publi&s;hed is the Act, Sentence, Judgement and Re&s;olution of the whole Court.</HI> To which the Members of the Court &s;tood up and a&s;&s;ented to what he &s;aid <HI>by holding up their hands.</HI></P>
<P><HI>The King offered to &s;peak, but he was in&s;tantly commanded to be taken away, and the court broke up.</HI></P>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="list of names">
<PB REF="72">
<HEAD>The Names of thirty five Witne&s;&s;es produced and Sworn in the &s;aid pretended Court, to give Evidence again&s;t the <HI>King.</HI></HEAD>
<LIST>
<ITEM>Henry Hartford <HI>of</HI> Stratford <HI>upon</HI> A|von <HI>in Com.</HI> Warwick.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Edward Roberts <HI>of</HI> Bi&s;hops Ca&s;tle <HI>in Com.</HI> Salop, <HI>Ironmonger.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Will. Baines <HI>of</HI> Wrixhall in <HI>Com.</HI> Salop.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Robert Lacie <HI>of</HI> Nottingham, <HI>Painter.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Robert Loads <HI>of</HI> Cottam <HI>in Com.</HI> Not|tingham, <HI>Tyler.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Samuel Morgan <HI>of</HI> Wellington <HI>in Com.</HI> Salop, <HI>Feltmaker.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>James Williams <HI>of</HI> Ro&s;&s;e <HI>in Com.</HI> Hart|ford, <HI>Shoomaker.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Richard Pots <HI>of</HI> Sharpreton <HI>in Com.</HI> Northumberland, <HI>Vintner.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Giles Grice <HI>of</HI> Wellington <HI>in Com.</HI> Sa|lop, <HI>Gent.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>William Arnop <HI>of</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>John Hud&s;on <HI>of</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>John Win&s;ton <HI>of</HI> Dornotham <HI>in Com.</HI> Wilts.</ITEM>
<ITEM><PB REF="73">
George Seeley <HI>of</HI> London, <HI>Cordwainer.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>John Moor <HI>of</HI> Cork <HI>in</HI> Ireland, <HI>Gent.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Ives <HI>of</HI> Boy&s;et <HI>in Com.</HI> Nor|thampton, <HI>Husbandman.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>James Cresby <HI>of</HI> Dublin <HI>in</HI> Ireland, <HI>Bar|ber.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Rawlins <HI>of</HI> Han&s;lop <HI>in Com.</HI> Buck. <HI>Gent.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Richard Bloomfeild <HI>of</HI> London, <HI>Wea|ver.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>John Thomas <HI>of</HI> Langallan <HI>in Com.</HI> Donbigh.</ITEM>
<ITEM>William Law&s;on <HI>of</HI> Nottingham, <HI>Maul|ster.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>John Pinegar <HI>of</HI> Damer <HI>in Com.</HI> Darby, <HI>Shoomaker.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Humphrey Browne <HI>of</HI> Whit&s;undine <HI>in Com.</HI> Rutland, <HI>Yeoman.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>David Evans <HI>of</HI> Abergeveny <HI>in Com.</HI> Monmouth, <HI>Smith.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Robert Holmes <HI>of</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Robert Williams <HI>of</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Samuel Woorden <HI>of</HI> Lineham <HI>in Com.</HI> Wilts, <HI>Gent.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Read <HI>of</HI> Maid&s;tone <HI>in Com.</HI> Kent, <HI>Gent.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>George Cornwall <HI>of</HI> A&s;ton <HI>in Com.</HI> He. reford, <HI>Forgeman.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>William Jones <HI>of</HI> Uske <HI>in Com.</HI> Mon|mouth,
<PB REF="73">
<HI>Husbandman.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Arthur Young <HI>Citizen and Barber-Chi|rurgion of</HI> London.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Diogenes Edwards <HI>of</HI> Car&s;ton <HI>in Com.</HI> Salop, <HI>Butcher.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>John Bennet <HI>of</HI> Harwood <HI>in Com.</HI> Ebor. <HI>Glover.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>William Cutbert <HI>of</HI> Patrington <HI>in</HI> Hol|derne&s;s <HI>in Com,</HI> Ebor. <HI>Gent.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Richard Price <HI>of</HI> London, <HI>Serivener.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Henry Gouch <HI>of</HI> Grays-Inn, <HI>Gent.</HI></ITEM>
</LIST>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="account">
<HEAD>The true manner of proceeding to take off the <HI>Kings</HI> Head, ac|cording to the Sentence gi|ven as afore&s;aid.</HEAD>
<P>SIr <HI>Hardre&s;s Waller,</HI> Colonel <HI>Harri|&s;on,</HI> Commi&s;&s;ary General <HI>Ireton,</HI> Colonel <HI>Dean,</HI> and Colonel <HI>Okey,</HI> were appointed to con&s;ider of the Time and Place for the Execution of the King, according to his Sentence, given by the (pretended) High Court of Ju&s;tice.</P>
<DIV2 TYPE="document">
<PB REF="74">
<OPENER><DATELINE><HI>Painted-Chamber,</HI><DATE>Monday <HI>Janu|ary</HI> the 29th 1648.</DATE></DATELINE></OPENER>
<P>UPon Report made from the Com|mittee for con&s;idering of the Time and Place of the Executing of the Judgment again&s;t the King, that the &s;aid Committee have Re&s;olved, <HI>That the open &s;treet before</HI> Whitehal <HI>is a fitting place:</HI> And the &s;aid Committee conceive it fit, <HI>That the King be there executed the cuorrow, the King having already notice thereof.</HI></P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 TYPE="commentary">
<P>The Court approved thereof, and ordered a Warrant to be drawn to that purpo&s;e, which Warrant was accord|ingly drawn and agreed to, and Order|ed to be ingro&s;&s;ed, which was done and &s;igned and &s;ealed accordingly, as followeth.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 TYPE="document">
<PB REF="74">
<OPENER><DATELINE>At the High Court of Ju&s;tice for the Trying and Judging <HI>Charles Stuart,</HI> King of <HI>England,</HI> <DATE>Jan. 29. 1648.</DATE></DATELINE></OPENER>
<P>VVHereas <HI>Charles Siuart</HI> king of <HI>England,</HI> is and &s;tandeth Convicted, Attainted and Condemned of High Trea&s;on, and other Crimes, and Sentence on Saturday la&s;t was pronoun|ced again&s;t him by this Court, to be put to Death, by the &s;evering his head from his body, of which Sentence Execution yet remaineth to be done. The&s;e are therefore to will and require you, to &s;ee the &s;aid Sentence Executed in the open &s;treet before <HI>White-hall</HI> upon the mor|row, being the 30. day of this in&s;tant Moneth of <HI>January,</HI> between the hours of Ten in the morning, and Five in the afternoon of the &s;ame day, with full ef, fect; and for &s;o doing, this &s;hall be your &s;ufficient Warrant: and the&s;e are to re|quire all Officers and Soldiers and other the good People of <HI>England</HI> to bee a&s;&s;i|&s;tant unto you in this &s;ervice. Given un|der our hands and Seals.</P>
</DIV2>
<DIV2 TYPE="order">
<PB REF="75">
<HEAD><HI>To Colonel</HI> Francis Hacker, <HI>Col.</HI> Huncks, <HI>and Lievtenant Colonel</HI> Phray, <HI>and to every of them.</HI></HEAD>
<P>Sealed and Sub&s;cribed by,
<LIST>
<ITEM>John Brad&s;haw <HI>Pre&s;i|dent.</HI></ITEM>
<ITEM>Thomas Gray.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Oliver Cromwell.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Edward Whaley.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Okey.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Danvers.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Mich. Live&s;ey.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Bourcher.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Henry Ireton.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Tho. Maleverer.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Jo. Black&s;ton.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Jo. Hutchi&s;on.</ITEM>
<ITEM>William Goffe.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Tho. Pride.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Henry Smith.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Vincent Potter.</ITEM>
<ITEM>William Con&s;table.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Rich. Ingoldsby.</ITEM>
<ITEM>William Cawley.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Bark&s;tead.</ITEM>
<ITEM>I&s;aac Ewer.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Val. Walton.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Peter Temple.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Tho. Harri&s;on.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Joh. Hew&s;on.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Pet. Pelham.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Richard Dean.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Robert Titchburn.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Hump. Edwards.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Dan. Blagrave.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Owen Roe.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Will. Purifoye.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Adrian Scroop.</ITEM>
<ITEM>James Temple.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Aug. Garland.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Edmon Ludlow,</ITEM>
<ITEM>Hen. Martin.</ITEM>
<ITEM><PB REF="75">
Jo. Alured.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Robert Lilburn.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Will. Say.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Anthony Stapley.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Gregory Norton.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Tho. Chaloner.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Tho Wogan.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Simon Meyne.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Tho. Horton.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Jo. Jones.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Jo. Moore.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Hadre&s;s Waller.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Gilbert Millington.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Ch. Fleetwood.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Jo. Venn.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Greg. Clement.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Jo Downs.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Tho. Wait.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Tho Scot.</ITEM>
<ITEM>John Carew.</ITEM>
<ITEM>Miles Corbet.</ITEM>
<ITEM>In all Fifty eight.</ITEM>
</LIST></P>
<P><HI>Ordered,</HI> That the Scaffold on which the King is to be executed, be covered with black.</P>
<P><HI>The warrant for executing the King being ac|cordingly delivered to tho&s;e parties to whom the &s;ame was directed, Execution was done upon him according to the Tenour thereof, a|bout two of the clock in the afternoon, of the &s;aid 30th. of</HI> January, <HI>1648.</HI></P>
</DIV2>
</DIV1>
<DIV1 TYPE="account">
<PB REF="76">
<HEAD><HI>The fatall day of the &s;aid Ex|ecution, being Tue&s;day,</HI> January, <HI>the</HI> 30. 1648.</HEAD>
<P>HIs Maje&s;ty continued in prayer all the morning, and receive the Sa|crament ju&s;t at Ten of the Clock before noon, he was conveyed on foot from St. <HI>James</HI>'s <HI>Palace</HI> to <HI>Whitehall,</HI> guarded by a Regiment of foot Souldiers, part before, part behind, with Colours flying, and Drums beating, his private guard of Partizans about him, and Dr. <HI>Juxon</HI> Bi|&s;hop of <HI>London,</HI> next to him on one &s;ide, and Colonell <HI>Tomlin&s;on</HI> on the other; being come to <HI>Whitehall,</HI> he continued in his Cabinet Chamber at his devotions refu&s;ing to dine, only about 12 a clock he eat a bit of bread, and drank a gla&s;&s;e of Claret Wine; from thence he was conveyed into the Banquetting hou&s;e, and the great window inlarged, out of which he a&s;cends the Scaffold, the rails being hung round, and the floor covered with black, His Executioners di&s;gui&s;ed with Vizards, yet was his Maje&s;ty not affrighted: He &s;hewed more care of the people living, then of him&s;elf dying: for
<PB REF="76">
looking upon the people, whom the thick guards of Souldiers kept a great di&s;tance off, and &s;eeing he could not be heard by them, omitting (probably) what hee purpo&s;ed to have &s;poken to them, there|fore turning to the Officers and actors by him, he delivered him&s;elf in a &s;hort but excellent) Speech, which being ended, he meekly went to prayers, and after &s;ome heavenly di&s;cour&s;e between him and the Bi&s;hop, having prepared him|&s;elf, he lifted up his eyes to heaven mild|ly praying to him&s;elf, he &s;tooped down to the block as to a prayer-desk, &amp; mo&s;t humbly bowed his generous Neck to God, to be cut off by the Vizarded Exe|cutioner, which was &s;uddainly done at one blow. Thus fell King <HI>Charles,</HI> and thus all <HI>Britian</HI> with him.</P>
</DIV1>
</BODY>
</TEXT>
<TEXT LANG="eng">
<FRONT>
<DIV1 TYPE="title page">
<P><PB REF="77">
<PB REF="77">
A SHORT HISTORY OF His Royall Maje&s;ty, our mo&s;t Gracious SOVERAIGN Charles the Second, KING of <HI>England, Scotland, France,</HI> and <HI>Ireland,</HI> Defender of the Faith, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> Third Monarch of Great <HI>Brittain.</HI></P>
<P><HI>London,</HI> Printed by <HI>Henry Bell,</HI> and are to be &s;old by mo&s;t Book-&s;ellers, 1660.</P>
</DIV1>
</FRONT>
<BODY>
<DIV1 TYPE="account">
<PB REF="78">
<PB N="149" REF="78">
<HEAD>A Short HISTORY OF His Royall Maje&s;ty, King CHARLES the Second, <HI>&amp;c</HI></HEAD>
<P>_HAving I hope &s;ufficiently cleared his late Royall ma|je&s;ty from that execrable &s;in of blood-guiltine&s;&s;e, (to every one that is not wilful|ly blind) I &s;hall now crave leave to give the Reader a &s;hort account of the Life, and hitherto &s;orrowfull Raign of our mo&s;t Gracious and Dread Soveraign <HI>Charles</HI> the Second, King of <HI>England&punc; Scotland, France</HI> and <HI>Ireland,</HI> Defende<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters"> of the Faith, <HI>&amp;c.</HI></P>
<P>No &s;ooner was this mighty Prince,
<PB N="150" REF="79">
barbarou&s;ly butchered before his own doors, to the a&s;toni&s;hment and griefe of the greate&s;t part of his Subjects through|out his Dominions; And the three Lords <HI>Hamilton, Capel,</HI> and <HI>Holland,</HI> which had <NOTE PLACE="marg">The govern+ment of the Kindoms <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> changed,</NOTE> taken up Arms in his late Maje&s;ties de|fence; but now Monarchy, the darling of the people, together with the Hou&s;e of Peers, is voted chargeable, unnece&s;&s;a|ry, and u&s;ele&s;s: and the Government changed into a Free State: neither did this mutation happen for want of &s;uch as by a lineall di&s;cent, and according to the u&s;age of this Nation might pretend a Title to the Crown; for there was a plentifull i&s;&s;ue of his late Maje&s;ty, both male and female then &s;urviving, but from the a&s;piring greatne&s;s of &s;ome who had wre&s;ted the power into their own hands, to this end it was ordered by the then <HI>Juncto</HI> &s;itting in Parliament, that all publick Writings &s;hould be i&s;&s;ued out under a new Te&s;t and Stile, and a new great Seale &s;hould be made and the old one broken, that the In&s;cription and Stamp of the Coin &s;hall be altered al&s;o. It was Enacted and Proclaimed that none upon pain of high Trea&s;on, &s;hould pre&s;ume to declare and publickly pro|mote
<PB N="151" REF="79">
<HI>Charles Stuart</HI> Prince of <HI>Wales,</HI> elde&s;t Son of the late King, or any of the re&s;t of his Children to be King of <HI>Eng|land.</HI></P>
<P>Neverthele&s;s, there was not wanting tho&s;e who ventured their lives and for|tunes in a&s;&s;erting the Title of his Maje|&s;ty to the Crown of <HI>England,</HI> to which end this following Proclamation was Printed and di&s;per&s;ed in &s;everall places of <HI>London.</HI></P>
<P><HI>We the Noble men, Judges, Knights, Lawyers, Gentlemen, Free-holders, Mer|chants, Citizens, Yeomen, Seamen, and Free men of</HI> England, <HI>do according to our Allegiance and Covenant, by the&s;e pre&s;ents heartily, joyfully, and unanimou&s;ly, acknow|ledge and Proclaim the mo&s;t Illu&s;trious</HI> Charles, <HI>Prince of</HI> Wales, <HI>next Heir appa|rent to his Father King</HI> Charls, <HI>(who&s;e late wicked murther, and all con&s;ents there un|to, we from our &s;ouls abominate) to be by hereditary birth&punc;right, and lawfull &s;ucce&s;|&s;ion, rightfull, and undoubted King of Great Brittain, &amp;c. And we will con|&s;tantly and &s;incerely, in our &s;everall places and callings, defend and maintain his Royall per&s;on, Crown, and Dignity, with our Lives and E&s;tates, again&s;t all oppo&s;ers,</HI>
<PB N="152" REF="80">
<HI>whom we hereby declare to be enemies to his Maje&s;ty and Kingdomes, in Testimony whereof we have cau&s;ed the&s;e to be publi&s;h|ed throughout all Counties and Corporati|ons of this Realm the</HI> 1. <HI>day of</HI> February, <HI>In the fir&s;t year of his Maje&s;ties Raign.</HI></P>
<P>But &s;o totally was the Kings party &s;up|pre&s;&s;ed in all parts of the Kingdom, that the Proclamation was of none e&s;&s;ect, <NOTE PLACE="marg">K. Procla|in Ireland.</NOTE> none daring to appear for the Royal In|tere&s;t.</P>
<P>Yet his Maje&s;ties greate&s;t hopes and expectations were from <HI>Ireland,</HI> where the &s;everall factions united together, Proclaim him King, and bend all their whole &s;trength again&s;t the Intere&s;t of the Common-Wealth of <HI>England,</HI> and in a &s;hort time became &s;o formidable, and prevail &s;o much, as the po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ed all the &s;trong Holds of that Country<HI>&mdash;Dublin</HI> and <HI>London-Derry</HI> are excepted, both were &s;traitly be&s;ieged, the former by a gallant Army of 22000 men, under <NOTE PLACE="marg">Marque&s;s of Ormonds Army de|feated be&punc;</NOTE> the Marque&s;&s;e of <HI>Ormond,</HI> the latter by a party of the <HI>Iri&s;h</HI> Rebells: Hee had likewi&s;e adjoining to the Territories of <HI>England,</HI> the I&s;lands of <HI>Scilly, Jer&s;y,</HI> and <HI>Man</HI> which places &s;erved as a retreat for that &s;mall Fleet that was left him,
<PB N="153" REF="80">
being the remainder of tho&s;e Ships which had de&s;erted the Parliaments Na|vy, and revolted unto him. This while his affairs in <HI>Ireland</HI> were at the height; they began as &s;uddenly to decline, for there being about 3000 Hor&s;e and Foot &s;afely landed at <HI>Dublin</HI> (as the forlorn of a greater body) they were joyned with what other forces they then could make all which did not make above 9000. at the mo&s;t, were commanded by Colonell <HI>Mich. Jones,</HI> who &s;allying forth of <HI>Dublin,</HI> did not onely rai&s;e the &s;eige, but al&s;o ut|terly routed the whole Army, the Mar|que&s;&s;e of <HI>Ormond</HI> him&s;elfe hardly e&s;cape|ing, about 2000 were &s;lain in the place, and in the pur&s;uite &s;ome thou&s;ands were <NOTE PLACE="marg">Siege of Lon.-Derry rai&s;ed by Sir Charles Coot,</NOTE> taken pri&s;oners, as like wi&s;e all their Or|dinaces, Ammunition, Carriages, and Provi&s;ion; The &s;iege of <HI>London-Derry,</HI> was al&s;o rai&s;ed by a re&s;olute &s;ally of Sir <HI>Charls Coot</HI> forcing Sir <HI>Rob. Stewart,</HI> and Col. <HI>Merven</HI> to retire immediately upon this &s;ucce&s;s, not to give the Royall party any time to recover &s;trength. All di&s;tur|bances being quieted in <HI>England,</HI> The Levellers at <HI>Burford</HI> being &s;uppre&s;&s;ed by Generall <HI>Fairfax: Oliver Cromwell,</HI> then <NOTE PLACE="marg">Crom-lands with an Army in Ireland.</NOTE> Lievetenant Generall of the Parliaments
<PB N="154" REF="81">
Army, landed with a powerfull Army about the mid&s;t of <HI>Augu&s;t,</HI> 1649. inve|&s;ted with the Title and Authority of Lord Governour, or Lievetenant of <HI>Ireland,</HI> pre&s;ently after him followed his &s;on in law Major Generall <HI>Ireton,</HI> with about 40. Sail of Ships, &s;oon after <HI>Dro|gheda</HI> was taken by <HI>Storme,</HI> not without &s;ome difficulty and lo&s;s; and that hee might terrify other Garri&s;ons, that &s;hould &s;tand out, put Sir <HI>Arthur A&s;ton</HI> &amp; all that were in the Town to the Sword, which was about 3000. Then followed the taking of a number of con&s;iderable Towns and Ca&s;tles in all parts of <HI>Ire|land.</HI></P>
<P>Be&s;ides &s;everall Field-battells, gained over the Lord <HI>Inohiqueen,</HI> the Lord <HI>Ards</HI> and <HI>Clanduboys</HI> with Lievete|nant Generall <HI>Farrell</HI> and others of his Maje&s;ties party, by the Lord <HI>Broghill,</HI> Sir <HI>Charles Coote,</HI> Collonell <HI>Venables, Zan|chy, Reynolds,</HI> and <HI>Hew&s;on:</HI> &s;o that in le&s;&s;e then a years time <HI>Ireland</HI> was &s;ub|dued to the power of the Engli&s;h Com|mon-Wealth. Much about this time hapned a generall defection of the <HI>Eng|li&s;h</HI> Plantations, from their obedience to the Parliament, <HI>viz. Virginia</HI> and
<PB N="155" REF="81">
the <HI>Caryb</HI> I&s;lands publickly own the Royall Intere&s;t, whereupon all Traf|fique and Commerce is prohibited, tho|row which means they are driven to great &s;treits; and pre&s;ently after by a Fleet of Ships from <HI>England,</HI> under the Command of Sir <HI>George A&s;cue,</HI> they are brought unto conformity. The King having Con&s;tituted Prince <HI>Rupert</HI> Ad|mirall <NOTE PLACE="marg">Prince Ru|perts fleet blockt up at Kings &s;ale.</NOTE> of his Fleet, did much harm to the Engli&s;h Coa&s;ts, and takes many rich prizes, was at la&s;t blockt up in the Har|bour of <HI>Kings Sale,</HI> the Town pre|&s;ently after taken by <HI>Cromwell;</HI> The Prince is forced to leave three of his Ships behind, he had enough to do to get clear off with the re&s;t; at length he arrived at <HI>Lisbon,</HI> the imperiall City of the King of <HI>Portugall,</HI> and craved his protection, which was not denied them, which was the occa&s;ion of a great Con|te&s;t between that King and the State of <HI>England,</HI> other de&s;ignes were &s;et on foot by his Maje&s;ties Loyall Subjects, for the obtaining of his Right.</P>
<P>The fir&s;t was of <HI>James Graham</HI> Earl of <HI>Montro&s;s,</HI> for the rai&s;ing of what force he cold in <HI>Holland</HI> and el&s;e where, to in|vade <HI>Scotland.</HI></P>
<P><PB N="156" REF="82">
The 2. was the procuring a Treaty be|twixt his Maje&s;ty and the Scots: to give more life to the&s;e undertakings, Am|ba&s;&s;adors were di&s;patcht to <HI>Spain, Italy, Denmarke, Sweden</HI> and <HI>Ru&s;&s;ia,</HI> &amp;c. In the name of CHARLES the Second, King of Great <HI>Britain, France</HI> and <HI>Ire|land, Defender of the Faith.</HI> The effect of who&s;e Emba&s;&s;ies were little el&s;e but Complements, pleas, and excu&s;es for neither men nor mony could be got.</P>
<P><HI>Montro&s;&s;e,</HI> According to his Maje&s;ties in&s;tructions having got together very con&s;iderable &s;upplies of men and monies at length lands in the North of <HI>Scotland,</HI> where he had not long been, but Colo|nell <HI>Straughan,</HI> Colonell <HI>Kerr,</HI> Colonell <HI>Mountgomry,</HI> and Lievetenant Colonell <HI>Hackets</HI> Troop, and another amounting to 230 approach and give battel, where|as <HI>Montro&s;&s;e</HI> was at lea&s;t 1200. and their Chief-Leaders &s;uch re&s;olute and expert &s;ouldiers unle&s;&s;e &s;truck with fear of <HI>Le&s;|ley's</HI> great Army coming again&s;t them: however &s;o great was the defeat that the whole body of <HI>Montro&s;&s;e</HI> was enga|ged in the battle.</P>
<P>There e&s;caped not above 100 from be|ing either taken or &s;lain, among&s;t the pri&s;oners,
<PB N="157" REF="82">
ners were S. <HI>Joh. &V;rry,</HI> Major General of <HI>Montro&s;&s;es</HI> Army, the L. <HI>Fendraught.</HI> Col. <HI>Grey,</HI> Lievetenant Colonell <HI>Stewart,</HI> with a great number of other con&s;idera|ble Officers; <HI>Montro&s;&s;e</HI> him&s;elf made a Shift to e&s;cape for the pre&s;ent, his hor&s;e together with his Belt and his Coat with the &s;tar being found made it conjectur'd that he had been &s;lain in the field. In this fight the Royall Standard was ta|ken, upon which was portraited the Head of the late King lying a bleeding, with thir Motto, <HI>Judge and revenge my Cau&s;e O Lord!</HI> The Lord <HI>Pitsferd</HI> &s;on being Standard-bearer, was &s;lain; &s;o welcome was the news of this Victory to the State and Kirk of <HI>Scotland,</HI> that they be&s;towed a reward upon <HI>Strang|han,</HI> 1000l. Sterling, and a chain of gold! upon Lievetenant Colonel <HI>Hacket</HI> 1000. Marke Starling: But that which Crow|ned this Victory to them with the high|e&s;t joy and &s;atisfaction, was the getting <HI>Montro&s;&s;es</HI> per&s;on into their hands; For he having wandred &s;o long in the woods, to avoid being detected, till driven to that nece&s;&s;ity, he was forced to eat his gloves, and gnaw a piece of his fle&s;h for very extremity of hunger, was at la&s;t
<PB N="158" REF="83">
di&s;covered by a Country fellow, &amp; by a party &s;ent to apprehend him, was drag|ged out of a Caveor hollow Tree: he was no &s;oonertaken, but was Imediately &s;ent up to <HI>Edin.</HI> who&s;e Streets were filled with infinite crowdes of people to &s;ee him, while he was brought into the City in a Cart, in which was placed a Chair for him to &s;it in, whereunto hee was bound with Ropes, and &s;ate bare head|ed, his Hat having been taken off his Head by the executioner who rode be|fore him with his Bonnet on; &s;ome pit|tied, but the mo&s;t in&s;ulted over him. Being &s;ummon'd to appear before the Parliament, he came into the hou&s;e ap|parrelled with a rich &s;uit, thick overlaid with co&s;tly lace, and over it a Scarlet Rocket, a Beaver hat, with a hatband, and other &s;uitable abiliments, all which he cau&s;ed to be made him immediately upon his coming to <HI>Edenburgh;</HI> as &s;oon as he was brought to the Bar, the Lord Chancellor who according to the cu|&s;tome of that Kingdom is alwayes Spea|ker told him that he mu&s;t kneel at the Bar, whereunto he an&s;wered, my Lords I &s;hall withall my heart ob&s;erve any po|&s;ture you &s;hall appoint me to appear be|fore
<PB N="159" REF="83">
you in, whereby I may manife&s;t to you that I freely &s;ubmit to the Autho|rity of Parliament, and to this pre&s;ent Parliament in a more &s;peciall manner, becau&s; you have concluded &s;o near a con|junction with his Maje&s;ty my Ma&s;ter in the late Treaty; Then the Chancellor made a &s;peech unto him, the &s;ub&s;tance was this,</P>
<P><HI>Sir I am commanded to mind you of the last Judgement of God befaln yon for your per&s;ideous breaking of the Covenant which might justly provoke God thus to divert your Coun&s;ell and affairs for having been &s;o eminent an actor and Author of mi&s;chief again&s;t this Nation: You abandoned the Covenant, and de&s;pi&s;ed the Oath of God, and did invade your native Country, and with most inhumane barbarous cruelty did wa&s;t and burn divers parts of it, and have &s;pilt much blood of his Maje&s;ties good &s;ub|jects, and for the&s;e crimes you are excom|municated by the Church, and fore-faulted by the Parliament of this Kingdom, and to this day you have remained without the lea&s;t &s;hew of repentance; and now God by his providence hath ju&s;tly brought you hi|ther to receive the &s;entence of your con|demnation: Herevpon</HI> Montre&s;&s;e <HI>humbly</HI>
<PB N="160" REF="84">
<HI>de&s;iring to know of his Lord&s;hip whether he might be permitted to &s;peak what he had to &s;ay for him&s;elf; he was told by the Chan|cellor, the e&s;tates in Parliament did give him free liberty to &s;peak what he could in his own defence.</HI></P>
<P><HI>His an&s;wer,</HI> My Lord, I am glad I have liberty to an&s;wer for my &s;elf, though I am your Pri&s;oner yet my cau&s;e is good, nor is there any breach of your Cove|nant on my part in which I &s;wore to be true to his Maje&s;ty, his Heirs, and &s;ucce&s;|&s;ors Concerning what I have done in re|lation to the Wars and affairs of this Kingdom, I have not onely a generall Commi&s;&s;ion but particular Orders from his Maje&s;ty which I was engaged to o|bey by my Covenant. Concerning my coming over now, I was a&s;certained that you did comply with his Maje&s;ty to the pre&s;ent affairs, in which he hath imploy|ed me, and it was upon that account that I have acted, I de&s;ire to &s;ubmit unto this pre&s;ent Parliament, and the Authority thereof to be my Judges in this ca&s;e, whom I own as a true Parliament by Authority from his Maje&s;ty, and &s;hall be content however it &s;hall plea&s;e God to deal with me, as for my life, if you take
<PB N="161" REF="84">
it a way by this authority, its wel known I regard it not; Death is a debt which we all owe, and mu&s;t once be paid by every one. I &s;hall be willing, and much rejoyce to go the &s;ame way my Ma&s;ter pa&s;&s;ed before me, it's the joy of my heart not onely to do but to &s;uffer for him. After the Pri&s;oner had been had in, and withdrawn, the Parliament agreed unanimou&s;ly upon &s;entence of condem|nation, who being again called in, the Chancellor co~manded to be read, which was as followeth.</P>
<P><HI>You are to be carried back to the place</HI> <NOTE PLACE="marg">Sentence in Parliament</NOTE> <HI>from whence you came from thence to mor|row morning being</HI> 20 May, 1650 <HI>you are to be carried to</HI> Edenburgh <HI>Cro&s;s, there to be hanged upon a Gallows</HI> 30 <HI>foot high, for three hours &s;pace, then to be taken down, and your head to be cut off upon a&s;caffold, and hanged on</HI> Edenburgh <HI>Talbooth; your leggs and arms to be hanged up in other publick Towns of this Kingdom; and your body to be buried at the place where you are executed.</HI></P>
<P>Which Sentence he heard with an un|moved countenance, and de&s;iring to bee further heard, was pre&s;ently &s;topped by the Chancellor, who commanded hee
<PB N="162" REF="85">
&s;hould pre&s;ently be removed back again to Pri&s;on. The appointed day for the executing of his Tragedy being come, he was led forth to the execution, where he &s;uffered accordingly. Thus dyed the glorious a&s;&s;ertor of his Maje&s;ties right.</P>
<P>Next to <HI>Montro&s;s</HI> was executed Sir <HI>John &V;rry,</HI> Colonel <HI>Spot&s;wood,</HI> and others that were chief actors, <HI>&amp;c.</HI> The Engli&s;h now &s;end to &s;trengthen their alliance with the united Provinces, Doctor <HI>Dor|ri&s;law</HI> went as publick Agent, thereby to keep a good corre&s;pondence betwixt the two republicks, where hee had not long been ere hee was &s;lain by &s;ix A&s;&s;i|&s;tants, that brake into his lodgings at the <HI>Hague,</HI> in a di&s;gui&s;ed habit, and &s;o e&s;ca|ped puni&s;hment.</P>
<P>His Royall Maje&s;ty having long ex|pected the <HI>Scots</HI> me&s;&s;age at St. <HI>Germans</HI> re&s;olved upon a removall to the <HI>I&s;le</HI> of <HI>Jer&s;ey,</HI> a little before his departure out of <HI>France,</HI> the mo&s;t valiant Duke of <HI>York</HI> came to him, as al&s;o to the French King and Cardinall <HI>Mazarine,</HI> of whom hee de&s;ired aid in the behalfe of his brother, but the Cardinall put him off with a few &s;pecious pretences; only the Duke was pre&s;ented with 100000 Crowns. About
<PB N="163" REF="85">
the beginning of <HI>September</HI> his Maje&s;ty accompanied with his brother the Duke of <HI>York,</HI> and divers other Lords and Gentlemen to the number of about 300 per&s;ons landed in the I&s;land of <HI>Jer&s;ey:</HI> upon his fir&s;t Arrivall he was proclaimed King. The Lord <HI>Jermyn</HI> made Gover|nour of the I&s;land, under whom Sir <HI>George Carteret</HI> was con&s;tituted Deputy Governour. <HI>Guern&s;ey</HI> being po&s;&s;e&s;&s;ed by the Parliaments forces, a Declaration was &s;ent thither inviting the Governour and people to &s;ubmit to his Maje&s;ties o|bedience; But this invitation did little avail. By this time the &s;everall Tran&s;|actions that were between his Maje&s;ty &amp; his Kingdom of <HI>Scotland</HI> had brought forth a Treaty at <HI>Breda</HI> in the <HI>Nether|lands,</HI> a Town of &s;peciall note belong|ing to the Prince of <HI>Orange.</HI> And Ma&s;ter <HI>Windram</HI> Lord of <HI>Libeton</HI> is &s;ent Com|mi&s;&s;ioner from the States of <HI>Scotland,</HI> to Treat with his Maje&s;ty; who being &s;afe|ly arrived, pre&s;ents his Royall Maje&s;ty with the de&s;ires and offers of the States of <HI>Scotland,</HI> which were to this effect.</P>
<P>1. That hee would &s;ign the &s;olemn League and Covenant. 2. That he would pa&s;s divers Acts of the Parliament of
<PB N="164" REF="86">
<HI>Scotland.</HI> 3. That he would put away all Papi&s;ts from about him, and let none but known Prote&s;tants be of his Coun|&s;ell, That he would give a &s;peedy an|&s;wer to their de&s;ires. Be&s;ides this his Maje&s;ty hath great hopes of rai&s;ing a &s;uf|ficient force in <HI>England,</HI> among the friends to his Royall Intere&s;t. Upon this de&s;ign &s;everall are &s;ent from <HI>Jer&s;ey,</HI> into the <HI>We&s;t</HI> of <HI>England,</HI> among&s;t whom two Principal men, Sir <HI>John Berkley,</HI> and Col. <HI>Slingsby,</HI> who went up and down to their confederates, earne&s;tly &s;tirring them up to take up Arms for his Maje|&s;ty, but the&s;e were di&s;covered by a Country fellow, and are taken by Cap. <HI>Rochwich,</HI> and are &s;ent Pri&s;oners to <HI>Tru|ro</HI> in <HI>Cornwall.</HI> After many con&s;ultati|ons, and gracious condi&s;centions of his <NOTE PLACE="marg">Treaty con|cluded.</NOTE> Maje&s;ty, The Treaty is at la&s;t concluded; and now the Kingdom of <HI>Scotland</HI> make great preparations for his reception, to this end two rich hou&s;es in <HI>Edinburgh</HI> are richly furni&s;hed, and the Parliament <NOTE PLACE="marg">Preparat. for his Maj.</NOTE> take into con&s;ideration the nominating of Officers for his hou&s;e About the be|ginning of <HI>June,</HI> 1650. his Maje&s;ty ha&s;ts from <HI>Breda</HI> to the <HI>Hague.</HI> Thence to <HI>Scheveling,</HI> where he took Shiping, and
<PB N="165" REF="86">
at la&s;t in de&s;pight of fow<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> weather and the Engli&s;h King Fi&s;hers that lay there to intercept him, he landed at <HI>Spey</HI> in the North of <HI>Scotland,</HI> In the mean time the Parliament of <HI>Scotland,</HI> bend their con|&s;ultations for the rai&s;ing of an Army for the u&s;e of his Maje&s;ty, the Earl of <HI>Leven</HI> is made Generall of the Foot, and <HI>Hol|borun</HI> Major General; <HI>David La&s;ley</HI> Liev|tenant Generall of the Hor&s;e, &amp; <HI>Mount|gomery</HI> Major Generall. The Supream command of the whole Army is re&s;erved for the Kings mo&s;t excellent Maje&s;ty him&s;elf, whom at his Arrivall they en|tertained with high complements, and much acclamation, and &s;eemed to congratulate his coming, with much de|mon&s;trations <NOTE PLACE="marg">His Maje. proclaimed K. Edinbur. Cro&s;s;</NOTE> of joy and affection. And on the 15. <HI>July</HI> following, &s;olemnly pro|claim him King at <HI>Edinburgh</HI> Cro&s;&s;e. A|bout this time the Engli&s;h &s;end a com|plaint to the King of <HI>Spain,</HI> about the death of one <HI>A&s;cam</HI> who was&s;ent thither as Agent from our new Common-wealth, who the fir&s;t night he came to <HI>Madrid,</HI> &s;itting at dinner with his Inter|preter <HI>Segnior Riba,</HI> &s;ix black Devills in the &s;hape of men knockt at the door, had ea&s;y acce&s;s, and being entred,
<PB N="166" REF="87">
Ma&s;ter <HI>Ascham</HI> ro&s;e up to &s;alute them; whereupon the formo&s;t &s;tabbed him in the head, his interpreter endeavouring to e&s;cape was al&s;o &s;tabbed in the belly. The Republick of <HI>England</HI> receiving good intelligence that his Maje&s;ty and the Kingdom of <HI>Scotland</HI> were agreed; After a &s;erious and &s;olemn debate, Vo|ted that <HI>Thomas Lord Fairfax,</HI> with an Army under his command, &s;hould march Northwards, But that noble and truly valiant Commander, could not be entreated to fight again&s;t his &s;acred Ma|je&s;ty, and our Brethren of <HI>Scotland,</HI> and hereupon laid down his Commi&s;&s;ion.</P>
<P>Which was forthwith conferred upon the Arche&s;t of Traitors <HI>Oliver Cromwell,</HI> who pre&s;ently after arrived out of <HI>Ire|land,</HI> leaving <HI>Ireton</HI> his &s;on in Law as Lord Deputy in his room; Accordingly Orders were i&s;&s;ued forth, for the &s;peedy advance of the Army in <HI>Scotland,</HI> who had no &s;ooner taken their march but the <HI>Scots</HI> take the Alarm, and &s;end two or three papers to Sir <HI>Arthur Ha&s;ilrig</HI> then Governour of Newca&s;tle, to expo&s;tu|late the ca&s;e about the &s;udden approach of the Engli&s;h Army, alledging the Co|venant or large Treaty of Union be|twixt
<PB N="167" REF="87">
the two Kingdoms, and other cir|cum&s;tances of the like nature, but all proved fruitle&s;s. The Parliament then publi&s;h a declaration, &s;hewing the rea&s;on of their Armies advance towards <HI>Scot|land:</HI> The Engli&s;h Army is now at la&s;t at <HI>Dunbar,</HI> where the Scots have the Engli&s;h at a great di&s;advantage: never|thele&s;s the Generall and his Officers finding the Army unfit for further de|lays, re&s;olved the next morning to fall upon the Scots, who being imbattlled by break of day, the word of the Eng|li&s;h was the Lord of Ho&s;tes, and that of the Scotts was the Covenant: after an hours di&s;pute the Scots were wholly routed, there was &s;lain 3000, the Lord <HI>Libberton,</HI> Colonell <HI>Lum&s;den</HI> mortally wounded, 1000. taken, together with Sir <HI>James Lum&s;den,</HI> Lievtenant Generall of the Foot. And about 260 other Offi|cers 200 Colours 15000 Armes, and 30. pieces of Ordnance. At <HI>London</HI> was apprehended, condemned, and execu|ted, Colonell <HI>Eu&s;ebius Andrews,</HI> who being taken with a Commi&s;&s;ion from his Maje&s;ty, was beheaded at <HI>Tower Hill, September</HI> 8. That mo&s;t excellent Prin|ce&s;&s;e <HI>Elizabeth</HI> daughter to our late So|veraign,
<PB N="168" REF="88">
dyed at <HI>Carisbrook</HI> Ca&s;tle in the <HI>I&s;le</HI> of <HI>Wight.</HI> Upon the&s;e &s;ad di&s;a&s;ters his Maje&s;ty went &s;ecretly away to the North of <HI>Scotland;</HI> upon which the Committee of E&s;tates are much trou|bled, chiefly for that they feared hee would join with <HI>Middleton;</HI> they &s;end Major Generall <HI>Mountgomery</HI> with a party of Hor&s;e to endeavour by earne&s;t &s;upplications to bring him back to Saint <HI>John&s;tons,</HI> which at the fir&s;t he utterly refu&s;eth, but at la&s;t conde&s;cended to re|tire with <HI>Montgomery</HI> about the later end of <HI>October</HI> the Prince of <HI>Orange</HI> de|parted this life, who&s;e death was much lamented by his mo&s;t gracious Maje&s;ty, having received from him many high Te&s;timonies of friend&s;hip and good will, about ten days after the Prince&s;&s;e of <HI>Orange</HI> was delivered of a Son, which did in part mitigate her griefe for the Princes death. After three months &s;iege the Ca&s;tle of <HI>Edinburgh</HI> was &s;ur|rendred up to <HI>Cromwell, December</HI> 24. 1650. with all the Ordnances, Armes, <NOTE PLACE="marg">Edinburgh Ca&s;tle &s;ur. to the E<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">gl.</NOTE> Magazine, and furniture of War there|unto belonging. Notwith&s;tanding the hard fortune his Maje&s;ties forces hither|to had undergone, &s;everall de&s;ignes.
<PB N="169" REF="88">
were &s;et on foot. At this time there was one <HI>Ben&s;on</HI> executed at <HI>Tiburn,</HI> for acting by virtue of a Commi&s;&s;ion from his Ma|je&s;ty; upon the &s;ame account there ro&s;e a great number in the County of <HI>Norfolk,</HI> but were &s;oon di&s;per&s;ed and taken. A|bout this time Sir <HI>Henry Hide</HI> being Commi&s;&s;ionated by his Maje&s;ty, Am|ba&s;&s;ador to the grand &s;enior at <HI>Con&s;tan|tinople</HI> &s;tood in competition with Sir <HI>Thomas Bendi&s;h,</HI> whereupon they had a hearing before the <HI>Vizier Ba&s;&s;a;</HI> The re&s;ult whereof was, that Sir <HI>Thomas Ben|di&s;h</HI> &s;hould di&s;po&s;e of Sir <HI>Henry Hide</HI> as he thought good, who was &s;traight way &s;ent to <HI>Smyrna,</HI> thence into <HI>England,</HI> and there condemned, and executed as a Traytor before the Royall <HI>Exchange London.</HI> The War now in <HI>Scotland</HI> was almo&s;t at a &s;tand, by rea&s;on of the &s;harp|ne&s;&s;e of the Winter. The grand bu&s;i|ne&s;&s;e now in agitation, is the Corronati|on of his Maje&s;ty, which was according|ly performed at <HI>Scone, Jan.</HI> 1. 1651. with as much Pomp and Ceremonies, as the pre&s;ent State of affairs would per|mit. The Parliament con&s;idering how prone the people would be to adore the &s;hadow of his late Maje&s;ty of glorious
<PB N="170" REF="89">
Memory cau&s;ed his &s;tatue formerly &s;et up at the We&s;t end of <HI>Pauls</HI> Church to be pulled down, and that al&s;o in the Royall <HI>Exchange,</HI> over which they cau|&s;ed to be writ this Motto, <HI>Exit Tyrannus Regum ultimus Anno Libertatis Angliae Re&s;titutae primo, Jan.</HI> 30. 1648. they al&s;o cau&s;ed the Kings Arms to be defaced, and taken out of all Churches, Chappels, and places of Judicature, throughout their Dominions. The 29 of <HI>May</HI> being his Maje&s;ties birth day, was celebrated in <HI>Scotland</HI> with much joy and fea&s;ting. About this time in <HI>London</HI> was di&s;cover|ed a mo&s;t dangerous plot (as they were plea&s;ed to call it) contrived by the Presbyterians, Mr. <HI>Chri&s;topher Love,</HI> Mr. <HI>Gibbons,</HI> Major <HI>Alford,</HI> Major <HI>Adams,</HI> Colon. <HI>Barton,</HI> Mr. <HI>Blackman,</HI> Mr. <HI>Ca&s;e,</HI> Mr. <HI>Cauton,</HI> Mr. <HI>Jenkins,</HI> Mr. <HI>Jackson,</HI> Mr. <HI>Robin&s;on,</HI> and many others were &s;ecured and examined before a High Court of Ju&s;tice: Mr. <HI>Love,</HI> and <HI>Gibbons</HI> were beheaded, <HI>Augu&s;t</HI> 22. 1651. on <HI>Tower Hill;</HI> the re&s;t upon their humble petitions and acknowledgements of their Crimes, were relea&s;ed and par|doned.</P>
<P>The <HI>Scots</HI> having now compleated
<PB N="171" REF="89">
their Levies to the number of 15000 Foot, and 6000. Hor&s;e marched on this &s;ide <HI>Sterling,</HI> to a place called <HI>Torwod,</HI> where they were faced by the Engli&s;h, but could not be drawn to an engage|ment, though the Engli&s;h much de&s;ired it; at la&s;t the Engli&s;h attempt the Scotts by a&s;cending the Hill, which being done after a &s;hot di&s;pute the Scots are utterly routed, 2000. or there abouts were &s;lain, and 1400. were taken pri&s;oners; where|of Sir <HI>John Brown</HI> Commander in chief was one, with Col. <HI>Bucanan,</HI> and many others of quality. Immediately upon this was &s;urrounded the &s;trong Ca&s;tle of <HI>Inchygarvey. July</HI> 27. The whole Eng|li&s;h Army appear before <HI>Brunt I&s;land,</HI> which after &s;ome Capitulations was al&s;o yielded up. this was no &s;ooner done but the main body of the Engli&s;h Army attend more eminent &s;ervice, <HI>viz.</HI> The Pur&s;uit of his Royall Maje&s;ty, who with an Army of 16000. Hor&s;e and Foot, enters <HI>England</HI> by way of <HI>Carli&s;le;</HI> ac|cordingly the infantry were boated over <HI>Fife</HI> with as much expedition as could be; and pre&s;ently after the Hor&s;e: the truly Valiant then Lievtenant Generall <HI>Monk</HI> was left in <HI>Scotland</HI> with a party
<PB N="170" REF="90">
of 7000 Hor&s;e and Foot, who &s;traight way took in the &s;trong Town and Ca&s;tle of <HI>Sterling, Aberdeen, Abernets, Dundee, Dunotten,</HI> and <HI>Dunbarton</HI> Ca&s;tle with &s;e|verall others.</P>
<P>So that now the whole Realm of <HI>Scotland</HI> was <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 word"> wholly &s;ubdued and made Tributary to the Republick of <HI>England.</HI> His Maje&s;ty now at la&s;t with the Scots Army entred <HI>Worce&s;ter;</HI> from whence the King &s;ent his Royall letters commanding Sir <HI>Thomas Middleton</HI> to rai&s;e what forces he could for him, and the like to Colonell <HI>Mackworth</HI> Gover|nor of <HI>Shrewsbury,</HI> but all to no purpo&s;e. His Royal Maje&s;ty was proclaimed King of Great <HI>Brittain, France,</HI> and <HI>Ireland,</HI> in mo&s;t of the Market Towns as he came to <HI>Worce&s;ter:</HI> about two or three dayes before his Maje&s;ties arrivall at <HI>Worce&s;ter,</HI> The Earl of <HI>Derby</HI> having landed at <HI>Wy Water</HI> in <HI>Lanca&s;hire,</HI> came to him with 250. Foot, and 60 Hor&s;e, which he brought with him out of the <HI>I&s;le</HI> of <HI>Man,</HI> but immediately he returned back into <HI>Lanca&s;hire,</HI> to rai&s;e a more con&s;iderable force, which with the influence hee had in tho&s;e places, he &s;oon got together a body of 1500. to prevent their conjun|ction
<PB N="173" REF="90">
with his Maje&s;ties forces, <HI>Cromwels</HI> Regiment and <HI>Lilburns</HI> join together, and after one hours di&s;pute, the Earle of <HI>Derby</HI>'s party was wor&s;ted, the Earle him&s;elfe wounded, hardly e&s;capes to <HI>Worce&s;ter,</HI> leaving his <HI>George</HI> and <HI>Garter</HI> behind him; of the Kings party the mo&s;t con&s;iderable that were &s;lain were the Lord <HI>Widrington,</HI> Sir <HI>Thomas Tile&s;ly,</HI> Colonell <HI>Mat. Boynton,</HI> Sir <HI>Will. Throg|morton,</HI> &amp;c.</P>
<P>Not long after <HI>Cromwell</HI> with his Army came before <HI>Worcester,</HI> which was pre&s;ently di&s;per&s;ed about the City in Order to a clo&s;e be&s;ieging of it; here|upon the Scots Salley out of <HI>Worce&s;ter,</HI> but are repul&s;ed with &s;ome lo&s;&s;e. The next re-encounter was the pa&s;s at <HI>&V;pton</HI> which the truly Valiant Major Generall <HI>Ma&s;&s;ey</HI> kept for his Maje&s;ty, but he be|ing too much over powred by <HI>Lamberts</HI> Hor&s;e and Dragoons, which came from <HI>Eve&s;ham,</HI> and with <HI>Fleetwoods</HI> Brigade, was forced to retreat, he him&s;elfe being wounded.</P>
<P>The Third of <HI>September</HI> (being the &s;ame day twelve Month on which the Scots were &s;orely beaten at <HI>Dunbar)</HI> was that black and fatall day on which the
<PB N="174" REF="91">
Royall intere&s;t received their dreadfull wound, the fight was maintained with great Valour on his Maje&s;ties part, but being greatly over powred, his Maje&s;ties Forces were totally routed both Hor&s;e and Foot, their Works and Fort Royall were taken, their Canons turned upon them&s;elves, the City was &s;traight|way entred and &s;earched, the mo&s;t of the Scotts in&s;tantly were &s;lain and taken, in this engagement neer 10000 were taken pri&s;oners, and about 3000 &s;lain; His Maje&s;ty perceiving the day hitherto lo&s;t, begins now to &s;hift for him&s;elf, (the people generally as they fled-confu&s;edly, cry out, O &s;ave the King, &s;ave the King!) he pre&s;ently withdrew him&s;elfe to the hou&s;e where he quartered, and took of his trea&s;ure what he could conveniently carry with him; ju&s;t as Colonell <HI>Cobbet</HI> was entring the fore part of the hou&s;e, his Maje&s;ty was &s;lipt out by a back way, together with the Lord <HI>Wilmot,</HI> &s;triking into the mo&s;t private and unfrequented way to avoyd the hot pur&s;uit and &s;trict enquiry that was made for him: The Earl of <HI>Derby</HI> was taken pri&s;oner in the pur&s;uit by <HI>Lilborn,</HI> who&s;e hands hee had narrowly e&s;caped not many dayes
<PB N="175" REF="91">
before; together with the Earle of <HI>Loderdale,</HI> the Earl of <HI>Cleveland, Shrews-burry,</HI> and Lord <HI>Wentworth,</HI> with many other per&s;ons of quality in the main fight were taken, Duke <HI>Hamilton, Rob.</HI> Earle of <HI>Carnworth, Alexander</HI> Earle of <HI>Kelley, John</HI> Lord <HI>Synclare,</HI> Sir <HI>John Packington,</HI> Major General <HI>Mountgomery,</HI> Mr. <HI>Richard Fan&s;haw,</HI> the Kings Secre|tary, the Generall of the Ordnance, the Adjutant General of the Foot, the Mar&s;hall Generall. 6. Collo. of Hor&s;e, 13. of Foot, 9. Lievetenant Collon. of Hor&s;e, 8. of Foot, 6. Majors of Hor&s;e, 17. Majors of Foot, 37. Cap. of Hor&s;e. 72. Cap. of Foot, 55. Quarter Ma&s;ters of Hor&s;e, 72. Cap. of Foot, and a num|ber of other inferiour Officers, 158. Co|lours, the Kings Royall Standard, his Collar of SS Coach and Hor&s;es, and o|ther things of great value. Major Gen. <HI>Ma&s;&s;ey</HI> though he had made a &s;hift to e|&s;cape out of the field, yet by rea&s;on of his wounds and &s;ick condition of body, &s;urrendred him&s;elfe to the mercy of the Counte&s;s of <HI>Stamford,</HI> who&s;e &s;on never|thele&s;&s;e the Lord <HI>Gray</HI> of <HI>Groby</HI> &s;ecured him as a pri&s;oner, and &s;ent him up to the Parliament &s;o &s;oon as his wounds were
<PB N="176" REF="92">
cured; Leivtenant Gen. <HI>David Le&s;ley,</HI> and Leiut. Gen. <HI>Middleton</HI> were both taken at <HI>Blackstone</HI> Bridge, between <HI>Hallifax</HI> and <HI>Rae&s;dale,</HI> and &s;ent Pri&s;o|ners to <HI>Leverpoole.</HI></P>
<P>Near this time mo&s;t of the Nobility and Gentry of <HI>Scotland</HI> were taken at a place called <HI>Ellett,</HI> in that Nation, where they were a&s;&s;embled to propagate their Royall de&s;ignes; &s;uch was the &s;ad events which attended his Royall Maje&s;ty, that he who a few days before was proclaim|ed King of Great <HI>Brittain,</HI> had now neither Camp, nor Garri&s;on, nor lodg|ing to fly unto for &s;afety or &s;helter. For now the <HI>Juncto</HI> at <HI>We&s;tmin&s;ter</HI> profer <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">00 Sterling to any that &s;hall detect the Kings Royall per&s;on, which notwith|&s;tanding hee e&s;caped after this manner. <HI>Viz.</HI> After the great and fatall fight at <HI>Worce&s;ter,</HI> between his Maje&s;ties forces and the <HI>Cromwelian</HI> Rebells, the field being lo&s;t, not for want of courage, by the King party, but by tho&s;e numerous &s;upplies, who &s;erved only like the <HI>Tur|ki&s;h A&s;api,</HI> to blunt the Royall &s;words, &s;o that their wearied arms no longer a|ble to hold out, were forced to retreat, and at length (notwith&s;tanding the ge|nerous
<PB N="177" REF="92">
example of his Maje&s;ty, who performed things worth wonder) to a di&s;orderly flight: yet 'tis worthy of ob|&s;ervation, that upon <HI>Cromwells</HI> advance near the City, his Maje&s;ty in per&s;on, and in the head of the Hor&s;e, drew out a|gain&s;t him, and that with &s;o much valor and courage, that <HI>Cromwells</HI> own life|guard, and the be&s;t of his old Souldiers, who were thought almo&s;t invincible) were forced to retire till &s;econded by <HI>Fleetwood, Disbrow, Lambert</HI> and others, (who over powred the Kings forces, be|ing above five to one: and &s;o loath was his Maje&s;ty to decline the field, that up|on his earne&s;t endeavours to have his hor&s;e and foot rally, twice had he his Hor&s;e &s;hot under him, and at length was forced to &s;hift for him&s;elf, and to provide for his own &s;afety; and &s;o with &s;ome Nobles and Servants, not without a great deal of difficulty, forced to quit the field, and by the mo&s;t unfrequented Roads that they could po&s;&s;ibly find out, rod to a Farmhou&s;e of a Noble gentle|man on the Borders of <HI>Stafford&s;hire,</HI> where they no &s;ooner arrived but his Maje&s;ty di&s;robed him&s;elf of his Princely Ornaments and Accoutrements, and
<PB N="178" REF="93">
Particularly of a Chain of Gold or Spannar-&s;tring worth three hundred pounds Sterling, the pre&s;ent of a Scot|ti&s;h Lady which he be&s;towed upon a &s;er|vant of his there pre&s;ent: which done, for his farther di&s;gui&s;e, he proceeded to the cutting off his hair, and the Cot af|fording neither &s;hears nor Sci&s;&s;ars to perform it, it was by the Lord <HI>Wilmot</HI> cut off with a knife. And now every one is commanded to &s;hift for him&s;elf, and this poor Prince left alone to the &s;ole protection of the Almighty, he choo&s;ing none but one friend to accom|pany him, with whom he wandred into a Wood, within four mile, (&s;ay &s;ome) of <HI>Wolverhampton,</HI> where finding a hol|low Oke, he was now content to make it his Palace, for here he for &s;ome days concealed him&s;elf, his Friend &s;till to|wards night going out to provide him &s;ome refre&s;hment during this his &s;olita|ry confinement. In the meantime the Lord <HI>Wilmot</HI> who was commanded with the re&s;t to &s;eek his fortune, was by chance pur&s;ued by &s;ome &s;ouldiers, but meeting with a Countrey fellow for|merly a &s;ouldier in the old Kings Army, he was by him &s;ecured though &s;ome|what
<PB N="179" REF="93">
&s;trangely, for he carries him into a Malthou&s;e belonging to Mrs. <HI>Jane Lane,</HI> and having no other convenient place to hide him in, clapt him under the kilne, though there were then &s;ome fire in it, and the malt &s;moaking on the top. In the mean time the &s;ouldiers then in pur&s;uit of him, entred the hou&s;e, and having made about three quarters of an hours &s;earch every where el&s;e, but not at all &s;u&s;pecting the kilne, where they &s;aw the fire, they departed, and the Lord <HI>Wilmot</HI> was taken out of the kilne almo&s;t ready to faint with the ex|tremity of the heat. The Countrey fel|low having thus &s;ecured this Lord, ac|quaints Mrs. <HI>Lane</HI> with what he had done, and &s;he extremly glad of it, gets him to her hou&s;e, where in conference &s;he enquires of the Kings &s;afety. The Lord <HI>Wilmot</HI> gives her the former rela|tion of his mi&s;eries and di&s;tre&s;s, which forces tears from the tender hearted Gentlewoman, &s;he earne&s;tly entreats him to take &s;ome cour&s;e for the finding out of his Maje&s;ty, and conducting him to her hou&s;e, &s;he being re&s;olved to ven|ture her life, had &s;he ten thou&s;and, for the &s;aving of his Royal Maje&s;ties.</P>
<P><PB N="180" REF="94">
The Lord <HI>Wilmot</HI> glad of &s;o happy an opportunity to &s;erve his Maje&s;ty, and &s;o great a probability of &s;ecuring him, the next night finds him out, and conducts him from the Royal Oak to the Hou&s;e of Mrs. <HI>Jane Lane,</HI> where af|ter a large condoling of his hard fortune con&s;ultation was had for a conveniency for his e&s;cape beyond &s;ea, and at length it was concluded, that <HI>Bri&s;tol</HI> would be the mo&s;t convenient place to take &s;hip|ping, That his Maje&s;ty &s;hould ride be|fore Mrs. <HI>Lane</HI> by the name of <HI>William</HI> &s;ervant to Mr. <HI>La&s;tell</HI> her father in law, who was likewi&s;e to go with them; and thus it was immediately given out, that Mr. <HI>La&s;tell</HI> and Mrs. <HI>Lane</HI> were to take a journey into the <HI>We&s;t,</HI> to vi&s;it &s;ome friends, and &s;hortly after they &s;et for|ward. In this journey there happened many accidents worthy commemorati|on, and fir&s;t, the Kings Maje&s;ty riding now as &s;ervant to one of the faithfulle&s;t of his Subj<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">cts, in a Livery Cloak, though not without that re&s;pect that dur&s;t be given to him; complains to Mrs. <HI>Lane</HI> that the cloak wearied him, whereupon &s;he de&s;ires Mr. <HI>La&s;tell</HI> to carry it, and long they had not trid
<PB REF="94">
&s;o but they meet upon the Road her brother in law, who among&s;t otherque|&s;tions demanded of her, if her father mu&s;t carry her mans Cloak, to which &s;he readily an&s;wered, that it was &s;o big that it often endangered the throwing her off the hor&s;e, and that &s;he had there|fore de&s;ired him to carry it. The next and mo&s;t important accident of all was, that coming into a town, which they were to pa&s;s through, there was a Troop of Hor&s;e there to be quartered drawn up, which cau&s;ed &s;ome fear, but at length with a re&s;olution they pa&s;&s;ed on, and the Captain taking them for hone&s;t travellers, made his Troop open to the right and left, and &s;o permitted them to pa&s;s. Another accident there happened, which one may &s;ay was al|mo&s;t comical in this Tragedy, Mrs. <HI>Lane</HI> coming into the Inne leaves his Maje&s;ty under the name of <HI>William</HI> her &s;ervant in the Kitchin, with whom the maid enters in to di&s;cour&s;e, &s;he asks him where he was born, and what trade he was, he an&s;wers at <HI>Brumingham,</HI> and a Naylors &s;on, and after a great deal of other di&s;cour&s;e, the Jack being down, the maid de&s;ires him to wind it up,
<PB REF="95">
which he willingly undertakes, but goes the wrong way about it, and &s;omewhat prejudices it; at which the maid grew angry, asking him where he was bred, and telling him he was the verie&s;t <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">lowni&s;h booby that ever &s;he &s;aw in all her life; which railing of hers made his pre&s;ent mi&s;ery go out of the room &s;mil|ing.</P>
<P>Mrs. <HI>Lane</HI> notwith&s;tanding his Ma|je&s;ty went as her &s;ervant, yet had a greater re&s;pect for him before others, pretended him her Tenant's &s;on; but on the Road &s;he would always ask what he would have to dinner or &s;upper, and what piece of that he liked, which &s;he would always be &s;ure to get made ready and give him, he &s;till &s;itting at the low|er end of the table.</P>
<P>But to come to the end of their jour|ney, being arrived at <HI>Bri&s;tol</HI> they lodged at the hou&s;e of a Noble gentleman there, and kin&s;man to Mr. <HI>La&s;tel:</HI> the King finding it to be a hou&s;e of great re|&s;ort, feigns him&s;elf &s;ick of an Ague, and &s;o keeps his Chamber all the day, com|ing down onely at nights; but one night coming down and being &s;ome|what cold craves a gla&s;s of Wine of the
<PB N="184" REF="95">
Butler, who carries him into the But lery; this Butler having before &s;erved his Maje&s;ties Father in the Wars, looking earne&s;tly upon him, &s;u&s;pected him to be the King, &s;o ea&s;ily will Maje&s;ty appear though veiled in the utmo&s;t di&s;gui&s;es, and thereupon pulling off his hat, told him very ceremoniou&s;ly, That he might command what wine he plea&s;ed; of which the King took no notice, but drinking off his Wine went out; yet the Butler could not &s;atisfie his &s;u&s;pici|on, but went up to Mr. <HI>La&s;tels,</HI> &amp; deman|ded of him how long he had had that &s;ervant, whereupon Mr. <HI>La&s;tels</HI> was ve|ry angry at his boldne&s;s, in daring to ask him &s;uch a que&s;tion; but the Butler &s;till per&s;i&s;ted, and whi&s;pering told him that he believed it was the King, where upon Mr. <HI>La&s;tels</HI> &s;eeing he was di&s;cove|red, &s;ends immediately for his Maje&s;ty, whom he acquaints with the Butlers di&s;covery of him, with whom the King was &s;omewhat angry, in regard he did not fir&s;t acquaint him&s;elf with his &s;u&s;pi|tion, it not being impo&s;&s;ible, but that Mr. <HI>La&s;tels</HI> might not have known him to be the King; but upon pardon asked by the Butler, it was granted by
<PB N="184" REF="96">
the King, and he afterwards proved ve|ry in&s;trumental in his Maje&s;ties con|veyance through the Countrey.</P>
<P>But here at <HI>Bri&s;tol</HI> the chief de&s;ign they had in hand failed them; for though there were a little Barque lay there, judged mo&s;t convenient for the bu&s;ine&s;s, yet the Ma&s;ter would for no reward tran&s;port a &s;ingle per&s;on, though he was &s;o hone&s;t as only to deny it and made no further &s;earch or inquiry con|cerning the per&s;on, which might per|haps have tended to a di&s;covery.</P>
<P>This de&s;ign here failing, his Maje&s;ty de&s;ired to be brought &s;ome miles We&s;t|ward to the hou&s;e of a worthy gentle|man whom he knew to be a tru&s;ty friend; where coming in he finds the gentle|man in the field with his &s;ervants; ha|ving di&s;covered him&s;elf to him, he was by him conveyed to a convenient &s;tand till night, (having fir&s;t taken leave of his true friends, who had thus far con|ducted him with the danger of their Lives and E&s;tates,) from whence he was in the dusk conveyed into the hou&s;e, and there carefully concealed for a week, till &s;uch time as preparation could be made in &s;ome We&s;tern Port of a pa&s;&s;age for him; but coming after|wards
<PB N="185" REF="96">
there where it was provided, chancing to dine with a Parliament Co|lonell then there, he thought it the &s;a|fer to loo&s;e the benefit of that pa&s;&s;age, then adventure to imbarque him&s;elfe &s;ingly, which might breed &s;u&s;picion, and perhaps have been the means after &s;o many deliverances to have betrayed him into the hands of his enemies.</P>
<P>This pa&s;&s;age then likewi&s;e failing him he then returned back to the place from whence he came, and concealed him&s;elf three weekes longer, till in the end it being re&s;olved on, he by the a&s;&s;i&s;tance of Mr. <HI>Ph.</HI> was conveyed through the mo&s;t by-ways they could imagine to a gentlewomans hou&s;e in <HI>Su&s;&s;ex,</HI> where he lay till a per&s;on of true worth and honour made provi&s;ion of a faithfull Ma&s;ter, who with a &s;mall Ve&s;&s;el wafted him to a &s;mall Creek in, <HI>Norman|dy,</HI> to the great content of the Kings &s;a|cred Maje&s;ty, and all his Loyall Subjects and to the honour of the Ma&s;ter with due reward, as in time may appear.</P>
<P>Soon after this the Juncto at <HI>We&s;t|min&s;ter</HI> took order for the reducing of the two I&s;lands <HI>Jer&s;ie</HI> and <HI>Man:</HI> about this time dyed Generall <HI>Popham,</HI> one of the Generals at Sea, and <HI>IretonCrom|wells</HI>
<PB N="186" REF="97" MS="y">
Son in Law of the plague in <HI>Ire|land.</HI> No &s;ooner had the <HI>Engli&s;h</HI> brought things to &s;ome quietne&s;&s;e at home but now new &s;tirs begin to appear abroad; The Hollanders being offended at an Act made by that piece of Parliament then &s;itting at <HI>We&s;tminster,</HI> for the en|crea&s;ing of &s;hipping and encouragement of Navigation break out into an open warre, and the fir&s;t act of Ho&s;tility was <HI>May,</HI> 16. 1652. When <HI>&V;an Trump</HI> Ad|miral of the Dutch Fleet, with about 40 two &s;ail comming into <HI>Dover</HI> Road re|fu&s;ed to &s;trike &s;ail, hung out a Red flag, the u&s;uall &s;ign of defr<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">me, and gave a broad-&s;ide to <HI>Blake</HI> the Engli&s;h Ad|mirall, which occa&s;ioned &s;ome hours &s;harp di&s;pute, wherein the Dutch had the wor&s;t; they lo&s;t in this fight two &s;hips and 150 men. But of this action the &s;tates of <HI>Holland</HI> would not be concern'd, becau&s;e as they &s;ayd, it was done without their approbation, and a little the beter to palliate the bu|&s;ine&s;s, they di&s;patch their Emba&s;&s;adors over into <HI>England,</HI> to renew the Treaty: the effect of which proved an open war betwixt the Common-Wealths, which was now publickly proclaimed on both &s;ides. In <HI>July</HI> Sir <HI>George A&s;cue</HI> with a
<PB N="187" REF="97">
Squadron of Ships being left to guard the narrow Seas, di&s;covered a Fleet of Flemmings between <HI>Dover</HI> and <HI>Callice</HI> being about 80. of which ten were taken and burnt, the re&s;t ran a &s;hore the Coa&s;ts of <HI>France;</HI> Sir <HI>George A&s;cue</HI> as he was &s;ailing We&s;tward to guard the Seas, and conduct home the Marchant-men that lay at <HI>Plymouth</HI> on the 16. <HI>Augu&s;t,</HI> between one and 2. in the afternoon, they had a &s;ight of the Dutch Fleet, they pre&s;ently made what ha&s;t they cold to|wards them to di&s;cover their number, which was about 60. &s;ail of men of War, and 30 Marchant-men; the En|gli&s;h were 38. &s;ail, and 4. Fire&s;hips, and 4. Scouts; they came up to the enemy about 4. in the afternoon, and began the fight with much Gallantry and high re&s;olution; this engagement continued feirce till night parted then not without &s;ome lo&s;s to the Engli&s;h, but much more to the Dutch. <HI>Sept.</HI> 27. General <HI>Blake</HI> with his Fleet di&s;covered on the back|&s;ide of Goodwin Sands about 60. &s;ail of Dutch-men of War, under the Command of Admiral <HI>de Wit,</HI> which bout was called the <HI>Kenti&s;h Knock,</HI> they &s;hamefully flying from the Engli&s;h
<PB N="188" REF="98">
though far more in number, were mi&s;er|ably beaten by General <HI>Blake;</HI> Upon the Neck of this breach came into <HI>Eng|land</HI> an Amba&s;&s;ador from the Queen of <HI>Sweden,</HI> where he ended his life before he effected any thing; another al&s;o from the King of <HI>Denmark,</HI> who al&s;o &s;eeing no probability of peace between the&s;e Nations, departed out of this Kingdom.</P>
<P>In the Levant Seas a&s;mal Fleet of the Engli&s;h were&s;et upon by <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters">-&s;ail of Dutch who over-powering them in num|ber, took and blew up 5. Engli&s;h Ships; About the beginning of <HI>December</HI> Ge|neral <HI>Blake</HI> him&s;elf engaging with the whole Fleet of the Dutch, came of with the wor&s;t loo&s;ing the <HI>Garland</HI> and <HI>Bonaventure,</HI> and &s;ome other Ships. About the ending of <HI>February</HI> the Dutch were mi&s;erably overthrown by the Engli&s;h between <HI>Portland</HI> and the Ifle of <HI>Wight;</HI> In the mean time arri|ved an Extraordinary Amba&s;&s;ador from the King of <HI>Portugal</HI> to the Parliament, which after many Addre&s;&s;es and Trea|ties concludes a peace, with Obligation to &s;atisfy the Engli&s;h Marchants</P>
<P>From <HI>France</HI> al&s;o the Engli&s;h were
<PB N="189" REF="98">
courted by two partyes, by an Agent from the King of <HI>France,</HI> de&s;iring a relea&s;e of tho&s;e Ships taken going to the reliefe of <HI>Dunkirk;</HI> &amp; by 4. Deputies from the Prince of <HI>Conde,</HI> craving aid a|gain&s;t the Cardinal and his Creatures; who had &s;traitly be&s;ieged the City of <HI>Bourdeaux,</HI> but they both proved in|effectual.</P>
<P>And now happened a very &s;trange Alteration in the Scene of Affairs in <HI>England, Cromwel</HI> who&s;e ambition was now ripe, and who knew he might take a very fit opportunity, to u&s;urp that that power he had &s;o long gaped for, the people of the&s;e Nations being weary of the actions of this Parliament, and there dilatory proceedings, and appa|rent intentions of perpetuating them|&s;elfs, and to defraud the people of their ancient, and undoubted Li|berties of equal and &s;ucce&s;&s;ive re|pre&s;entatives, * entered the Parliament-Hou&s;e, attended with &s;ome of his principal Officers, and there deliver|ed certain rea&s;ons, why a Period ought to be put to that Parliament, which was pre&s;ently done; the Speaker with the re&s;t of the Members, &s;ome by
<PB N="190" REF="99">
force, &s;ome through fear, and &s;ome murmuring departed the Hou&s;e, &amp; the better to &s;atisfy the wi&s;er &s;ort of people, <HI>Cromwel</HI> and his Officers publi&s;h a large Declaration, &s;hewing the rea&s;ons of his di&s;&s;olving that Parliament; Thus, that part of the Parliament, who had ba&s;ely murdered their King, and U&s;urp|ed an Authority, over the&s;e Nations are turned out of Doors, to the &s;corne and deri&s;ion of the whole Nation by their Servant <HI>Oliver Cromwel.</HI></P>
<P>Thus that part of the Hou&s;e of Com|mons which then &s;at (afterwards better known by the name of the <HI>Rump)</HI> be|ing di&s;&s;olved, their power was wholly devolved into the hands of their a&s;pi|ring General; who lea&s;t the Magi&s;trates and other publique Mini&s;ters of the nation &s;hould be &s;tartled at this &s;o &s;ud|dain change. This following Declara|tion was publi&s;hed.</P>
<LETTER>
<P><HI>WHere as the Parliament being di&s;|&s;olved, per&s;ons of approved fideli|ty and hone&s;ty, are (according to the late Declar-tion of the</HI> 22 <HI>of</HI> April <HI>la&s;t) to be called from the &s;everall parts of this Com|monwealth to the &s;upreme Authority; and</HI>
<PB N="191" REF="99">
<HI>although effectuall proceedings are and have been had for perfecting tho&s;e re&s;olu|tions; yet &s;ome convenient time being re|quired for the a&s;&s;embling tho&s;e per&s;ons, it hath been &s;ound nece&s;&s;ary for the preven|ting the mi&s;chiefs, and inconveniences, which may ari&s;e in the mean while to the publickaffairs, that a Councill of State be con&s;tituted to take care of and intend the peace and &s;afety, and pre&s;ent management of the affairs of the Commonwealth; which being &s;ettled acoordingly, the &s;ame is here|by declared and publi&s;hed, to the end all per&s;ons way take notice hereof, and in their &s;everall places and &s;tations demean them&s;elves peaceably, giving obedience to the Laws of the Nation as heretofore: and in the exerci&s;e and admini&s;tration where|of, as endeavours &s;hall be u&s;ed, that no op|pre&s;&s;ion or wrong be done to the people; &s;o a &s;trict account will be required of all &s;uch, as &s;hall do any thing to endanger the publick peace and quiet upon any pretence what&s;oever.</HI></P>
<CLOSER><SIGNED>O. CROMWELL.</SIGNED>
<DATELINE><DATE>Aprill. 30. 1653.</DATE></DATELINE></CLOSER>
</LETTER>
<P><PB N="192" REF="100">
The&s;e dome&s;tick Revolutions did in &s;ome mea&s;ure heighten the &s;pirits of the Dutch, for they thought &s;ome eminent di&s;tractions and commotions would cer+tainly en&s;ue thereupon, <HI>June,</HI> 2. The Engli&s;h Fleet being at Anchor, without the South-head of the Gober, di&s;cover about 100 &s;ail, of <HI>Dutch</HI> men of Warre, lying two Leagues to <HI>Lee-ward;</HI> the Engli&s;h pre&s;ently made &s;ail after them, after a &s;harp di&s;pute they take of the Dutch 11. men of war, two water-hoyes 6. Captaynes, 1500 pri&s;oners, and &s;unck 6. men of War more; had not the night prevented the re&s;t of the Dutch-Fleet would in all probabillity have been cut off in this engagement. General <HI>Dean,</HI> one of our Admiralls was &s;lain; In the mean time <HI>Cromwell</HI> and his Confede|rates con&s;ult on fit per&s;ons on whom the Legi&s;lative power of the Nation &s;hould be committed, to which end the grand Tyrant i&s;&s;ueth out warrants un|der his own hand to a certain number of per&s;ons cho&s;en by him&s;elf, whom he thought would &s;erve his intere&s;t to appear at the Coun&s;ell Cham|ber at <HI>White-Hall, July.</HI> 4. 1653. Where being accordingly met
<PB N="193" REF="100" MS="y">
<HI>Cromwell</HI> being attended with &s;everal Officers of the Army, maketh them a &s;hort &s;peech, and delivereth unto them a writing under his hand and Seal, impowering them to be the &s;upreme Legi&s;lative Authority of the three Nations: from thence they re|pair to the Parliament hou&s;e, and choo&s;e for their Speaker Mr <HI>Rou&s;e,</HI> they begin to debate what they &s;hall call them&s;elves; at la&s;t they con|clude to call them&s;elves the Parlia|ment, having &s;at about four moneths their con&s;ultations are chiefly for the taking away of Tythes, at la&s;t it was moved by &s;ome of them that their further &s;itting would not prove for the peace of the Nation, therefore they attend the General and accord|ing to command re&s;igned their power into his hands again, who pre&s;ently after, a&s;&s;umes to him&s;elf the Title of <HI>Lord Protector</HI> of the Common-wealth of <HI>England, Scotland,</HI> and <HI>Ire|land,</HI> takes unto him&s;elf a Council of twenty one per&s;ons, by who&s;e a&s;&s;i|&s;tance all things are carried on, du|ring the intervals of Parliament.</P>
<P>Things being thus tran&s;lated in
<PB N="194" REF="101">
<HI>England,</HI> his Royal Maje&s;ty not having any further means left him for the regaining of his dominions, is con|&s;trained to take up his Re&s;idence in the kingdom of <HI>France,</HI> where notwith|&s;tanding his low condition he lived with great honour and re&s;pect, with the King Queen and Nobles of <HI>France.</HI> During his abode here in this Court a match was propounded to him, <HI>viZ.</HI> the Duke of <HI>Orleances</HI> daughter, as likewi&s;e to his illu&s;trious Brother the noble Duke of <HI>York,</HI> the Duke of <HI>Longevills</HI> daughter. But the trouble|&s;ome e&s;tate of the kingdom of <HI>France,</HI> and his Royal Maje&s;ties ill po&s;ture of affairs in his own kingdoms, &s;oon put a period to this tran&s;action. While&s;t the&s;e things were in agitation happened a difference betwixt the the Prince of <HI>Conde</HI> and Cardinal <HI>MaZarine,</HI> mo&s;t of the Princes of the blood &s;ide with the fir&s;t: the King of <HI>France,</HI> who now was newly come to age, to &s;way the Scepter, with the latter; the cau&s;e of the quarrel was, Cardinal <HI>MaZarine</HI> his inordinate power, and other grand mi&s;carriages of &s;tate, the people al&s;o generally
<PB N="195" REF="101" MS="y">
murmure again&s;t him, the Princes and Parliament of <HI>Paris</HI> and <HI>Bourdeaux</HI> are again&s;t him, as al&s;o the Duke of <HI>Louraine,</HI> then in &s;ervice of the <HI>Spani|ard,</HI> things arrived at &s;uch a height that nothing but a Civil war was like|ly to en&s;ue, to compo&s;e and end the&s;e differances his &s;acred Maje&s;ty of <HI>England</HI> u&s;eth his utmo&s;t endea|vours, telling them from his own ex|perience, the mi&s;eries of a civil War; but all endeavours proved in effectu|all, for the <HI>French</HI> King, per&s;i&s;ted in his re&s;olutions not to give way to the bani&s;hment of the Cardinal, hereupon, the Duke of <HI>Lorraine</HI> was &s;ent for with his Army to come and joyn with the Princes, the Duke having been tampered with by the contrary party and having advantageous termes de&s;i&s;ted, hereupon a<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter"> generall report was &s;pread, that his Maje&s;ty of <HI>Eng|land</HI> had drawn over the Duke to the Kings party, becau&s;e they were often together, this coming to the peoples ears, &s;o incen&s;ed them not onely a|gain&s;t the Duke for his perfidiou&s;ne&s;s; But al&s;o again&s;t his Maje&s;ty and the Queen his mother, the fury of the
<PB N="198" REF="102">
people increa&s;ed &s;o much that the King was forced for his own pre&s;er|vation to retire from the <HI>Louver</HI> to St <HI>Jermans,</HI> the Queen his mother re|ceived many affronts, as &s;he pa&s;&s;edin her Coach from the <HI>Louver</HI> to the Nunnery at <HI>Chaliot,</HI> where &s;he kept her Refidence; his Maje&s;ty now treateth with <HI>Lorraine</HI> for the recovery of his kingdom of <HI>Ireland,</HI> out of the hand of the Engli&s;h Republick, to this end &s;everal Articles are agreed unto by the Lord <HI>Taffe</HI> agent for the King, and the Duke; among&s;t other things it was concluded that the Duke &s;hould be ve&s;ted with the power and title of Protector Royall of <HI>Ireland.</HI> But the Duke having not &s;trength enough for this great enterpri&s;e, this bu&s;ine&s;&s;e takes no effect: his Maje&s;ty having &s;tayed at Saint <HI>Jermans</HI> till the heat of the popular fury was over, returned a|gain to the Louvre. During, his abode there, his ilu&s;trious Brother the Duke of <HI>Gloce&s;ter,</HI> who for a long time had bin under the cu&s;tody of the Engli&s;h Jun|cto, and at length di&s;mi&s;&s;ed and &s;ent into <HI>Holland</HI> to his &s;i&s;ter, was from thence attended into <HI>France</HI> by Sir
<PB N="199" REF="102">
<HI>Marmaduke Langdale,</HI> and Sir <HI>Richard Grenvile,</HI> and he was honorably re|ceived at <HI>Paris</HI> by the French King, Queen-Mother, and the re&s;t of the Grandee. during his Maje&s;ties abode here, arrived Mrs. <HI>Jane Lane,</HI> who had &s;o miraculou&s;ly pre&s;erved the King after the fight at <HI>Worce&s;ter,</HI> he being exceedingly glad to hear this news, immediately &s;ends &s;ome per&s;ons of quality, with Coaches to conduct her to <HI>Paris,</HI> where being come they re|joyce in each others pre&s;ence: let us now a little ca&s;t our eyes into <HI>Eng|land,</HI> where <HI>Cromwell</HI> and the Coun|cil at <HI>White-Hall,</HI> having u&s;urped the Regall authority carry all by force before them, about the latter end of <HI>February,</HI> &s;everal per&s;ons of quality are carried to the Tower, for being Loyal to his Maje&s;ty, but be|cau&s;e nothing of moment could be proved again&s;t them they are &s;et at liberty. <HI>Cromwell</HI> being de&s;irous to &s;trengthen him&s;elf, in the Tyrannical Reigning over his Maje&s;ties &s;ubjects bethinks him&s;elf of making peace with forein States and Princes, to that
<PB N="198" REF="103">
end pre&s;ently patches up a very di&s;|advantageous peace with the <HI>Dutch.</HI> pre&s;ently after, concludes a peace al|&s;o with <HI>Chri&s;tina</HI> Queen of <HI>Sweden</HI> a a little before the re&s;ignation of her Crown to her Couzen <HI>Carolus Gu&s;ta|vus.</HI> In <HI>May</HI> following, &s;everal per|&s;ons are charged with high Trea&s;on for endeavouring to take away the Protectors life, &s;eize upon the Tower and proclaim his Maje&s;ty King of Great <HI>Brittain,</HI> a High Court of Ju&s;tice is erected, Col. <HI>Gerard, Peter Vowel</HI> School-ma&s;ter and <HI>Somer&s;et Fox</HI> are condemned to die, the la&s;t is re|prieved for his ample confe&s;&s;ions; Col. <HI>Gerrard</HI> was beheaded at Tower hill, and <HI>Vowel</HI> hanged at Charing-Cro&s;s on the &s;ame day, <HI>Don Pantalaon Sa,</HI> Brother to the <HI>Portugal</HI> Amba&s;&s;a|dour was beheaded, for engaging in a quarrel on the New Exchange where one Mr. <HI>Greneway</HI> was &s;lain. His Sacred Maje&s;ty having now remain|ed in the Court of <HI>France</HI> about two or three years, &s;ometimes being lif|ted up high with hopes, of regaining his three kingdoms, other times be|ing ca&s;t down with fears &s;ollicitates,
<PB N="199" REF="103">
the States of <HI>Holland</HI> again, to own his Royall intere&s;t, but they having made a peace with <HI>Oliver</HI> onely complement him with a letter full of civility: and now that which troubled his Maje&s;ty mo&s;t was this, the <HI>French</HI> Court, (not|with&s;tanding all means u&s;ed to the con|trary by the King of <HI>England,</HI> his mo|ther and other friends) prepare to &s;end over an Amba&s;&s;adour into <HI>England;</HI> hereupon his &s;acred yet &s;till &s;uffering Maje&s;ty leaves that kingdom, having taken his farewell of the King and other great ones from whom he received ma|ny Complements and Apologies, be|ing accompanied with his brother the Duke of <HI>York,</HI> his Couzens Prince <HI>Rubert</HI> and Prince <HI>Edward Palatine</HI> to <HI>Chatilion,</HI> a hou&s;e belonging to the Prince of <HI>Conde</HI> where they &s;tayed a while to confider how to di&s;po&s;e of them&s;elves to th'be&s;t advantage his Maje&s;ty with Prince <HI>Rupert</HI> re&s;olves for Germany, having before &s;ent the Lord <HI>Wilmot,</HI> before Amba&s;&s;adour to the Emperor to nego|tiate in his behalf: Prince <HI>Edward</HI> took his journey to <HI>Burbone,</HI> the Duke of <HI>York</HI> remaining in <HI>France</HI> till after the peace with <HI>England</HI> is concluded be|ing
<PB N="202" REF="104">
Lieutenant General of the French Army: the young Duke of <HI>Glooe&s;ter</HI> after his Brother was gone into <HI>Germany,</HI> by rea&s;on of the Queen his Mother, and &s;ome others of the Catholique Religion, was placed in the Colledge of the Je&s;uits there, to have been bred up in the Ro|mi&s;h Religion; Intelligence thereof be|ing &s;oon brought to his Maje&s;ty: he being not a little di&s;plea&s;ed, &s;oon takes order for his remove, which was exactly performed. <HI>Oliver,</HI> according to one Article in his Government, called a Par|liament to meet at <HI>We&s;tmin&s;ter, Sept.</HI> 3. 1654. <HI>William Lenthal</HI> ma&s;ter of the Roll, being cho&s;en Speaker; at their fir&s;t &s;itting they begin to que&s;tion the lawfulne&s;s of the power, by which they were called, this highly Offended <HI>Oliver</HI> Protector, and made him re&s;olve to put a Period to their &s;itting; &s;o when they had &s;at about 5 mouths, he di&s;&s;olved them, &s;oon after the di&s;&s;olution of the Parliament, the Court was allarmed with news of a great ri&s;ing in <HI>Shrop&s;hire, Montgomry&s;hire, Wilt&s;hire, Nottingham|&s;hire, Northumberland</HI> and <HI>York&s;hire</HI> in the behalf of his Royal Maje&s;ty: Sir <HI>Henry Littleton,</HI> Sir <HI>John Packington,</HI>
<PB N="203" REF="104">
and Major <HI>Wildman</HI> are &s;ecured, and &s;ent Pri&s;oners to the <HI>Tower.</HI> Sunday 11. <HI>March</HI> a Party about 200. enter <HI>Sali&s;bury,</HI> &s;eize upon Hor&s;es, take away Com|mi&s;&s;ions from the Judges as they were going there circuit and march towards <HI>Cornwal,</HI> they are met with by Captain <HI>&V;nton Crook,</HI> and after a &s;harp di&s;pute totally routed, their chief Captains were taken, <HI>viz. Penruddock, Jones,</HI> and <HI>Grove,</HI> Sir <HI>Jo&s;eph Wag&s;taffe,</HI> made a &s;hift to e&s;cape &s;hortly after, <HI>Penruddock</HI> and <HI>Grove</HI> were beheaded at <HI>Exon,</HI> and <HI>Jones</HI> was repreived: &s;everal other ri&s;ings in other parts of this Kingdom, but were all &s;uppre&s;&s;ed; and now <HI>Cromwel</HI> pre|pares a very great Fleet, but for what end none knew but &s;ome principal Commanders: In the mean time the King of <HI>Spain</HI> &s;ends over as Extraordi|nary Amba&s;&s;ador the Marquis of <HI>Leda,</HI> who was here conplemented by our new Court, but finding which way things went, after a &s;hort &s;tay returns to his own Country; pre&s;ently after his departure this great Fleet &s;teer there cour&s;e to|wards <HI>Hi&s;paniola,</HI> one of the faire&s;t I&s;lands belonging to the American Do|minions of the King of <HI>Spain;</HI> at l<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">&s;t
<PB N="202" REF="105">
the Engli&s;h land in the I&s;land of <HI>Hi&s;pa|nola</HI> without any oppo&s;ition, and &s;eeing no enemy near them, think them&s;elves &s;ole Ma&s;ters of the Indies. They having marched a many miles through the woods, are ready to peri&s;h with faint|ne&s;s, and for want of water; and now the Spani&s;h Negros fall upon them, and mi&s;erably kill them, with little re&s;i&s;tance drive them out of the Iland; the remain|der of tho&s;e that e&s;caped this Buchery po&s;&s;e&s;s them&s;elves of <HI>Jamaica;</HI> &amp; now, G. <HI>Blake</HI> with a little better &s;ucce&s;s, being come before <HI>Tunis</HI> demands reparation for the lo&s;&s;es &s;u&s;tained from Turki&s;h Py|rates, but being an&s;wer'd in &s;corn by the Dye of <HI>Tunis,</HI> fired 9. Ships, and came off with little lo&s;s, but much glory to him&s;elf; notwith&s;tanding the former ill &s;ucce&s;&s;es of the Royal party, are &s;ent to the <HI>Tower</HI> upon &s;u&s;pition of Trea&s;on; The Lord <HI>Willonby</HI> of <HI>Parham,</HI> and the Lord <HI>Newport.</HI> The Illu&s;trious Duke of <HI>Gloce&s;ter</HI> having &s;taid for &s;ome times with his &s;i&s;ter the Prince&s;s Royall <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters"> at Hague, was now re&s;olved to go to his Brother, Our mo&s;t gracious King, then at <HI>Cullen.</HI> being come thither with his Si&s;ter, they &s;tay till after the
<PB N="203" REF="105" MS="y">
Fair at <HI>Franckfort,</HI> to which place they made a progre&s;&s;e of State and plea&s;ure, being attended with the Marque&s;&s;e of <HI>Ormond,</HI> Lord <HI>Goring,</HI> Lord <HI>Newbur|rough,</HI> and Lady <HI>Stanhop,</HI> &amp;c. As they pa&s;&s;ed through every Princes Country, they were complemented by their Chief Officers of &s;tate, and &s;aluted by all the great Guns from all their Towers and Ca&s;tles, in an e&s;peciall manner. The Prince Elector of <HI>Ments</HI> &s;ent his grand Mar&s;hall, to invite them to his Court, whereupon the Lord <HI>Newburrough,</HI> was &s;ent back to de&s;ire to excu&s;e them at pre&s;ent, promi&s;ing to wait upon them at his return: being arrived at <HI>Franckfort</HI> and hearing that Queen <HI>Chri&s;tiana</HI> of <HI>Swedn</HI> was coming that was in her jour|ny to <HI>Italy;</HI> his &s;acred Maje&s;ty &s;ent one of his Lords to her, &s;ignifying his de&s;ire to wait upon her at what place her Ma|je&s;ty &s;hould be plea&s;ed to Nominate: the place appointed for this Interview was <HI>Colling&s;teen</HI> a Village near <HI>Frank|fort,</HI> where his Royall Maje&s;ty was re|ceived by her with much re&s;pect: he had Private conference with her about half an hour, then the Duke of <HI>Glocester,</HI> and then the Lords that attended his Maje|&s;ty
<PB N="204" REF="106" MS="y">
Lord <HI>Jermyn</HI> and other Engli&s;h Lords: Takes his Journey to <HI>Flaunders,</HI> where at that time our dread Soveraign did re|&s;ide, at the Kind invitation of <HI>Don John</HI> of <HI>Au&s;tria</HI> then Governour of the Low-Countries: let us now leave our King a little, and look a while into his domini|ons, where <HI>Cromwell</HI> notwith&s;tanding his ill &s;ucce&s;s in the la&s;t Parliament through his nece&s;&s;ities, is compelled to call another to meet at <HI>We&s;tmin&s;ter</HI> 17 <HI>September,</HI> where the Navy, Comman|ded by General <HI>Mountague</HI> lying to in|tercept the Spani&s;h plate, coming from the We&s;t Indies, obtained a great victo|ry over the <HI>Spaniard</HI> near <HI>Cadize,</HI> &s;ix hundred thou&s;and pieces of eight taken be&s;ides many &s;hips fired, and many o|ther rich prizes taken. This Parliament being met on the day appointed, peti|tion and advi&s;e <HI>Cromwell</HI> to take upon him the name and Title of King, which his tender con&s;cience could not &s;wallow becau&s;e he was affraid of &s;ome of his a&s;piring Officers; and now a de&s;perate attempt again&s;t the life of <HI>Oliver</HI> is found out, and one <HI>Miles Sindercomb</HI> is apprehended and pre&s;ently after tried and condemned to be hanged drawn
<PB N="205" REF="106" MS="y">
&s;ty. As they came from <HI>Frankfort</HI> the Elector of <HI>Mentz.</HI> renewed his civilities, provided all manner of Accommodati|ons for them as they pa&s;&s;ed thorow his Territories, meeting them him&s;elfe a great part of the way; he brought them to one of his Pallaces, where he enter|tained them after a &s;umptuous and &s;plendid manner, for two or three days, after which they returned to <HI>Collen,</HI> four <HI>Burgo</HI> Ma&s;ters being appointed to wait on them, and welcome them hom<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">. A|bout the beginning of <HI>November.</HI> 1656. A peace is concluded by <HI>Cromwell,</HI> with the French, the principall condition of this Treaty was the exclu&s;ion of our Royall Soveraign, with all his relations and adherents out of the King of <HI>France</HI> his Dominions. The thrice Noble, Heroick and truly Valiant Duke of <HI>Yorke,</HI> notwith&s;tanding his great Com|mand in the King of France his Army, which was Lievetenant Generall, is now advertized to depart the Kingdome, by a prefixed time; which act the <HI>French</HI> may perhaps hereafter have cau&s;e e|nough to rue which now being come, he takes his leave of the King and Court of <HI>France,</HI> being attended by the
<PB N="206" REF="107">
and quartered, but he on the day ap|pointed for his execution, &s;aves them that labour by making away him|&s;elf, by &s;nuffing up &s;ome poy&s;onous powder into his head; whereupon it was ordered that he &s;hould be dragged na|ked at a Hor&s;es heels, from the Tower to the &s;caffold on Tower hill, and there buried having an Iron &s;take thru&s;t into his belly, &amp;c.</P>
<P>In <HI>April</HI> 1657. &s;everal fifth Monarchy-men are apprehended, for having a de|&s;ign to &s;ubvert this grand Tyrant and his Government. Major General <HI>Har|rin&s;on, Law&s;on,</HI> and others are appre|hended, but nothing could po&s;itively be proved again&s;t them; Now, according to conditions of agreement betwixt <HI>England</HI> and <HI>France,</HI> the French King de&s;ires Auxiliary forces from <HI>England</HI> to help him in his Wars again&s;t the Spa|niard in <HI>Flanders,</HI> which was readily granted by <HI>Cromwel,</HI> 6000. Foot are ac|cordingly &s;ent over under the command of Col. <HI>Reynolds,</HI> who are no &s;ooner landed, but &s;uddenly they take the &s;trong Fort of <HI>Mardike.</HI> After <HI>Cromwel</HI> had given his final an&s;wer, that he could not accept of the Title of King, he was
<PB N="207" REF="107">
by the Parliament in&s;tated Lord Pro|tector in a mo&s;t &s;olemne manner, <HI>June</HI> 26. <HI>Cromwel</HI> having now, as he thought, &s;etled his Throne, bethinks him&s;elf of advancing his neare&s;t friends and relati|ons, to that end, he &s;ends for his elde&s;t Son <HI>Richard</HI> out of the Country, to en|ure him to a Court life, and that he might have &s;ome in&s;ight into State affairs, de&s;igning him for &s;ucce&s;&s;ion in the Protector&s;hip, which the Univer&s;ity of <HI>Oxford</HI> fore-&s;eeing &s;end their Pro|ctors, to elect him their Chancellor, in which honour he was &s;olemnly in&s;talled at <HI>Whitehall.</HI></P>
<P>His Second Son <HI>Henry</HI> he created Lord Lieutenant of <HI>Ireland,</HI> his two younge&s;t Daughters he matched, the elde&s;t to Mr. <HI>Robert Rich,</HI> Grand-child to the then Earl of <HI>Warwick;</HI> The younger to the Lord <HI>Faulconbridge,</HI> the Nuptials of them both was celebrated with much Splendor at <HI>Whitehal</HI> &amp; <HI>Hampton Court;</HI> &s;car&s;e was the mirth of the&s;e &s;olemnities over, but the Court is allarmed with the death of Gen. <HI>Blake,</HI> Vice-Admiral <HI>Badi|ley,</HI> and Lieutenant General <HI>Brain:</HI> pre|&s;ently after Col. <HI>Reynolds</HI> and his Com|pany were ca&s;t away by <HI>Goodwin Sands</HI>
<PB N="210" REF="108">
coming from <HI>Flanders.</HI> The Parliament (&s;o called) having adjourned them&s;elves from the 6<HI>th.</HI> of <HI>June</HI> untill the 20<HI>th</HI> of <HI>January</HI> following; and now tho&s;e other Members were admitted, who formerly were excluded. There is al&s;o another Hou&s;e of Parliament, &s;o called, cho&s;en by <HI>Cromwel,</HI> con&s;i&s;ting mo&s;t part of Officers of the Army, with &s;ome of the old No|bility, this latter being as it were a Hou&s;e of Peers. But this other Hou&s;e would not down with the Hou&s;e of Commons; whereupon in a great rage perceiving his right, as he &s;uppo&s;ed, to be infringed; notwith&s;tanding all di&s;wa&s;ions to the contrary, he leaving his Council ha&s;ts to the Parliament-Hou&s;e, &s;wearing by the Living God he would di&s;&s;olve them, which accordingly was done; about the latter end of the year dyed his Son in Law Mr. <HI>Robert Rich,</HI> and not long after his Grand-father the Earl of <HI>Warwick.</HI></P>
<P>And now about the 12<HI>th.</HI> of <HI>March</HI> a terrible plot is di&s;covered, the City of <HI>London</HI> was to be fired, and the Tower and Mows fiered, and all the Souldiers about the City &s;acrifized to the fury of the Royal intere&s;t; and therefore he pre&s;ently &s;ends for the Lord Major, Al|dermen,
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and common Council of the City of <HI>London,</HI> to warne them of the approaching danger, tells them how the Marque&s;s of <HI>Ormond</HI> had lately been in <HI>London</HI> for 3. weeks together, promot|ing the affairs of his Ma&s;ter, that our mo&s;t dread Soveraign lay ready with 8000. men, quartered on the Sea Coa&s;ts of <HI>Flanders,</HI> and 22. hyred Ships to tran|&s;port them, thereupon he recommended unto their care the &s;etling of the Mili|tia, upon the many per&s;ons were appre|hended, an high Court of Ju&s;tice, erected Dr. <HI>Hewet,</HI> Sir <HI>Henry Slingsby,</HI> and Mr. <HI>Mordant</HI> were brought to tryal; Sir <HI>Henry,</HI> and the Doctor were both con|demned to loo&s;e their heads on <HI>Tower-Hill,</HI> and 6. others of meaner &s;ort were adjudged to be hanged, drawn and quar|tered, <NOTE N="*" PLACE="marg">Whereof but three &s;uffered.</NOTE> great endeavours were u&s;ed, the Mini&s;ters of <HI>London</HI> Petition for the Doctors life, and many great per&s;ons, for the Knight, but all avail nothing, About the month of <HI>June</HI> 1658. arrived an ominous Whale in the River of <HI>Thames,</HI> which was taken at <HI>Greenwich,</HI> and found to be 58. foot in length, and every way proportionable.</P>
<P>In <HI>Flanders</HI> &s;ucce&s;&s;es came in with a
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full Garri<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters">: pre&s;ently after the taking of <HI>Mardike</HI> Fort, <HI>Dunkirk</HI> was &s;traitly be|&s;ieged by the joynt Forces: of the En|gli&s;h and French, and after a &s;harp battle the Marquis of <HI>Leda</HI> Governour of <HI>Dun|kirk</HI> being now more &s;treitly then ever environed both by Land and Seas, re|&s;olved upon a de&s;perate &s;ally, in which he was mortally wounded and &s;hortly after dyed, the Governours death wrought &s;o upon the be&s;ieged, that on the 25<HI>th.</HI> day of <HI>June Dunkirk</HI> was &s;ur|rendered into the hands of the French, and afterwards con&s;igned to the Engli&s;h.</P>
<P><HI>Augu&s;t</HI> 6. Dyed Mrs. <HI>Elizabeth Clay|poole,</HI> a Daughter to <HI>Oliver Cromwel;</HI> not long after her, dyed the Earl of <HI>Mulgrave</HI> one of the privy Coun&s;ellors to his Highnes, &s;o called, And now com|eth death it &s;elf to act his part on this our noble Tyrant, <HI>Cromwel</HI> him&s;elf mu&s;t al&s;o dye, who by force and fraud had from a mean beginning rai&s;ed him&s;elf to the arbitrary Government of the&s;e 3. Kingdomes.</P>
<P>And that which is very remarkable on the &s;ame day on which he had gain|ed two &s;uch &s;ignal victories again&s;t his Maje&s;ties forces <HI>viz.</HI> at <HI>Dunbar</HI> and
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<HI>Worce&s;ter,</HI> viz. <HI>September</HI> 3. the night that u&s;hered in the day of his death there aro&s;e &s;uch a horrible tempe&s;t, the like hath hardly been &s;een in our age, Trees both of a large and &s;maller &s;ize, are torn out of the earth by the roots. Having as he thought certainly &s;ecured the government of the&s;e three King|domes to him&s;elf being at the point of death, he nominates for his &s;ucce&s;&s;or his elde&s;t &s;on <HI>Richard,</HI> who the next day after his Fathers death, was in the pre&s;ence of old <HI>Olivers</HI> privy Councill, and the chief Officers of the Army Pro|claimed Lord Protector of <HI>England, Scot|land</HI> and <HI>Ireland,</HI> and had addre&s;&s;es unto him from mo&s;t parts of the 3. Na|tions, profe&s;&s;ing their zeal and affection to his government, which how little they availed him time hath &s;ince &s;uffici|ently &s;hewed us: And now after the Advancement of <HI>Richard</HI> to the &s;u|pream power and dignity of the&s;e Na|tions, Principall care is taken for the enterment of his Fathers Corps, with all the &s;olemnity and &s;tate accu&s;tomed at Kings and Princes Funeralls, and to this end &s;earch is made into old Records to &s;ee what was expended at the Funeral
<PB N="214" REF="110">
of King <HI>James</HI> of happy memory, that the &s;ame, nay much more co&s;t might be be&s;towed on this; his Corps being now enbalmed and wrapt in Lead, was con|veyed from <HI>Whitehal</HI> to <HI>Somer&s;et-Hou&s;e,</HI> there tolye in regal pompe and State, a Spectacle for all Commers: and now his Funeral pompe being ended, great pre|parations there are for the &s;ending out of naval &s;upplyes to the King of <HI>Sweden:</HI> But now want of moneys and other nece&s;&s;ities of State, enforce <HI>Ri|chard</HI> and his Councel to &s;ummon a Par|liament, which accordingly meet <HI>Jan.</HI> 27. This Parliament con&s;i&s;ted as the other in his Fathers time did, of two Hou&s;es, the Commons, and the other Hou&s;e, which now was called the Up|per-hou&s;e, and now the great thing un|der debate was the Recognition of the Government, and now the Protectori|ans and the Commonwealths-men, for &s;o the Hou&s;e was devided, &s;pend there time in large Speeches, till on a &s;udden; Behold, A Remarkable and an unex|pected change, which was occa&s;ioned through &s;ome ambitious Spirits of &s;ome in the Army, and particularly Ma|jor General <HI>Lambert,</HI> who thought to
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make him&s;elf Lord Protector of the 3 Nations, as his Ma&s;ter <HI>Cromwel</HI> had done before him, joynes with his &s;illy kindred <HI>Fleetwood, Di&s;borow</HI> and others, and partly out of fear enforce <HI>Richard</HI> to di&s;&s;olve the Parliament then &s;itting.</P>
<P>And &s;o &s;uffered him&s;elf to be deve&s;t|ed of that power and authority, which he was inve&s;ted in, returning to the con|dition of a private Per&s;on, was now ho|ne&s;t <HI>Dick</HI> again. And now all men were in a maze wondring into what hands the chief power would next be devolved, the generality of the people did now again according to their bounden duty, not only de&s;ire but endeavour, that his Sacred Maje&s;ty our mo&s;t dread Sove|raign might be introduced into his own Kingdoms; full well knowing there could be no &s;ettlement without his Royal per&s;on. But now the Members of the old Parliament and the Coun&s;el of Officers of the Army meet, and it was agreed that tho&s;e Members of the old Parliament who &s;at in 1653. and were interrupted by their late a&s;piring Gene|ral from &s;itting &s;hould be invited to their freedome and right of &s;itting, and the exerci&s;e of their tru&s;t by a Declaration
<PB N="216" REF="111">
pre&s;ented from the Army to the old Speaker <HI>William Lenthal,</HI> and &s;everal of the Members at the Rolls in Chancery|lane; This Juncto being thus Re-called from the grave of Ignominy and re|proach, for they were the very &s;corne of the people, Being the Men that Mur|thered our Royal Soveraign, and ba&s;ely en&s;laved the people for &s;o many years: on the 7. of <HI>May</HI> they began to &s;et again, and fir&s;t they appoint a Committee to attend <HI>Richard Cromwel,</HI> to know his mind concerning his acquie&s;cence in the pre&s;ent Government, they receive from him a writing to this effect, that he could freely acquie&s;ce in the pre&s;ent Govern|ment, that he held him&s;elf obliged as he expected from it, &s;o to demean him|&s;elf peaceably under it; Not long after they &s;end for his Brother <HI>Henry,</HI> who had ruled in <HI>Ireland</HI> under the title of Lord Lieutenant, who came over and &s;ubmitted to their good plea&s;ure. And now, the cunning Rump the better that they might &s;ecure them&s;elfs take into their own hands, the ab&s;olute command of the whole Army, con&s;<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">&s;tituting the Spea|ker General in the name of the Parlia|ment; appointing the &s;everal Officers
<PB N="217" REF="111">
to receive now Comi&s;&s;ions from them: and now the foundations of government being thus overturn'd there appeared a generall di&s;content throughout the whole Kingdome, in the end a Secret combination was laid for a generall ri&s;ing in all Counties.</P>
<P>Sir <HI>George Booth</HI> in <HI>Che&s;hire,</HI> and <HI>Mid|dleton</HI> in <HI>Shrop&s;hlre</HI> rai&s;ed a con&s;idera|ble Army in the defence of King and Parliament; Other Counties failing to come into their a&s;&s;i&s;tance, Sir <HI>George Booth</HI> and his party are totally routed by <HI>Lambert,</HI> him&s;elfe taken in a di&s;gui&s;ed <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">abit and was &s;ent Pri&s;oner to the <HI>Tower</HI> of <HI>London.</HI></P>
<P>This &s;ucce&s;&s;e revived his antient credit with the Army, and now he be|gins to plot their de&s;truction, who&s;e lately had taken him into favour, and that he might the better bring about his own ambitious de&s;ignes. 13 <HI>October,</HI> 1659. he forced them to a di&s;&s;olution, <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 word"> keeping their Speaker, and the re&s;t of their Members from the Hou&s;e.</P>
<P>Thus was tho&s;e once flouri&s;hing King|domes <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">urried into changes of Govern|ment and A<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">archi<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="4 letters"> confu&s;ions by mean per&s;ons who only &s;tudied to ad|vance
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their own ba&s;e ends and intere&s;ts. <HI>Fleetwood</HI> and <HI>Lambert</HI> and the re&s;t of the Officers of the Army have now the &s;ole authority of the Nations, and be|cau&s;e they have the longe&s;t Sword make their wil their Law, but a little to &s;atisfie the people that they might think them|&s;elvs not under the power of the &s;word, the&s;e Officers cho&s;e a certain number of choice per&s;ons fit for their own turn, to whom they give full authority over the people and Chri&s;ten them a Committee of Safety. This Goverment is the &s;corn and deri&s;ion of the whole Nation, and now though the Rump had hung its tail&punc; betwixt it's legs; for about 3. months. In <HI>December</HI> it began to wag it &amp; while the &s;afety of the Committee of Safety was marched into the North, under its Fa|ther <HI>Lambert,</HI> the churli&s;h Rump &s;tole into the Hou&s;e again by night, &s;even times a Devil wor&s;e then before, where now they ride triumphant, make wh<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="2 letters"> Laws they li&s;t, &s;end their J<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="4 letters">ary <GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 word"> coats into the City, take away the Ci|tizens money pretending it was gather|ed for the King, they fill the pri&s;ons a|bout <HI>London</HI> with tho&s;e per&s;ons that are for a full and a free Parliament&punc; But
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yet the eyes of all the good are fixed up|on our renowned Generall <HI>Monck,</HI> who is ordered to march up to <HI>London</HI> with what force he thinks fit, in the way he was courted with addre&s;&s;es from the Gentry in every County. Being come to <HI>Lond.</HI> he was received with much joy, &amp; now in&s;tead of being their <HI>Mo&s;es</HI> to deli|ver them from their Egyptian bondage, he was &s;u&s;pected to be wor&s;e then <HI>Phara|oh</HI> him&s;elf. On <HI>Thur&s;day Feb.</HI> 9. 1659. by Commandment from the Rump, he enters the City with his whole Army, impri&s;ons many of the Common Coun|&s;ell, Diggs up their po&s;ts, breaks down the Gates of the City and none dares open their mouth. This being done <HI>Saturday</HI> 11 of <HI>February</HI> 1659. a day ne|ver to be forgotten; The Noble Gene|rall enters the City with his Army refu|&s;ing to obey the Rumps Command, and &s;hortly after admitts the Secluded Members of the Hou&s;e of Commons which were kept out by the Army, 1648 Tho&s;e Gentlemen take their places, provide for the &s;afety of the Nation, and at la&s;t di&s;olve them&s;elves: I&s;&s;ue out Writs for a free and full Parliament to meet at <HI>We&s;tmin&s;ter Aprill</HI> 25. 1660,
<PB N="220" REF="113">
But to return to his Maje&s;tie in <HI>Flanders</HI> of who&s;e Itineracy life I have given you &s;ome &s;mall account already. <HI>May</HI> the fir&s;t, the Parliament con&s;i&s;ting of Lords and Commons in their Coachs a&s;&s;i&s;ted with divers Noblemen, Gentlemen Citizens, Souldiers, &amp;c. Proclaimed his Sacred Maje&s;ty King of <HI>England, Scot|land,</HI> and <HI>Ireland,</HI> Defendor of the Faith at <HI>We&s;tmini&s;ter</HI> and <HI>London</HI> in great pomp and &s;olemnity: this being done they &s;end Commi&s;&s;ioners to his Royal Maje&s;ty then at <HI>Breda,</HI> to acquaint his Maje&s;ty what his Parliament in <HI>E<GAP DESC="illegible" RESP="apex" EXTENT="1 letter">g,</HI> had done entreating his Maje&s;ty to make what ha&s;t conveniently he can to his Parlia|ment, the City of <HI>London</HI> al&s;o &s;end their Commi&s;&s;ioners to wait on his Maje&s;ty: The Mini&s;ters al&s;o of <HI>London</HI> &s;end their Deputies to congra|tulate him; his Maje&s;ty conferred the honour of Knight hood, on the Citizens with the Lord <HI>Gerrards</HI> Sword. The States General during his Maje&s;ties abode with them, entertained him with as great expre&s;&s;ions of joy as it he had been theirs, not <HI>Englands</HI> Soveraign, they had &s;everal times audience of his Maje&s;ty, who delivered them|&s;elves
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in French&punc; and his Maje&s;ty an&s;wer|ed them in the &s;ame language. The States of <HI>Holland</HI> &s;upped bare with his Maje&s;ty, where they &s;upped his Maje&s;ty &s;at at the upper end of the Table, the Queen of <HI>Bohemia</HI> on the right hand, the Prince&s;s Royal on the left, the Duke of <HI>York</HI> at the right hand of the &s;ide of the Table, the Duke of <HI>Gloce&s;ter</HI> at the left hand, and next him the Prince of <HI>Orange;</HI> one of the Cour&s;es was &s;erved up all in Gold, which was afterward pre&s;ented to his Maje&s;ty, valued at 60000. <HI>l.</HI> they al&s;o gave him a Bed which co&s;t 7000 <HI>l.</HI> and Table linnen to the value of 1000. and 600000. Guldens; the Illu&s;trious Duke of <HI>York,</HI> as high Admiral of <HI>England,</HI> gives order to the Fleet for his Maje&s;ties Reception and Tran&s;portation of his retinue; His Sacred Maje&s;ty, the Queen of <HI>Bohemia,</HI> the Prince&s;s Royal, the mo&s;t Illu&s;trious Duke of <HI>York,</HI> and Duke of <HI>Gloce&s;ter,</HI> and Prince of <HI>Orange</HI> went aboard, General <HI>Montague</HI> in the good &s;hip, formerly called the <HI>Na&s;eby,</HI> but now chri&s;tened by his Maje&s;ty the Royal <HI>Charles;</HI> Where after Re-pa&s;t the Queen of <HI>Bohemia,</HI> the Prince&s;s Royal, and the Prince of <HI>Orange,</HI> having taken leave of
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his Maje&s;ty, they &s;et &s;ail for <HI>England;</HI> the Duke of <HI>York</HI> in the <HI>Lond.</HI> the Duke of <HI>Gloce&s;ter</HI> in the <HI>James;</HI> Not long after they arrived at <HI>Dover,</HI> where he was re|ceived with great demon&s;trations of joy, the General &s;o &s;oon as ever he &s;aw his Maje&s;ty fell on his knees, but his Maje&s;ty taking him up and ki&s;&s;ing him and em|bracing him, all parties were well &s;atis|fied; His Maje&s;ty put on the George on his Excellency the Lord General <HI>Monck:</HI> the Duke of <HI>York</HI> and <HI>Gloce&s;ter</HI> put on his Garter, he al&s;o made him one of the Lords of his honourable Privy Councel, and Ma&s;ter of his Hor&s;e. On Tue&s;day <HI>May</HI> 29. 1660. being the &s;ame day of the week on which his Royal Father was murdered, and the &s;ame day of the month on which he was born, being ju&s;t 30. years age; the &s;ame day, it al&s;o plea|&s;ed God to bring him in peace to the enjoyment of his Crown and Dignities.</P>
<P>Never was any Prince received with more Triumphs, All the &s;treets being richly hanged with Tape&s;try, and a lane made by the Militia Forces to <HI>London Bridge;</HI> from <HI>London Bridge</HI> to <HI>Temple Bar</HI> by the Trained bands on the one &s;ide, and the &s;everal Companies in their
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Liveryes, and the &s;treamers of each Company on the other &s;ide in their Railes, from <HI>Temple Barr</HI> to <HI>We&s;tmin&s;ter</HI> by the Militia forces and Regiments of the Army. Thus was his Maje&s;ty con|ducted to his Royal Pallace at <HI>Whitehal,</HI> the &s;olemnity of the day was concluded with infinite of Bonfires, among the re&s;t a very co&s;tly one was made in <HI>We&s;tmin|&s;ter,</HI> where the Effiges of old <HI>Oliver Cromwel,</HI> that grand Traytor was &s;et upon a high po&s;t with the Arms of the Commonwealth, which having been ex|po&s;ed a while to publick view, with Torches lighted that every one might the better take notice of them, were at la&s;t burnt together; And thus having traced his mo&s;t Sacred Maje&s;ty, even from his lowe&s;t condition through all his &s;ufferings per&s;ecutions; We &s;hall now leave him, inve&s;ted with his Royal Crown and Dignity, and pray long may his Maje&s;ty live a &s;upport to his friends, a Terrour to his Enemies, an Honour to his Nation, an Example to Kings of Piety, Ju&s;tice, Prudence and Power, that this Prophetical &s;aying may be verifyed in his Maje&s;ty, King <HI>Charles</HI>
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the II. &s;hall be greater then ever was the greate&s;t of that Name.</P>
<Q>God &s;ave the King.</Q>
<TRAILER>FINIS.</TRAILER>
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</DIV1>
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</TEXT>
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